LIB  IR,  J^R  ^sr 

PRINCETON,  •&.  J. 

/*■ 

The  Stephen  Collins  Donation. 

No.    ('ose,      y<^> 

No.  SMfi  ^ 

Nb.  Book, 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

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CIVIL  WARS  AND  MONARCHY 

II  FRANCE, 

IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  AND  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURIES 

A  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE 

PRINCIPALLY    DURING   THAT   PERIOD. 


BY  LEOPOLDVItANKE, 

AUTHOR  OF    'A   HISTORY   OF   THE    TOPES   IX    THE    SIXTEENTH    AND   SEVKN- 
TEENTH   CENTURIES.' 


TRANSLATED    BY    M.  A.  GARVEY. 


NEW    YORK: 
HARPER    &.    BROTHERS,    PUBLISHERS, 

329    &    331     PEARL    STREET. 
FRANKLIN     SQUARE. 

1853. 


THE  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.' 


As  a  German  I  venture  to  say  a  word  upon  the 
History  of  France. 

Great  peoples  and  states  have  a  double  character — 
one  national,  and  the  other  belonging  to  the  destinies 
of  the  world.  Their  history,  in  a  similar  manner, 
presents  a  twofold  aspect.  So  far  as  it  forms  an  es- 
sential feature  in  the  development  of  humanity  gen- 
erally, or  records  a  pervailing  influence  exercised  upon 
that  development,  it  awakens  a  curiosity  which  ex- 
tends far  beyond  the  limits  of  nationality  ;  it  attracts 
the  attention  and  becomes  an  object  of  study  even  to 
those  who  are  not  natives  of  the  lands  whose  story 
is  narrated.  y 

Perhaps  the  difference  between  the  Greek  authors 
who  have  treated  on  the  history  of  ancient  Rome  in 
its  flourishing  period,  and  the  Romans  themselves, 
consists  in  the  fact  that  the  Greeks  have  regarded 
the  subject  as  it  affected  the  whole  world,  while  the 
Romans  have  looked  at  it  nationally.  The  object  is 
the  same:  the  writers  differ  in  the  positions  from 
which  they  view  it,  but  together  they  inform  pos- 
terity. 

Among  modern  nations  none  has  exercised  a  more 
A 


ii  PREFACE. 

manifold  and  enduring  influence  upon  others  than 
the  French.  It  is  not  wonderful  to  hear  men  say 
that  the  history  of  France — that  at  least  of  modern 
ages — is  the  history  of  Europe.  I  am  myself  very 
far  from  sharing  this  opinion.  France  has  by  no 
means  shut  herself  up  from  the  impulses  springing 
out  of  the  four  great  civilized  nations  of  Europe  hy 
which  she  is  surrounded.  From  Italy  she  has  receiv- 
ed literary  and  artistic  culture.  The  chief  founders 
of  her  monarchy  in  the  seventeenth  century  took 
Spain  for  their  model.  The  tendencies  to  religious 
reformation  were  derived  from  Germany ;  those  to 
political  regeneration  from  the  example  of  England. 

It  is,  however,  unquestionable  that  general  ferment- 
ations, at  least  throughout  the  Continent,  have  for 
a  long  period  taken  their  rise  principally  in  France. 
The  French  have  always  taken  the  liveliest  interest  in 
the  great  problem  of  the  State  and  the  Church,  and 
expounded  it  to  all  others  with  peculiar  power  of  ut- 
terance :  it  has  ever  been  their  manner  to  centralize 
the  free  efforts  of  intellect — to  give  to  a  theory,  once 
conceived,  a  practical  application.  But  the  realm  of 
opinion  is  not  the  only  one  in  which  they  have  sought 
to  rule.  Ambitious,  warlike,  and  incited  by  feelings 
of  national  pride,  they  have  kept  their  neighbors  in  a 
state  of  constant  excitement  and  armed  exercise,  for 
causes  springing  from  the  claims  of  their  system,  or 
even  without  them — now  assuming  an  attitude  defi- 
ant and  aggressive,  now  one  of  defense  against  actual 
or  imaginary  dangers;  sometimes  liberating  the  op- 
pressed, still  more  frequently  oppressing  the  free. 
Epochs  have  occasionally  arisen  in  which  the  national 
history  of  France  has,  through  the  importance  of  the 


PREFACE.  iü 

events  whose  occurrence  it  details,  and  the  extent  of 
their  operation,  acquired  in  itself  a  universal  character. 

Such  an  epoch  is  that  which  I  have  undertaken  to 
depict  in  the  following  pages. 

Characters  like  those  of  Francis  L,  Catherine  de' 
Medici  and  her  sons,  the  Admiral  Coligny,  the  two 
Guises,  the  great  Bourbon  Henry  IV.,  Mary  de' 
Medici,  Richelieu,  Mazarin,  and  Louis  XIV.,  belong 
as  well  to  universal  history  as  to  that  of  France.  All 
these  personages,  distinguished  whether  by  great  and 
good  qualities  or  by  the  opposite,  derive  their  distinct- 
ive character  from  their  connection  with  the  politico- 
religious  contest  which  extended  generally  over  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  This  contest 
did  not  arise  so  much  from  the  antagonism  of  the 
two  systems  of  doctrine,  for  within  the  boundaries  of 
France,  neither  on  the  one  side  nor  the  other,  was 
there  much  addition  made,  as  it  did  from  the  rela- 
tions in  which  those  who  struggled  for  ascendency 
stood  to  the  State  and  to  parties.  The  supreme  au- 
thority was  often  disputed,  and  nearly  overwhelmed, 
limited  less  by  law  than  by  insubordinate  threaten- 
ings,  until  at  length  by  inconceivable  efforts  it  secur- 
ed and  fortified  itself,  and  the  kingship  arose  from 
amidst  all  the  storms  which  assailed  it  in  a  fullness 
of  power  such  as  royalty  had  never  before  attained  in 
any  Romanized  German  nation.  The  phenomenon 
of  unlimited  monarchy  in  itself — the  desire  of  imita- 
tion it  excited — its  pretensions  and  enterprises — as 
well  as  the  resistance  it  called  forth,  made  France 
for  a  long  period  the  central  point  of  the  movements 
which  agitated  Europe  and  the  world. 

Much  has  been  written  upon  the  history  oi  this 


iv  PREFACE. 

epoch,  but  to  me  it  appears  that  the  appropriate  con- 
ception of  the  times  has  scarcely  been  attained.  The 
contemporary  writings  carry  in  their  vivid  coloring 
the  impress  of  the  moment  in  which  each  originated ; 
they  are  for  the  most  part  imbued  with  the  peculiar 
views  of  parties  or  of  private  individuals.  Of  the  tra- 
ditional history  which  has  been  formed  since  Meze- 
ray's  times,  and  the  manner  in  which  Sismondi  has 
extended  it,  learned  Frenchmen  have  long  since  re- 
marked how  insecure  the  foundation  is  upon  which  it 
is  based.  In  a  few  instances  this  traditionary  author- 
ity has  been  departed  from,  but  it  has  been  on  the 
whole  submitted  to. 

For  a  closer  examination  of  the  truth  of  facts,  the 
original  documentary  matter  published  in  France 
during  the  last  ten  years,  as  well  as  that  which  has 
appeared  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  Italy,  none  of 
which  has  ever  before  been  used,  I  have  found  of  the 
greatest  value.  I  have,  in  the  process  of  the  work, 
had  opportunities  of  drawing  my  information  from  a 
vast  number  of  unprinted  documents : — Italian  rela- 
tions from  the  Venetian  Embassadors  and  the  Papal 
Nuncios  at  Paris,  to  their  respective  courts,  extending 
over  the  whole  period ;  Spanish  and  English  corre- 
spondence relating  to  some  of  the  most  important 
years,  the  former  having  reference  to  the  sixteenth, 
the  latter  to  the  seventeenth  century ;  letters  and 
proclamations  of  French  kings  and  statesmen  ;  rolls  of 
the  Estates,  and  records  of  the  parliamentary  debates ; 
diplomatic  communications,  and  many  other  original 
sources  of  information,  much  of  which  deserves  to  be 
published  in  its  entire  extent.  These  documents 
have  given  me  valuable  information  at  all.  times,  and 


PREFACE.  v 

have  not  unfrequently  decided  my  historical  convic- 
tions. I  may  take  another  opportunity  of  giving  a 
detailed  account  of  them.  They  are  to  be  found,  not 
in  the  French  and  English  libraries  alone,  but  also  in 
the  archives  of  Italy,  Germany,  and  Belgium — for  all 
took  an  interest  in  that  which  affected  all. 

I  have  not  desired,  even  had  I  the  ability,  to  pro- 
duce a  history  arranged  according  to  the  models  of  the 
ancient  and  modern  masters  of  narrative  ;  for  such  a 
work  it  would  require  a  whole  life  devoted  to  the  un- 
interrupted study  of  the  archives  of  France  and  neigh- 
boring countries. 

It  will  be  sufficient  for  me  if,  unaffected  by  the  re- 
ciprocal complaints  of  the  contemporary  writer»  of  the 
age,  and  avoiding  the  frequently  limited  conceptions 
of  later  authors,  I  may  flatter  myself  with  having, 
through  authentic  and  credible  information,  succeeded 
in  placing  before  the  reader  the  great  and  true  feat- 
ures of  the  facts  accomplished. 

I  have  not  devoted  much  space  to  less  significant 
events ;  but  this  has  enabled  me  to  pay  the  greater 
attention  to  those  whose  importance  is  of  world-wide 
extent. 

Finally,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  internal  arrange- 
ment of  an  historical  work  should  accord  with  the 
object  of  the  author,  and  with  the  nature  of  the  prob- 
lem proposed  for  solution. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I. 
THE  EARLIER  EPOCHS  OF  FRENCH  HISTORY. 

CHAPTER  I. 
The  Elements  of  the  French  Nation 13 

CHAPTER  II. 
Origin  of  a  French  Kingdom 26 

CHAPTER  III. 
Epoch  of  the  English  Wars 44 

BOOK  II. 
POLITICS  AND  WAR  FROM  1450  TO  1550. 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Crown  and  the  Great  Vassals 67 

CHAPTER  V. 
Francis  the  First 89 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Henry  the  Second  and  his  External  Relations 118 


viii  CONTENTS. 

BOOK    III. 

APPEARANCE  OF  EFFORTS  FOR  ECCLESIASTICAL 
REFORM  IN  FRANCE. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Introduction. — First   Movements   of   Ecclesiastical   Inno- 
vation     131 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Glance  at  the  Reformation   in  Geneva 142 

CHAPTER  IX. 
The   Last  Years   of  Henry   the   Second. 156 

CHAPTER  X. 
Administration  of   Charles,   Cardinal  of  Lorraine 3  68 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Deliberations  of   the  Estates  and  Parliaments 188 

BOOK  IV. 
FIFTEEN  YEARS  OF  RELIGIOUS  CIVIL  WAR. 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Religious  Civil  War 205 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

I 

Commotions  op  1562  and  1563 208 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The    Universal  Religious   War    in  France   from   1567    to 
1570 222 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Dissensions    between  the   Queen  Mother    and  Coligny. — 
St.   Bartholomew's  Day 248 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Transition  of  the  Government  from  Charles  the  Ninth 
to  Henry  the  Third 279 


BOOK  V. 
HENRY  III.  AND  THE  LEAGUE. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
Introduction 305 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Henry  the  Third  and  his  Government  during  the  Peace  307 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
A  Glance  at  French  Literature 316 

CHAPTER  XX. 
Complication   of  the  Foreign  Relations 324 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
Origin  of  the   League »  .    333 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
The  Renewed  War  against  the  Huguenots 345 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
The   Barricades 357 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
The  Estates  of  Blois,   1583 374 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
Resolution  and  Catastrophe  of  Henry  the  Third 389 

BOOR  VI. 
HENRY  IV.  IN  CONTEST  WITH  THE  LEAGUE. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Elevation   of  Henry   the   Fourth 401 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
Campaign  of    1589  and   1590 416 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Preponderance   of    the   Spaniards    in  France. — Principles 
of  the  League  and  of  Spain 431 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Campaign  of   1591    and    1592. — Assembly    of  the  Estates 
of   1593 448 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
Religious  Change  of  Henry  the  Fourth 466 


BOOK  I. 

THE    EARLIER    EPOCHS    OF    FRENCH 
HISTORY. 


HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    ELEMENTS    OF    THE    FRENCH    NATION. 

There  are  many  kinds  of  war,  and  many  degrees  of  heroic 
renown,  but  the  highest  praise  is  due  to  those  who,  by  their 
victorious  arms,  have  opened  new  scenes  for  the  civilization 
of  mankind,  and  overcome  barbarism  in  some  important  por- 
tion of  the  world.  Under  this  point  of  view  Julius  Caesar 
has  earned  for  himself  one  of  the  greatest  of  names,  and,  as 
regards  the  West,  unquestionably  the  greatest  of  all.  It  is 
impossible  to  mention  any  wars  which  have  had  a  greater 
and  more  enduring  influence  upon  the  extension  and  consoli- 
dation of  the  general  civilization  of  the  world  than  his  cam- 
paigns in  transalpine  Gaul. 

It  may  appear  surprising  that  we  should  comprehend  the 
tribes  of  Iberian,  and  especially  of  Celtic  race,  which  held 
possession  of  that  territory,  under  the  designation  of  barba- 
rians. In  fact,  the  products  of  their  manual  skill,  which  have 
been  brought  to  light  out  of  their  tombs,  attest  their  acquaint- 
ance with  various  arts.  They  were  in  possession  of  municipal 
institutions  and  other  elements  of  society.  A  peculiar  system 
of  opinions  extended  over  their  social  state,  of  which  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  no  authentic  monument  gives  us  a  nearer 
view.  But  at  the  same  time  we  find  in  their  manners  traces 
of  a  savage — rather  than  merely  rude — condition,  which,  sus- 
tained by  a  religion  that  consecrated  human  sacrifices,  and 
by  an  hereditary  arrogance  which  despised  every  thing  in 
comparison  with  itself,  would  hardly  have  permitted  a  free 
participation  in  the  progress  of  the  human  race  to  arise  among 


14  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

them.  However  doubtful  this  may  seem  from  an.  ethno- 
graphical point  of  view,  it  is  not  so  historically.  The  ancient 
Celts  made  their  appearance  as  the  most  formidable  enemies 
of  the  civilized  nations  on  whose  confines  they  dwelt,  and 
whom  for  centuries  they  threatened  with  destruction.  Their 
sole  occupation  was  war,  which,  repelled  by  no  natural 
boundaries,  they  waged,  as  an  inborn  passion  for  adventure 
suggested,  in  vast  masses  and  with  irresistible  force.  They 
overflowed  upper  and  middle  Italy,  and  conquered  Rome. 
They  scattered  the  hitherto  invincible  phalanx  of  the  Mace- 
donians, and  carried  to  Tolosa  the  treasures  of  the  Delphic 
temple.  They  seized  the  ships  which  were  to  have  prevented 
them  from  crossing  over  into  Asia,  and  by  their  means  effect- 
ed the  passage,  and  for  a  time  the  ancient  Ilion  was  their 
stronghold.  It  became  a  vital  necessity  for  the  polished  na- 
tions of  the  ancient  world  to  free  themselves  from  these 
enemies. 

When,  after  long  and  severe  conflicts,  this  had  been  effected, 
Julius  Csesar  sought  them  out  in  their  own  homes,  and  sub- 
dued them  in  those  memorable  campaigns. 

By  these  means  not  only  were  the  two  great  peninsulas 
of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  adjacent  islands  and  coasts, 
upon  which  the  Greek  and  Roman  culture  unfolded  itself,  for 
a  long  period  at  least,  secured  against  all  danger  from  the 
interior  of  the  European  continent,  but  at  the  same  time  in 
the  very  midst  of  it  new  abodes  were  prepared  for  civilization. 
Tribes  of  an  inexhaustible  vital  energy,  brave  and  ingenious, 
were  drawn  within  its  circle  and  subjected  to  its  ideas.  After 
their  defeat  the  Gauls  begin  for  the  first  time  the  general 
cultivation  of  their  native  land,*  and  to  enjoy  the  advantages 
which  its  geographical  position  afforded  for  peaceful  occupa- 
tions. The  Romans  filled  the  country  with  those  great  works 
which  every  where  indicate  their  presence — amphitheatres, 
baths,  aqueducts,  and  military  roads,  which  last,  as  they 
traversed  the  land  in  various  directions,  were  the  chief  cause 
of  the  progress  of  the  Gauls,  for  they  brought  every  portion 
into  immediate  connection  with  the  principal  centres  of  Ro- 

*  Strabo,  iv.  1,  2 :  vvv  &i  avayKa^ovrat  ysupyeiv,  KaraQijiEvoi  ~u 
<5nvla. 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  NATION.  15 

man  influence.  Lyons  became  the  transalpine  Rome.  It 
were  to  be  wished  that  a  computation  could  be  made  of  the 
number  of  persons  of  Latin  or  Italian  extraction  who  settled 
in  Gaul :  the  first  centuries  were  characterized  by  a  colonizing 
and  civilizing  activity  which  produced  here  an  entirely  new 
world  ;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  native  inhabitants 
united  with  the  new  comers  with  joyful  alacrity.  From  the 
blending  of  the  tribes  and  races  which  had  hitherto  inhabited 
the  land  with  the  colonies  of  the  conquerors,  there  arose  a 
new  people — a  great  and  distinct  Romanic  nation.  In  the 
second  century  Gaul  was  the  most  populous,  and  in  the  fourth, 
one  of  the  most  civilized  of  the  Roman  provinces,  although  in 
the  interior  many  national  peculiarities  were  still  preserved. 
Wherever  the  peculiar  genius  of  the  native  races  came  in 
contact  with  some  branch  of  the  Latin  culture,  they  attained 
at  once  to  a  remarkable  degree  of  perfection.  For  a  long 
time  there  were  no  schools  more  frequented  than  those  in 
Gaul ;  Romans  themselves  learned  Latin  eloquence,  in  the 
acceptation  of  the  age,  on  the  banks  of  the  Garonne.  The 
most  important  operation  of  this  change  was  its  effect  upon 
the  religion  of  the  primitive  races.  It  has  been  remarked 
that  the  religion  of  the  Gallic  Druids  was  the  only  one  whose 
peculiarities  the  Romans  did  not  tolerate ;  wherever  altars 
are  found  on  which  the  Celtic  gods  are  represented,  together 
with  those  of  Greece  and  Rome,  they  appear  simply  as  idols, 
without  any  reference  to  nationality  or  polity ;  the  human 
sacrifices  had  to  disappear.  This  prohibition  can  not  be  re- 
garded, however,  as  a  mere  political  transaction.  The  Em- 
peror Claudius,  who  destroyed  the  Druidical  system,  was, 
without  knowing  it,  an  ally  of  the  universal  religion  of  hu- 
manity, which  even  then  was  beginning  to  appear  in  another 
place.  "When  Christianity  then  made  more  and  more  progress 
in  its  contest  with  the  various  systems  of  Pagan  idolatry,  the 
Romanized  Gauls,  among  others,  were  most  deeply  interested 
in  its  doctrines,  and  in  the  questions  to  which  it  gave  rise. 
They  accounted  it  an  honor  that  the  house  of  the  Roman 
emperors  which,  in  the  contest  between  the  various  religions, 
gave  the  decision  in  favor  of  Christianity,  had  its  chief  abode 
in  Gaul ;  it  was  there,  it  was  said,  that  Constantine  had 


16  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

placed  the  sign  of  the  Christian  faith  upon  the  Labarum. 
Some  time  elapsed,  however,  before  the  people  were  con- 
verted. It  was  not  till  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  century 
that  the  Pannonian  warrior,  St.  Martin,  appeared,  who,  ex- 
posing his  own  person,  destroyed  before  the  eyes  of  the  people 
the  objects  of  their  worship — the  conic  monuments  and  sacred 
trees  of  the  native  gods,  as  well  as  the  temples  and  statues 
of  the  Roman  deities — for  both  had  stood,  and  now  both  fell 
together — and  erected  Christian  churches  on  their  ruins.  He 
founded  the  great  Minster  at  Tours,  which  was  succeeded  by 
many  other  monkish  institutions,  both  in  the  interior  of  the 
land  and  on  the  neighboring  islands,  seminaries  alike  for  theo- 
logical studies  and  for  the  service  of  the  Church,  which  gave 
bishops  to  the  cities,  and  missionaries  to  the  rural  districts. 
Thus  complete  was  the  incorporation  of  the  Gauls  in  the 
system  of  the  Roman  Empire,  in  the  progress  and  decline  of 
its  civilization,  and  in  the  alteration  which  took  place  in  its 
religion.  The  external  changes  which  the  Empire  experi- 
enced must,  therefore,  of  necessity  have  affected  them  imme- 
diately, and  with  full  force. 

In  the  earlier  times,  if  ever  the  conquered  made  an  attempt 
at  insurrection,  they  were  reproved  by  being  informed  that 
the  supremacy  of  Rome  guaranteed  them  from  the  hostility 
of  neighboring  states,  and  prevented  a  universal  war  of  na- 
tions ;  but  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  centuries,  the  Empire  no 
longer  possessed  the  power  to  occupy  the  proud  position  of 
defender  of  the  obedient,  and  repeller  of  their  enemies.  The 
boundaries  of  the  province  ceased  to  extend  themselves  into 
the  territories  of  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  were  soon  after 
overstepped  by  them  in  turn.  The  expedient  of  taking  Ger- 
man troops  into  pay  for  the  defense  of  the  frontiers  brought 
but  a  momentary  respite.  They  were  of  necessity  impelled 
and  driven  forward  by  the  inundating  motions  of  a  still  semi- 
nomadic  world  behind  them,  and  at  the  same  time  being 
involved  in  the  disputes  of  the  Roman  governors,  they  took 
a  decided  and  hostile  direction  toward  the  interior  provinces  ; 
so  that  the  elements  which  had  been  at  first  repelled  with 
all  power,  now  pressed  forward  as  if  by  the  force  of  necessity, 
into  the  Gallo-Roman  territory. 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  NATION.  17 

In  Southern  Gaul,  the  troops  which  had  been  brought  in 
for  the  defense  of  the  land  settled  themselves  down  as  its 
lords  and  proprietors.  The  Burgundians  compelled  the  chiefs 
of  the  Roman  provincials  to  grant  them  possessions  in  the  Se- 
quanian  and  Lugdunian  districts,  and  it  is  believed  that  the 
remains  of  their  settlements,  in  the  mountain  regions,  may 
still  be  discerned,  the  plains  and  cities  have  remained  with 
their  ancient  possessors.  The  "West-Goths,  in  conflict  with 
the  highest  powers  of  the  State,  sought  to  obtain  settlements 
in  the  very  centre  of  the  empire,  and  then,  desisting  from  the 
attempt,  fixed  themselves  in  Aquitanian  Gaul.  The  con- 
fusion was  already  so  great,  that  even  the  regulations  which 
they  ordained  on  taking  forcible  possession  of  that  region, 
were  less  oppressive  to  the  native  inhabitants  than  the  bur- 
den of  tribute  which  they  had  been  compelled  to  bear  pre- 
viously. 

In  Northern  Gaul,  where  some  efforts  for  independence  had 
formerly  been  made,  there  was  raised  at  the  same  time,  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  fallen  Empire,  a  very  irregular  power,  in 
which,  if  we  do  not  err,  the  influence  of  German  ideas  is  dis- 
cernible. It  was  a  kind  of  Romano-Gallic  monarchy,  but  in- 
capable of  coping  with  the  aggressive  power  of  the  neighbor- 
ing Frankish  kings,  which  was  far  more  firmly  grounded  in 
the  hereditary  customs  and  ideas  of  their  subjects.  Clovis 
entirely  destroyed  it  in  one  pitched  battle,  and  made  himself 
master  of  its  territories.  Other  portions  of  the  intruding 
people  disappeared  again ;  and  we  see  the  Germans  who 
were  once  expelled  by  Caesar  from  the  Gallic  soil,  nearly  the 
only  strangers  who  remained  and  became  citizens  of  the 
country.  An  earlier  possession  would  have  been  of  less 
importance  to  the  history  of  the  world,  since  they  Avould 
have  united  with  barbarous  or  semi-barbarous  people  only ; 
now  it  was  of  eminent  consequence,  because  the  Gauls  had 
become  Romanized,  and  therefore,  by  a  union  with  them, 
the  Germans  entered  into  relations  with  the  civilized  world, 
which  could  not  again  be  interrupted. 

If  we  ask  what  it  was  that  subjected  the  conquests  to  a 
fixed  rule,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  popular  flood,  which  at 
one  time  pushed  on    gradually,  at  another  rushed   on  vio- 


18  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

lently  ;  the  answer  must  be,  first,  the  idea  of  the  Empire, 
which  was  acknowledged  by  the  Germans,  and  entered  into 
their  ideas;  and  secondly,  and  with  far  greater  force,  relig- 
ion in  the  ecclesiastic  form — for,  although  we  can  not  say 
with  certainty  in  what  manner  it  was  generally  effected, 
Christianity  had  now  taken  throughout  Gaul  the  form  of  a 
hierarchical  system. 

The  adoption  of  Christianity  by  Clovis  and  his  followers 
was  not  perhaps  an  event  proceeding  from  any  lofty  spir- 
itual impulse ;  but  it  was  one  of  incalculable  historical 
importance,  not  only  to  Gaul,  but  to  the  whole  world ; 
for  this  warlike  confederacy  immediately  spread  the  faith 
among  their  kindred  races,  the  Franks  and  other  German 
tribes,  up  to  the  Rhine,  and  even  beyond  that  river,  and 
thus  put  an  end  to  the  ancient  enmity  of  the  German  peo- 
ple against  the  Romans  and  the  Gauls.  Had  not  this  oc- 
curred, a  complete  Germanizing  of  the  people,  such  as  took 
place  in  the  valley  of  the  Rhine,  the  Netherlands,  and  Brit- 
ain, could  not  have^  been  prevented  on  the  banks  of  the 
Marne  and  Seine.  Religion,  as  its  mission  is,  smoothed 
down  the  most  stubborn  national  contrarieties.  The  Franks 
could  no  longer  wish  to  destroy  the  places  where  they  wor- 
shiped ;  on  the  contrary,  they  united  with  their  teachers, 
and  gave  themselves  up  with  vigorous  zeal  to  the  form  of 
faith  and  worship  which  these  had  communicated  to  them. 
The  strife  between  the  Catholic  and  Arian  creeds  was  not 
yet  terminated.  The  latter,  to  which  the  West-Goths  and 
Burgundians  adhered,  obtained  an  accession  of  power  in  Gaul, 
through  the  immigration  of  these  peoples,  to  the  deep  dis- 
satisfaction of  the  orthodox  bishops.  But  they  found  assist- 
ance among  the  Franks,  with  whom  maSny  of  them  had  long 
stood  in  close  alliance.  St.  Remigius,  who  received  Clovis 
and  his  people  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church  at  Rheims  was 
renowned,  not  only  as  a  destroyer  of  idols,  but  also  as  a  suc- 
cessful antagonist  of  the  Arians.  The  ambition  of  the  Frank- 
ish  military  monarch,  and  the  religious  zeal  of  the  Romish 
bishops,  entered  into  the  closest  union.  Supported  by  the 
population  of  the  land,  Clovis  and  his  sons  overturned,  through- 
out Gaul,  the  power  of  the  German  kings,  who  were  Arians, 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  NATION.  19 

and  obtained  the  mastery  in  all  the  provinces,  as  they  also 
extended  their  dominion  far  toward  the  interior  of  Germany. 
They  accomplished  what  the  Roman  Empire  had  no  longer 
power  to  effect ;  they  averted  from  Gaul  the  pressure  of  the 
colonizing  Germans,  and  suppressed  the  varying  sects  in  the 
interior  ;  the  conquerors  protected  the  Romanized  nationality, 
and  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  church  ;  and  when  the  Roman 
Empire  failed  in  force  of  arms,  the  common  ruin  was  prevent- 
ed by  the  converted  barbarians. 

Many  of  the  yellow-haired  kings  appeared,  as  it  were,  and 
voluntarily  did  so,  as  priests  of  God.  They  bestowed  large 
treasures  upon  the  Church,  for  the  manifest  purpose  of  increas- 
ing the  pomp  of  its  external  ceremonies  ;  but  at  the  same 
time  their  generosity  had  reference  to  the  conquered  people. 
The  chroniclers  of  the  age  record  that  one  of  the  chief  motives 
to  the  endowment  of  the  Church  was  that  it  might  have  the 
means  of  being  liberal  to  the  poor,  so  that  those  who  possessed 
nothing  might  not  be  left  altogether  without  a  resource.  The 
decree  of  the  Council  of  Orleans  is  well  known — according  to 
which  a  portion  of  the  income  arising  from  the  lands  bestow- 
ed by  the  king  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  support  of  the  poor, 
and  to  the  redemption  of  captives.  The  Church  brought  the 
very  lowest  class,  which  had  been  hitherto  totally  neglected, 
with  its  necessities,  into  relation  with  the  conqueror. 

A  deliberate  and  systematic  destruction  of  the  Roman  sys- 
tem no  longer  lay  within  the  range  of  possibility.  Roman- 
ized persons  were  in  the  immediate  service  of  the  kings,  and 
appear  to  have  been  throughout  the  most  distinguished  and 
wealthy  proprietors  of  the  soil.  The  Frankish  kings,  like  the 
Roman  emperors,  claimed  obedience  and  duty  from  their  sub- 
jects. They  preserved  the  old  finance  system  as  nearly  as  pos- 
sible in  its  integrity  :  the  ancient  tribute  was  levied  on  landed 
property  as  well  as  the  person,  which  includes  a  continuance  of 
the  former  state  of  things  in  general.  We  even  hear  that  the 
games  of  the  Circus  were  revived  under  the  Merovingian  kings. 
The  Roman  royal  prerogative  was  brought  into  operation, 
and  men  might  have  believed  that  they  still  lived  under  the 
old  empire.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  however,  an  unex- 
ampled change  had  taken  place,  not  only  in  the  material 


20  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

condition,  but  in  the  very  thoughts  of  men  :  its  extent  may  be 
conceived  from  the  fact  (if  great  changes  can  be  described  in 
few  words)  that  the  supreme  power  was  regarded  as  a  personal 
possession,  which  might  be  transferred  and  divided  by  gift  or 
inheritance.  The  old  kings  insisted  upon  an  unconditional 
hereditary  right ;  and,  in  ordinary  cases,  we  hear  nothing  of 
an  election,  nor  of  any  part  taken  either  by  the  populace  or 
the  aristocracy  in  the  elevation  of  the  monarch  to  the  throne. 
The  great  officers  of  the  state,  both  Romanic  and  German, 
swore  fealty  to  the  person  of  the  king,  and  he  rewarded  them 
with  fiefs  from  the  lands  of  the  Crown.  The  government 
was  intimately  connected  with  the  palace,  and  the  major- 
domo  of  the  royal  house  was  also  the  chief  officer  of  the  king- 
dom ;  but  since  that  office  and  the  emoluments  connected  with 
it  were  also  in  their  turn  regarded  as  personal  and  irrevocable 
possessions,  the  whole  system  had  a  tendency  to  individual 
independency  and  arbitrary  power.  We  soon  hear  the  kings 
complaining  :  some  that  all  their  honors  had  passed  over  to 
the  bishops  of  the  cities;  others,  that  the  temporal  princes 
had  deprived  them  of  both  property  and  power.  They  saw 
themselves  surrounded  by  independent  nobles,  who  claimed,  as 
a  reward  for  the  share  they  might  have  taken  in  the  erection 
of  the  new  kingdom,  a  participation  in  the  enjoyment  of  power. 
The  principle  of  personal  power,  when  once  it  had  been  trans- 
ferred to  others,  rebelled  against  the  prince,  who  regarded  it 
as  his  own  peculiar  property.  It  seemed  almost  as  if  the  old 
Gallic  spirit  of  clientship  under  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes,  and  of 
subjection  to  the  priesthood — which  had  vanished  before  the 
dominion  of  the  Romans — were  now  again  emerging  from 
the  deep,  and  renewing  itself  in  this  power  of  the  bishops  and 
of  the  great  nobles  ;  even  the  native  peculiarities  began  to 
make  their  appearance  once  more. 

At  all  events  Gaul,  under  the  successors  of  Clovis,  attained 
a  far  greater  variety  of  social  life  than  it  had  exhibited  under 
the  Romans.  Power  was  every  where  free,  and  developed 
itself  in  distinct  forms  by  means  of  the  division  of  princi- 
palities, which  were  held  together,  and  at  the  same  time  kept 
separate,  by  the  dynasty.  This  however  had  the  effect  of 
enfeebling  that  social  union  and  subordination  without  which 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  NATION.  21 

the  idea  of  a  state  is  inconceivable.  The  violent  attempts 
made  from  time  to  time  by  the  kings  to  enforce  their  authority 
only  served  to  display  their  weakness,  and  it  soon  became 
doubtful  whether  the  Frankish  kingdom  would  be  able  to 
maintain  itself;  for  there  were  other  powers,  of  a  totally  dif- 
ferent character,  better  knit  together,  or  depending  upon  the 
more  free  exercise  of  masculine  bravery — powers  which  re- 
garded the  world  as  an  open  arena  for  the  conquest  of  domin- 
ion. 

Bursting  forth  from  the  wildernesses  of  Arabia,  the  might  of 
the  successors  of  Mohammed  rolled  on  with  resistless  arms  ; 
subdued  the  Romano-Greek  territories,  Syria,  Egypt,  and 
Africa  ;  overthrew  in  its  rapid  course  the  advanced  Germanic 
kingdom  in  Spain,  and  already,  in  alliance  with  the  natives, 
had  obtained  a  footing  on  the  hither  side  of  the  Pyrenees.  How 
could  it  be  expected  that  the  Merovingians,  whose  power  of 
action  was  dead,  and  whose  authority  was  paralyzed  by  in- 
testine divisions,  would  be  able  to  withstand  the  threatening 
storm  ?  It  appeared  indeed  as  if  what  had  happened  in  Spain 
was  about  to  take  place  in  Gaul  also. 

It  is  the  merit  of  the  house,  afterward  called  the  Carlovin- 
gian,  that  at  the  head  of  their  warlike  Austrasian  followers 
they  met  and  withstood  the  irruption,  and  saved  the  Christian 
Frankish  nation  from  the  utter  destruction  that  seemed  to 
hang  over  it.  Every  power  that  will  rise  must  be  grounded 
upon  some  great  service  ;  for  every  great  service  secures  au- 
thority and  power.  It  was  to  this  defense  of  Gaul  against 
the  Arabians  that  the  Carlovingians  were  indebted  for  their 
elevation  to  the  royal  dignity.  The  race  of  weaklings  van- 
ished before  a  succession  of  great  men. 

The  Carlovingians  were  also  in  alliance  with  the  Church  ; 
not  however  with  the  Gallic  branch,  which  was  then  chiefly 
intent  upon  increasing  its  possessions,  and  obtaining  an  inde- 
pendent position,  and  upon  which  they  imposed  the  severest 
duties  of  obedience,  but  with  the  general  Church  of  the  West, 
which  had  just  separated  from  that  of  the  East,  and  which 
had  a  thorough  conception  of  the  danger  with  which  Islam 
threatened  the  Christian  name.  In  that  respect,  as  in  its 
strife  with  the  Eastern  Church,  it  needed  the  assistance  of  this 


22  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

powerful  race,  and  was  not  ungrateful  for  it.  The  power 
of  the  Carlovingians  depended  not  alone  upon  its  victorious 
arms,  but  also  upon  the  sanction  of  the  Church. 

In  this  struggle  Frankish  Gaul  received  a  fresh  accession 
of  German  energy  through  the  armies  which  chiefly  fought 
her  battles,  and  which,  being  afterward  retained  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  country  against  the  foe,  and  for  the  preservation 
of  order,  finally  settled  down  here.  The  nation  thus  attained  a 
greater  and  stronger  form.  The  union  with  Germany  gave 
it  a  warlike,  that  with  Italy  an  intellectual  and  philosophi- 
cal impulse.  Every  one  felt  conscious,  whether  willingly  or 
unwillingly,  that  he  belonged  to  an  all-embracing  religious 
and  political  whole — the  established  Empire — and  was  bound 
to  it  in  his  whole  personality.  As  in  former  times,  war  was 
again  the  sole  occupation  ;  but  it  no  longer  depended  upon 
the  irregular  impulses  of  the  people  or  their  leaders,  and  did 
not  threaten  civilization  :  the  idea  of  war  was  penetrated  with 
that  of  the  defense  of  religion,  and  of  the  extension  of  a  great 
monarchy,  upon  which  was  grounded  an  organization  which 
was  all-pervading,  and  which  required  unconditional  obedi- 
ence. 

Meanwhile,  however  well-constructed  the  empire  of  the 
Carlovingians  may  appear,  it  wanted  the  very  key-stone  of 
its  constitution.  The  question  concerning  the  continuance  of 
the  supreme  power  in  the  ruling  house  was  not  yet  determined. 
Powerful  also  as  the  monarchy  might  be,  its  power  was  not 
equal  to  its  pretensions.  On  the  firm  land  it  had  subdued 
every  foe,  and  within  its  well-fortified  frontiers  it  had  scarcely 
any  thing  to  fear,  but  it  was  deficient  in  that  which  consti- 
tutes the  half  of  all  national  strength — the  marine  power. 

It  appears  sometimes  as  if  whole  generations  were  smitten 
with  blindness,  for  while  they  are  contending  among  them- 
selves, they  are  preparing  the  way  for  the  common  enemy. 
While  the  successors  of  Charlemagne  were  at  discord  about 
the  inheritance  of  the  monarchy,  the  peoples  became  again 
disunited  ;  the  powerful  militia  which  had  been  called  out 
for  the  defense  of  the  country  dissolved  away ;  the  great  and 
influential  men  of  the  kingdom  took  different  sides,  and  a 
struggle  commenced  which  engrossed  all  their  attention  and 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE   FRENCH  NATION.  23 

all  their  power.  Meanwhile,  the  sea-ruling  Germans  of  the 
north,  among  whom  heathenism,  expelled  from  the  rest  of 
Europe,  had  once  more  concentrated  its  entire  energy,  spread 
themselves  ever  all  the  maritime  territories  of  the  kingdom 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe  to  the  mouth  of  the  Garonne. 

The  peculiar  geographical  advantages  which  the  western 
provinces  possess  over  the  eastern,  the  French  over  the  Ger- 
man, consists  in  the  diversified  course  of  their  rivers,  which 
bring  the  land  into  connection  with  the  sea  in  various  direc- 
tions ;  but  from  this  very  circumstance  now  arose  their  great- 
est danger.  The  Northmen  seized  the  mouths  and  islands  of 
the  rivers,  and  the  adjacent  shores.  The  Somme  conducted 
them  to  Amiens,  the  Seine  to  Paris,  the  Loire  up  to  Tours 
and  Amboise,  and  the  Garonne  up  to  Toulouse.  The  land 
between  the  rivers  was  laid  waste  far  and  wide,  and  here 
and  there  the  inhabitants  apostatized  from  Christianity,  and 
associated  themselves  with  the  invaders. 

The  Carlovingians  were  not  in  a  position  to  check  this  evil. 
The  German  territories  on  which  their  power  rested  were 
scarcely  in  a  state  to  defend  themselves  from  similar  attacks, 
and  possessed  neither  the  power  nor  the  organization  which 
would  have  enabled  them  to  lend  assistance  to  distant  allies. 
The  supreme  power  was  again  united  in  one  hand,  but  that 
was  the  most  incapable.  It  may  be  regarded  as  the  last  act 
of  the  undisputed  dominion  of  the  Carlovingians,  that  Charles, 
surnamed  the  Gross,  when  with  a  great  body  of  both 
tongues — the  Latin  and  the  German — he  had  encountered 
the  united  Northmen  before  Paris,  did  not  venture  to  give 
them  battle  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  ceded  to  them  for  the  winter 
a  portion  of  territory  lying  higher  and  more  remote  in  the 
kingdom,  and  in  addition  pledged  himself  to  pay  them  a  con- 
siderable sum  in  money.  *  At  last,  it  appeared  inevitable  that 
the  Northmen  must  be  received  into  the  kingdom,  or  rather 
that  the  settlements  they  had  made  there  by  force  must  be 
acknowledged  :  this  was  done  under  the  stipulation — as  it  is 

*  Abbo  De  Bellis  Paris,  i.  2.  338  :  clearer  than  the  annalists,  "  an- 
nuiturque  feris  licitum  Senones  adeundi,"  etc.  ;  which  agrees  with  the 
'  Annales  Sancti  Columbse  Senonensis,'  in  the  year  886,  "  2  kal.  Dec. 
ascenderunt  Nortmanni  Sennis  a  Parisiis,"  etc. 


24  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

called  in  an  ancient  treaty — that  they  should  now  defend  the 
realm.  Soon  after  this  they  became  Christians,  and  exceeded 
all  others  in  zeal ;  and  upon  this  conversion,  rather  than  upon 
the  promise  they  had  given,  depended  that  protection  which 
they  lent  the  kingdom  against  any  further  attacks  from  the 
heathen  sea-kings. 

How  powerful  and  decisive  for  the  progress  of  the  world 
appears  the  idea  of  religion  in  this  event  also  !  The  collect- 
ive development  of  the  West  depended  upon  the  fact  that  Gaul 
did  not  also  fall  under  the  dominion  of  the  Saracens,  whose 
yoke  the  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  bear  for  so  many  cen- 
turies. But  those  enemies  whom  the  Gauls  would  never  have 
been  able  to  drive  back  by  force  were  won  by  conversion,  and 
entered  the  communion  of  the  Church,  which  made  necessary 
at  least  a  conditional  support  of  the  State  ;  and  their  influ- 
ence diffused  with  the  faith  also  the  need  of  peace  among 
their  distant  kindred  tribes.  What  seas  and  frontier  forts 
could  not  effect,  religion  accomplished  ;  a  dominion  of  secu- 
rity. As  far  as  can  be  discerned  by  the  eye  which  surveys 
the  history  of  the  world,  nothing  is  to  be  perceived  which, 
opposed  to  the  existing  fundamental  condition  of  Gaul,  could 
have  done  it  injury. 

It  is  remarkable  how  many  different  popular  elements  met 
together  in  Gaul,  in  consequence  of  these  events.  The  basis 
of  the  population  throughout  the  land  was  still  the  Romanic 
race,  nearly  related  in  speech,  traditions,  and  peculiar  institu- 
tions, with  the  Italian  and  the  Spanish,  which  still  preserved 
itself  under  foreign  domination  ;  next  to  them  appear  the 
relics  of  the  ancient  Celtic  race  in  Brittany,  which,  being 
strengthened  by  immigrations  from  Britain,  took  pleasure  in 
mocking  at  every  thing  like  law  and  subjection  ;  of  the  Iberian, 
in  the  Basques,  whose  subjection  was  always  doubtful,  and 
from  time  to  time  was  interrupted  by  violent  outbreaks  of 
hostility.  The  German  settlers,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
heartily  embraced  the  ideas  of  Church  and  State.  Their 
descent  might  still  for  the  most  part  be  discerned.  The  Goths 
themselves  renewed  their  race  and  name  on  the  borders  of 
the  Spanish  frontier.  The  Frankish  and  Romanic  elements 
most  thoroughly  interpenetrated  each  other  on  the  Middle 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  NATION.  25 

Seine,  where  the  Merovingian  kings  had  had  their  favorite 
residence,  and  where  a  powerful  dukedom  now  arose,  called 
France,  comprehending  the  territory  round  Paris.  The  Lat- 
inized Franks  separated  themselves  but  slowly  from  the 
Germans,  with  whom  they  harmonized  in  customs,  manner 
of  thinking,  and  the  principles  of  political  order.  Finally, 
the  Northmen  had  appeared,  and  brought  the  French  coasts 
into  connection  with  the  distant  North. 

The  aboriginal  population  of  "Western  Europe,  the  Romanic 
world,  which  still  held  possession  of  so  large  a  portion  of  it, 
and  the  Germanic  race,  which  has  obtained  the  dominion  of 
the  world  by  land  and  sea,  met  together  on  this  soil  and  within 
its  boundaries. 

The  history  of  the  formation  of  peoples  has  something  in  it 
of  the  history  of  the  earth — it  bears,  one  may  say,  a  geologic 
character — the  formations  of  the  different  epochs  may  be  dis- 
tinguished ;  but  in  the  history  of  men  and  of  peoples  there  is 
nothing  inanimate  :  all  that  are  included  within  common 
limits  operate  ceaselessly  upon  one  another,  striving  continu- 
ally after  an  organic  union  in  an  entirety.  The  attention  of 
history  is  now  called  to  the  manner  in  which  these  men, 
descended  from  such  various  races,  dwelt  together,  and  united 
with  one  another. 

B 


CHAPTER  II. 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM. 


As  yet  Gaul  had  never  constituted  a  distinct  political  whole. 
The  ancient  population  of  the  country  belonged  to  several 
races,  and  the  tribes  from  which  it  had  been  collected  together 
stood  in  doubtful  association  with  one  another.  The  Romans 
united  them  all,  but  it  was  by  making  them  a  province  of 
that  universal  Empire  which  stretched  alike  over  the  East 
and  the  West.  When  the  Merovingian  royalty  arose  in  the 
Gallic  territory,  it  was  unable  to  effect  a  permanent  union ; 
it  embraced  besides  a  large  portion  of  Germany,  whence  it 
had  originally  proceeded.  It  was  upon  this  German  portion 
that  the  Carlovingian  monarchy  was  principally  grounded  ; 
but  its  tendency  was  far  more  comprehensive — it  contained 
in  itself  the  idea  of  the  renovation  of  the  Roman  Empire  in 
the  West. 

In  the  ninth  century  it  was  clearly  seen  that  this  kingdom 
would  hardly  be  able  to  preserve  its  unity.  If  the  victories 
over  the  Saracens  had  been  one  of  the  most  important  founda- 
tions of  the  Carlovingian  power,  it  must  now  have  been  deeply 
shaken  by  the  circumstance  of  its  incapacity  to  lend  any  aid 
against  the  Northmen.  Still  this  was  not  followed  by  the 
origination  of  another  political  power  extending  over  Gaul; 
the  diversified  composition  of  the  different  provinces  rather 
tended  to  raise  up  so  many  independent  dominions. 

The  origin  of  a  new  organization  embracing  the  whole  land 
may  be  dated  from  the  moment  when,  under  the  influence  of 
the  ancient  German  hereditary  right,  the  idea  of  a  separate 
West-Frankish  kingdom  by  the  side  of  the  Empire,  which  was 
afterward  gradually  realized,  began  to  be  entertained.  The 
frontiers  had  long  been  determined,  which  separated  it  from 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  27 

the  East  Franco-Germanic  monarchy,  to  which  hoth  Lorraine 
and  the  Empire  then  belonged.  Powerful  also  as  the  dukes 
and  great  feudatories  who  were  masters  of  the  provinces 
might  have  been,  such  a  monarchy  was  indispensable  to  their 
existence,  for  it  united  finally  in  itself  all  the  legal  authority 
which  had  passed  from  the  Romans  to  the  Merovingians,  and 
from  these  to  the  Carlovingians.  Each  single  vassal  derived 
his  power  from  the  monarchy  by  concession  or  by  recognition. 
They  needed  a  king,  or  else  each  of  them  must  have  declared 
himself  king  and  even  emperor. 

Just  at  the  very  time  when  the  warlike  power  of  the  Carl- 
ovingians showed  itself  so  feeble  against  the  Northmen,  and 
when  all  other  countries  more  or  less  openly  and  unreservedly 
withdrew  themselves  from  it,  a  few  West-Frankish  nobles, 
laymen,  but  chiefly  clergy,  who  thought  they  could  by  their 
consecration  supply  the  defect  of  birth,  made  an  attempt  to 
elevate  a  native  race  to  the  place  of  the  Carlovingians.  It 
was  a  race  which,  it  appears,  had  not  long  since  immi- 
grated from  Germany,*  and,  through  an  alliance  with  the 
royal  house,  as  well  as  by  valiant  deeds  and  great  possessions, 
raised  itself  to  a  position  of  predominant  authority.  It  can 
not  be  said  that  it  could  boast  of  heroes  like  Charles  Martel, 
King  Pepin,  or  Charlemagne,  upon  whose  conduct  depended 
the  destiny  of  the  world  ;  but  it  produced  highly  endowed 
and  great-minded  men,  who  in  the  confusion  of  a  ruinous  war 
preserved  lands,  and  cities,  and  churches  from  destruction. 
The  ancestor  of  this  race  in  France  was  Robert  of  Anjou, 
surnamed  the  Brave,  who  distinguished  himself  against  the 
Northmen  in  the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century.  A  monk- 
ish chronicler,  who  knew  no  more  exalted  illustration,  com- 
pares him  to  Judas  Maccabseus  for  his  deeds  in  defense  of  his 
faith   and  of  his  countiy.     His  death,  which  happened  in 

*  The  genealogical  combination  by  which  the  male  line  of  this  race 
is  united  with  the  Carlovingians  can  not  be  maintained.  If  the  elder 
genealogies  rejected  the  Saxon  origin,  it  happened  chiefly  because  they 
found  it  first  in  Aimoinus,  and  that  for  the  name  of  Wittekind  they 
found  no  other  authority  than  that  of  the  author  of  the  "  Chronicon 
Uspergense"  (compare  Le  Gendre,  '  Des  Antiquites  de  la  Maison  de 
France,'  p.  49).  This  objection  is  now,  however,  removed,  for  we  find 
the  same  legend  authenticated  by  Richer,  an  author  of  the  tenth  century. 


28  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

battle,  while  fighting  gallantly,  was  regarded  as  a  token  of 
Divine  wrath  against  the  land.  At  the  defense  of  Paris  his 
son  Odo  earned  the  highest  praise  ;  he  was  especially  renown- 
ed for  the  animating  influence  his  presence  exercised  upon 
the  exhausted  warriors — that  fortunate  gift  of  personal  supe- 
riority by  which  he  could  calm  the  alarm  of  his  followers. 
He  knew  the  right  moment  at  which  to  gather  them  all 
around  him,  and  thus  often  with  thousands  defeated  tens  of 
thousands.  This  Odo,  the  West-Franks,  who  were  destitute 
of  a  leader  at  a  time  of  imminent  danger,  elected  for  their 
king. 

But  ancient  dynasties  are  not  so  easily  overturned,  and 
new  ones  founded,  in  Europe — not  even  in  those  violent 
times ;  Odo  was  not  able  to  unite  the  forces  of  the  whole 
country,  nor  to  master  the  enemy,  however  frequently  and 
bravely  he  fought  with  them.  After  him  the  Carlovingians 
were  once  more  acknowledged. 

A  period  then  followed,  during  which  these  Kobertinians, 
as  they  may  be  called,  remained  in  possession  of  the  dukedom 
of  France  and  other  territories,  sometimes  waging  war  against 
the  descendants  of  Charlemagne,  sometimes  favoring  and  sup- 
porting them,  but  they  were  always  powerful.  There  were 
now  in  fact  two  rival  powers  in  France.  The  nephew  of  Odo, 
son  of  a  Robert,  who  had  also  worn  the  crown — Hugh  the 
Great,  by  the  grace  of  God,  Duke  of  the  Franks,  as  he  styled 
himself,  but  who  was  designated  by  others  as  Duke  of  the 
United  Gauls,  or  simply  as  The  Duke — was  only  restrained 
by  a  peculiar  religious  awe  from  setting  the  crown  upon  his 
own  head.  But  of  his  son  Hugh,  surnamed  Capet,  already 
might  the  eventful  sentence  have  been  repeated — he  was 
king  in  fact,  while  the  Carlovingian  king  Lothaire  had  only 
the  name. 

I  would  not,  however,  assert  that  the  Carlovingians  were  in 
the  same  condition  that  the  Merovingians  had  been.  The 
Carlovingians  had  not,  rfke  these,  delivered  over  their  whole 
power  to  a  new  authority  which  took  their  place ;  they  still 
firmly  maintained  all  their  claims.  They  were  by  no  means 
so  degenerate  in  power  and  action  ;  they  undertook  too  much, 
rather  than  too  little,  as  their  ill-planned  attempt  to  annihi- 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  29 

late  the  power  of  the  Northmen,  among  others,  sufficiently 
proves. 

It  was  precisely  the  union  in  them  of  personal  ambition 
and  immeasurable  pretensions,  as  opposed  to  a  multitude  of 
great  nobles  who  possessed  the  land,  that  was  totally  destruct- 
ive of  their  power  in  a  conjuncture  of  unfavorable  circum- 
stances. 

King  Lothaire  died,  and  soon  afterward  his  son  Louis — sur- 
named,  with  great  injustice,  if  the  title  indicate  moral  blame, 
Le  Fainecwit,  for  he  died  in  consequence  of  a  fall  from  his 
horse  before  he  could  undertake  any  enterprise.  The  right  of 
succession  passed  to  his  uncle  Charles,  who  then  administered 
the  duchy  of  Lower  Lorraine,  in  the  East  Frankish  kingdom, 
under  the  emperors  of  the  Saxon  line  ;  for  on  the  accession 
of  Lothaire  the  earlier  Carlovingian  custom  was  so  far  altered 
that  this  Charles  was  not  assigned  any  portion  of  the  power 
or  wealth  of  his  ancestors  ;  and  now  the  question  arose, 
Should  he  who  had  been  thus  excluded  and  insulted  be  called 
to  the  throne  ?  Various  objections  were  raised  against  this 
course  in  the  assembly  of  the  French  nobles,  which  was  held 
immediately  after  the  death  of  young  Louis.  Duke  Charles, 
it  was  said,  was  a  vassal  of  the  German  Emperor,  and  mar- 
ried to  a  consort  who  was  not  equal  to  him  in  birth,  and 
whom  the  powerful  nobles  could  not  therefore  honor  as  their 
queen  ;  he  was  of  a  violent  disposition,  surrounded  by  a  crew 
who  only  thirsted  after  wickedness  and  crime  ;  in  short,  he 
was  unworthy  of  the  crown,  and  would  bring  misfortune  upon 
the  land  if  he  were  elected.  And  did  it  not  indeed  behove 
them  to  take  care,  lest,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  a  number 
of  warriors,  attached  to  his  person  and  ready  to  engage  in 
any  act  of  violence,  he  should  be  desirous  of  re-establishing  in 
all  their  fullness  those  indefinite  prerogatives  of  the  Carlovin- 
gians  which  were  limited  by  acts  rather  than  by  law  ?  The 
chief  opponent  to  the  calling  in  of  Charles  was  Adalbero, 
Archbishop  of  Rheims :  who  had  been  personally  threatened 
by  the  last  king,  and  just  freed  from  the  necessity  of  justify- 
ing himself  by  Hugh,  Duke  of  France,  and  moreover  the 
tendency  of  the  clerical  leaders  was  then  to  exalt  the  right 
obtained  by  election  and  consecration  above  that  of  inherit- 


30  HISTORY   OF    FRANCE. 

ance.  He  declared,  before  the  assembled  nobles,  that  the 
laws  of  inheritance  were  not  unconditionally  binding.  He  ap- 
pealed to  the  change  of  emperors  in  ancient  Rome — a  fact 
which  is  doubly  remarkable  as  taking  place  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury. Should  they,  however,  decide  upon  postponing  the  he- 
reditary right,  upon  whom  could  they  cast  their  eyes,  except 
upon  the  possessor  of  the  most  important  authority  ?  Adal- 
bero  recommended  to  the  assembly  his  friend  Hugh  Capet, 
who  was  dangerous  to  no  one,  and  who  would  devote  him- 
self to  the  conservation  of  the  rights  won  by  them  all,  as  well 
as  of  those  of  the  state  ;  *  more  than  one  king  might  be  counted 
among  Hugh's  ancestors;  he  himself  stood  well,  personally, 
with  the  most  powerful  of  the  nobility,  and  the  possession  of 
some  great  abbeys  gave  him  at  the  same  time  considerable 
ecclesiastical  influence.  Without  considering  the  scruples 
which  had  prevented  his  father  from  seizing  it,  he  took  the 
crown  that  was  offered  to  him,  and  afterward  obtained  pos- 
session of  all  the  remaining  territories  of  the  Carlovingians  by 
formal  conquest.  Still  it  was  not  the  intention  to  change 
France  into  an  elective  monarchy ;  it  was  considered,  on  the 
contrary,  that  such  an  alteration  would  indubitably  lead  to  the 
greatest  embarrassment  and  confusion.  What,  if  the  newly- 
elected  king  should  die  during  a  campaign  like  that  in  which 
they  were  actually  engaged  ?  the  army  would  not  know  whom 
it  was  to  follow,  contentions  would  break  out  among  the 
leaders,  and  the  monarchy  would  incur  danger.  After  some 
opposition  from  the  Archbishop,  the  son  of  the  newly  elected 
king  was  the  same  year  appointed  his  successor,  t 

Thus  did  the  kingdom  of  the  Western  Franks,  within  its 
frontiers  as  already  defined,  "from  the  Maes  to  the  Ocean," 
pass  over  to  a  new  race.  Motives  of  the  most  diverse  kinds 
conspired  to  bring  about  the  event — the  actual  power  of  this 
house  and  its  traditions  ;  the  close  alliance  of  Hugh  himself 

*  Speech  of  Adalbero,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  Richer,  iv.  11:  "  Leg- 
imus  clarissimi  generis  imperatoribus  .  .  .  alios  modo  pares  modo  im- 
pares  successisse.  Promovete  ducem,  actu  nobilitatum,  copiis  clarissi- 
mum,  quern  non  solum  reipubhcae,  sed  et  privatarum  rerum  tutorem  in- 
venietis." 

t  Hugh  urged  it  on  the  grouud  "  ut  heredem  certum  in  regno  relin- 
queret."  —Richer,  iv.  12. 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  31 

with  the  great  leading  dignitaries  of  the  Church  ;  the  analogy 
of  his  power,  which  still  remained  ducal,  with  that  of 
others  ;  and  especially  the  security  to  all  existing  conditions 
which  he  gave  reason  to  expect  as  the  consequence  of  his 
election. 

There  was  nothing  in  this  that  indicated  hostility  to  the 
German  Emperor,  although  the  claims  of  a  prince  had  been 
rejected,  who  belonged  to  the  Empire,  and  would  have  drawn 
his  military  power  from  one  of  its  provinces  ;  on  the  contrary, 
a  restoration  of  the  vigorous  Carlo vingian  dominion  would 
have  been  formidable  to  him.  A  still  more  perfect  emanci- 
pation from  the  connection  with  Germany,  however,  is  un- 
questionably discoverable  in  this  event.  The  Western  king- 
dom now  attained  a  condition  of  complete  independence,  when 
a  native  race,  which  possessed  no  authority  or  source  of  power 
beyond  its  confines,  acceded  to  the  throne.  The  change  of 
dynasty  involved  an  alteration  in  the  entire  position  of  the 
realm. 

The  Carlovingians,  however  hampered  by  circumstances 
and  events,  still  possessed,  through  their  origin  and  the  an- 
cient sanction  of  the  Church,  a  general  claim  upon  the  West- 
ern kingdom,  and  even  upon  Germany  and  the  Empire, 
while  they  demanded  nothing  less  than  unconditional  obe- 
dience from  the  West-Franks.  The  Capetians,  as  the  Hober- 
tinians  were  afterward  designated,  could  make  only  an  ex- 
clusively West-Frankish  claim,  and  here  it  rested  altogether 
upon  the  consent  of  the  nobles.  The  sons  could  not  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  fathers,  except  by  a  free  resolution,  after  the 
manner  of  the  German  monarchy. 

It  was  no  newly  founded  power  that  was  transferred  to 
them,  but  the  old  West-Frankish  monarchy  formed  by  the 
course  of  centuries,  necessarily  limited  by  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  bestowed,  and  depending  on  the  assent  of  the  nobility.* 
For  a  long  time  the  new  monarchy  bore  the  appearance  of  a 
dominion  which  encroached  but  slightly,  only  holding  together 
the  various  districts  by  the  bond  of  feudality. 

Whoever  desires  to  investigate  the  history  of  the  nation, 
must  seek  particularly  for  its  traces  in  the  territories  of  the 
*  Hugh  Capet  once  said  this  explicitly 


32  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

great  vassals  who  had  set  the  king  over  themselves.  As  there 
the  personal  distinctions,  resting  upon  national  extraction,  van- 
ished gradually,  and  in  their  stead  arose  those  provincial  pe- 
culiarities attributable  to  the  character  of  the  climate  and  soil, 
and  the  mingling  of  the  blood  of  different  races,  the  language 
developed  itself  into  two  nearly  related,  and  yet  very  distinct, 
idioms  ;  the  system  of  chivalry  sprang  up  and  obtained  especial 
centres  in  the  courts  of  the  great  vassals  in  Normandy,  Cham- 
pagne, Burgundy,  and  Flanders,  as  well  as  in  the  South,  at 
Toulouse,  Poitiers,  and  Clermont.  The  native  nobility  joined 
with  them  in  relations  similar  to  those  which  they  themselves 
had  formed  with  the  king  :  equal  to  whom  in  descent,  and 
but  little  controlled  by  legal  subordination,  they  attempted 
various  foreign  enterprises,  which,  whether  successful  or  un- 
successful, set  all  Europe  in  a  state  of  fermentation. 

Odo  IL,  Count  of  Blois  and  Champagne,  undertook  to  enforce 
the  right  of  his  consort  to  the  kingdom  of  Burgundy — nay,  he 
aimed  still  higher,  even  at  the  dominion  of  Italy,  and  the  seat 
of  the  emperor  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  ;*  but  he  met  a  powerful 
opponent  in  the  first  Salic  emperor,  by  whom  he  was  defeated, 
and  the  Capetian  King  had  no  ground  upon  which  he  could 
deny  the  right  of  the  Emperor  to  pursue  his  victory  over  one 
of  his  vassals  even  on  the  French  soil.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Duke  of  Normandy  succeeded  in  making  one  of  the  most 
important  conquests  which  has  ever  been  recorded.  England, 
which  had  constantly  withstood  the  attacks  of  the  ancient 
Danes  and  Northmen,  was  subjected  by  him  to  the  Romanized 
Norman  nobility.  The  whole  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  French 
sea-board  took  part  in  the  enterprise,  and  a  multitude  of  other 
persons  from  for  more  distant  regions  :  a  Count  Odo  of  Cham- 
pagne, grandson  of  Odo  IL,  makes  his  appearance  shortly  after 
as  Earl  of  York.  And  while  these  Normans  pressed  forward 
toward  Northumberland  and  the  Scottish  border,  or  carried 
on  the  unfinished  struggle  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  with  Wales, 
their  kinsmen  were  fighting  with  the  Greeks  on  the  Neapolitan 

*  Hugo  Flaviniacensis,  1037  :  "  Sumpta  tyrannide  ad  regnum  ccepit 
aspirare."  Annalista  Saxo,  1037:  "Corde  elato  Aquisgrani  palatium 
invadere  decrevit."  Glaber.  Rodulphus,  iii.  9  :  "  Prsestolabantur  legati 
ex  Italia  directe  deferentes  ei  arram  principatus  totius  Italiae." 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  33 

waters,  and  renewing  the  opposition  of  the  Christian  name  to 
the  Saracens  in  Sicily.  Meanwhile  the  nobles  and  gentry  of 
Aquitaine  associated  themselves  together  under  the  banner  of 
the  King  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  and  fought  by  the  side  of  the 
Cid.  A  young  count  of  Burgundy  won  the  hand  of  a  daughter 
of  the  Castilian  king,  and  with  it  a  territory  on  the  sea-coast, 
out  of  which  Portugal  has  since  arisen. 

All  these,  however,  were  separate  undertakings,  which  con- 
tributed nothing  to  the  union  of  the  nation  ;  to  this  end  it  was 
of  the  highest  of  importance  that  at  last  an  enterprise  was 
undertaken  in  which  all  could  join.  In  the  present  disposition 
of  the  nation,  and  the  bias  of  men's  minds,  it  only  required 
that  the  old  idea  of  rescuing  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  power 
of  the  Saracens  should  be  openly  propounded  in  order  to  carry 
all  away  with  it. 

This  idea  had  its  origin  in  the  common  feeling  of  western 
Christendom.  It  had  no  special  relation  to  the  "Wcst-Frank- 
ish  kingdom,  but  it  made  the  most  vivid  impression  on  the 
people  speaking  the  French  tongue  ;  and  the  chief  leader  of 
the  movement  to  which  it  gave  rise  belonged  to  the  house  of 
Boulogne,  which  had  also  recently  taken  part  in  the  conquest 
of  England.  The  others  were  French,  from  Normandy  or 
Champagne,  from  Flanders,  and  even  from  the  France  of  the 
Capets  itself.  The  most  powerful  of  all  was  the  prince  of 
AquitanianGaul,  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  to  whom,  the  chronicle 
says,  flowed  all  the  people  between  the  Alps  and  the  Pyrenees, 
and  to  whom  the  Papal  legate  himself  appealed  for  protection. 
How  many  new  sovereignties  were  grounded  in  the  course  of 
time  by  this  movement !  Syria  was  immediately  brought  into 
the  closest  relationship  with  France  ;  and  in  later  times  the 
French  name  extended  itself  over  Greece  and  all  the  islands 
of  the  Mediterranean,  for  the  ages  of  immigration  were  follow- 
ed by  those  of  expansion.  These  enterprises  were  the  first 
actions  of  the  nation,  formed  out  of  so  many  mixtures  of  races 
and  by  so  many  popular  struggles,  and  united  by  a  great  idea. 
In  these  expeditions,  which  rested  on  a  general  impulse  and 
individual  free  resolution,  with  their  forms,  which  united  inde- 
pendence with  subordination,  the  nation  at  that  time  appears  to 
have  found  an  expression  which  satisfied  all  its  vital  impulses. 


34  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

These  were  the  times  in  which  Northern  French  and  Pro- 
vencal song  developed  itself,  the  groundwork  of  modern  phi- 
losophy and  theology  was  laid,  and  the  architecture  of  the 
Middle  Ages  produced  those  marvelous  works  which  still 
awaken  our  admiration.  All  the  tendencies  of  the  nation 
displayed  a  living  power  and  energy.  Among  them  we  now 
meet  with  an  idea  of  more  national  importance  than  the  rest, 
which  had  its  foundation  in  a  pressing  need  of  the  interior  of 
France,  which  now  first  came  to  light. 

Amidst  so  much  that  was  splendid,  the  individual  and 
uncontrolled  exercise  of  power  by  all  the  great  barons  gave 
rise  to  ceaseless  intestine  war  and  the  oppression  of  the  feeble, 
and  was  followed  by  the  most  monstrous  and  intolerable  evils. 
The  Church  sought  to  check  this  frightful  system  by  preaching 
and  announcing  every  where  the  "Peace  of  God,"  or  the 
"  Truce  of  God  ;"  but  although  in  the  first  warmth  of  feeling 
these  proposals  were  received  with  alacrity,  they  were  very 
far  from  fulfilling  the  intended  object.* 

In  the  immediate  territories  of  the  King  freedom  and  prop- 
erty were  least  secure ;  private  wars  and  oppression,  without 
the  slightest  respect  for  law  or  authority,  were  the  order  of 
the  day.  The  dangerous  state  of  the  times  may  be  learned 
from  the  complaints  of  Fulbert,  Bishop  of  Chartres,  against 
the  violence  of  one  of  his  knightly  neighbors,  who  not  only 
repaired  a  castle  that  had  been  razed  by  the  King,  but  also 
built  a  new  one,  so  that  the  bishop  was  now  attacked  and 
harassed  on  both  sides.  He  had  hitherto  in  vain  sought 
assistance  from  the  King  and  his  son.  He  now  wrote  again  to 
him,  entreating  his  help,  and  stating  that  if  it  were  not  ac- 
corded to  him  he  would  forsake  his  bishopric  and  the  kingdom, 
and  perhaps  carry  his  complaints  to  some  foreign  king,  or  to 
the  Emperor  himself,  whom  he  would  inform  that  the  King 
of  France  either  had  not  the  will  or  did  not  possess  the  power 
to  defend  the  Church. t 

Thus  did  the  Church,  which  would  willingly  have  favored 
the  monarchy  of  the  Capets,  in  order  that  with  its  increase 

*  Compare  Glaber  Rodulphus,  iv.  5. 

t  Fulbert's  letter  to  the  King,  in  Duchesne,  iv.  172  :  he  describes  his 
antagonist  as  a  man  "  qui  nee  Deum  nee  potestatem  vestram  se  revereri 
satis  superque  indicat." 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  35 

she  might  herself  grow  strong,  and  obtain  that  immunity  from 
the  common  disorders  which  she  could  no  longer  purchase 
with  her  wealth,  now  in  the  extremity  of  her  distress  cry  for 
help  to  the  royal  authority.  No  one  could  well  doubt  the 
right  and  the  duty  of  the  supreme  power  to  protect  the  oppress- 
ed ;  but  their  existence  was  nearly  forgotten,  they  had  lain 
so  long  unexercised ;  it  was  necessary  that  men  should  feel 
anew  that  there  was  a  supreme  power  over  them,  nay  it  must 
be  itself  reminded  anew  of  its  existence  and  its  duties. 

At  the  same  time  with  Abelard,  the  master  of  philosophical 
speculation,  and  St.  Bernard,  the  father  of  the  mysticism  of 
positive  belief,  appeared  a  practical  brother  of  the  cloister,  the 
Abbot  Suger,  of  St.  Denis,  who,  from  the  study  of  the  ancient 
imperial  laws,  which  were  not  neglected  in  the  cloisters,  had 
thoroughly  imbued  himself  with  the  idea  of  the  peculiar  voca- 
tion of  the  supreme  power,  and  formed  in  his  mind  a  strong 
conception  of  law  and  of  justice,  of  their  connection  with  the 
royal  power,  and  of  the  duty  of  the  government  to  devote  itself 
to  their  administration.  He  found  no  difficulty  in  filling  with 
these  opinions  the  energetic  mind  of  the  prince,  who  was  his 
personal  friend.  It  was  he  who  incited  Louis  VI.  to  his  efforts 
"  for  the  good  of  the  kingdom  and  for  the  public  interests,"  and 
it  was  through  him  chiefly  that  they  were  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. He  afterward  recorded  them  with  that  vividness  which 
a  personal  participation  communicated.*  This  enterprise 
arose  from  a  quarrel  of  the  monastery  with  a  fierce  and  pow- 
erful neighbor,  Bouchai-d  de  Montmorency.  Bouchard  had 
refused  to  submit  to  the  judgment  which  had  been,  in  all  form, 
pronounced  against  him,  and  the  king  determined  to  compel 
him  by  force,  and  thus,  on  the  boundaries  between  the  Abbot 
and  the  Baron,  was  the  authority  of  the  king  renewed.  All 
the  other  barons  soon  experienced  the  same  treatment  as 
Bouchard,  who  was  the  most  considerable  among  them.  The 
barons  who  were  tenants  in  cajrite,  in  the  ancient  dukedom, 
were  without   exception  reduced    to    obedience.     What  the 

*  E.  g.  De  Vita  Ludovici  Grossi,  c.  1,  "  Ecclesiarum  utilitatibus  pro- 
videbat ;  aratorum,  laboratorum,  et  pauperum  quieti  studebat."  C.  8  : 
'•  Regni  administrationi  et  reipublicte-,  sicut  se  rei  opportunitas  ofl'erebat, 
sagaciter  providere,  recalcitrantes  perdomare,  castella  ct  fortalitia  occu- 
pare,  .  strenue  satagebat," 


36  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

father  had  begun  the  son  carried  forward,  and  under  the 
same  influence.  The  letter  is  generally  known,  in  which 
Abbot  Suger  summons  Louis  VII.  to  return  from  the  crusade 
in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  conjures  him  by  the  oath  which 
he  had  taken  at  his  coronation,  of  reciprocal  duty  between 
the  prince  and  his  subjects,  "  not  to  leave  the  flock  any  longer 
in  the  power  of  the  wolf."  In  the  towns  men  sought  defense 
by  uniting  in  sworn  associations  ;  and  when  the  Crown  recog- 
nized these  associations  and  took  them  into  its  protection,  it 
only  did  that  which  expressed  the  growing  consciousness  of  its 
proper  duty,  for  the  universal  violence  that  prevailed  through- 
out the  realm  must  have  been  put  an  end  to,  either  by  the 
royal  authority  or  by  some  foreign  power.  The  kings  pro- 
claimed the  public  peace,  and  succeeded  in  maintaining  it 
fully,  without  respect  of  persons,  although  it  cost  them  many 
strenuous  efforts. 

In  the  former  generations  of  this  house,  before  its  accession 
to  the  throne,  we  find  merely  men  of  a  brave  and  aspiring 
nature;  after  them  followed  others,  who,  disposed  to  peace, 
through  their  habits  of  thought,  and  through  their  position, 
bore  almost  a  priestly  character* — their  royalty  was  rather  a 
dignity  than  a  power.  Now,  under  altered  circumstances, 
appear  men  of  the  same  race,  who  unite  the  impulse  of  uni- 
versal ideas  with  activity. 

After  they  had  established  the  authority  of  the  supreme 
power  and  of  the  law  in  the  several  provinces,  a  far  more 
extensive  and  important  field  for  their  active  energy  was 
opened  by  the  inevitable  course  of  events.  The  power  of  the 
great  vassals,  which  had  been  limited  by  the  monarchy,  and 
which,  according  to  the  meaning  and  intent  of  that  institu- 
tion, must  have  been  limited  by  it,  received  in  the  twelfth 
century  an  unexampled  extension  by  the  sudden  union  of  sev- 
eral rights  of  inheritance  in  one  race :  so  vast  was  the  power 
thus  acquired,  that  the  kings  found  it  intolerable,  and  were 
compelled  to  venture  upon  a  contest  against  it.  A  few  words 
on  these  well-known  events  may  be  permitted  here. 

*  Ivonis  Carnotensis  Epistola  ad  Regem :  "  Decet  regiam  majestatem, 
ut  pactum  pacis,  quod  Deo  inspirante  in  regno  vestro  confirmari  fecistis, 
nulla  lenocinante  amicitia  vel  fallente  desidia  rideri  permittatis." 


OR.TßtN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  37 

The  male  line  of  William  the  Conqueror  had  become  ex- 
tinct. His  grand-daughter,  who  appeals  in  the  chronicles  as 
an  empress,  "  L'Emperreis  Mahault,"  for  she  was  the  widow 
of  a  German  emperor,  had  married,  a  second  time,  the  Count 
of  Anjou  and  Maine.  Her  son  by  this  marriage,  the  first  of 
the  Plant agenets,  having  ascended  the  English  throne,  united 
these  rich  and  favorably  situated  provinces  with  England  and 
Normandy.  He  then  married  Eleanor  of  Aquitain,  the  rich- 
est heiress  in  the  then  known  world,  and  thus  to  his  sons 
came  seven  important  provinces  in  the  south  of  France. 
They  moreover  laid  claim  to  Savoy,  and  their  authority  over 
Brittany  grew  to  be  a  complete  and  absolute  dominion.  It 
has  been  computed  that  more  than  half  of  the  modern  France 
was  in  their  hands,  while  scarcely  a  fourth  part,  we  will  not 
say  obeyed,  but  merely  adhered  to  the  King.  This  power 
created  a  new  centre  for  the  greatest  part  of  France  :  the 
splendor  of  the  monarchy  grew  dim  before  it,  and  would  have 
been  thrust  aside  altogether,  had  it  not  at  its  head  an  able 
prince,  who,  in  the  Arery  midst  of  the  contest,  found  means  to 
raise  the  country  to  a  higher  degree  of  united  development 
than  it  had  previously  attained. 

The  father  of  Philip  Augustus  had  had  only  female  children 
before  his  birth,  and  it  was  said  that  this  son  was  granted  in 
answer  to  his  prayers  and  those  of  the  whole  land.  Philip 
came  to  the  throne  very  early  :  his  mind  was  formed  by  busi- 
ness. Chiefly  from  the  poetry  of  his  time,  which  was  inex- 
haustible in  wonderful  invention,  he  learned  that  Charlemagne, 
who  was  popularly  spoken  of  as  King  of  France,  had  been 
master  of  the  whole  land,  as  well  in  the  north  as  in  the  south, 
to  the  summit  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  to  become  like  him  in  thi« 
respect  was  now  the  object  to  which  he  directed  all  his  efforts 
In  the  midst  of  men  who  placed  happiness  and  honor  in  ar 
extravagant  mode  of  living  at  court,  he  showed  himself  econ 
omical.  He  held  the  warlike  multitudes  who  won  his  vic- 
tories for  him  in  control,  and  deprived  them  of  their  booty 
He  undertook  one  thing  after  another,  for  too  many  object» 
at  the  same  time  would  have  distracted  his  mind.  He  ap- 
peared, as  the  lines  of  a  poet  depict  him,  terrible  as  a  lion 
and  vehement  as  a  bird  of  prey,  but  mild  and  forbearing, 


38  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

once  he  had  established  peace  ;  his  whole  being  breathes  dis- 
cretion and  energy. 

In  the  struggle  which  was  now  going  on  among  the  Plant- 
agenets  themselves,  it  happened  that  Arthur  of  Brittany,  the 
nephew  of  King  John,  was  taken  prisoner  in  a  war  which  he 
was  carrying  on  against  his  uncle,  with  French  assistance, 
and,  according  to  the  expression  of  the  writer  who  is  most 
gentle  on  the  subject,  disappeared  in  prison.  The  estates  of 
Brittany,  in  the  first  assembly  recorded  to  have  taken  place 
among  them,  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  John  guilty  of  the 
murder  of  Arthur,  and  demanded  justice  from  the  French 
king.  John  objected,  not  without  reason,  that  he  was  at  the 
same  time  King  of  England,  and  to  answer  a  charge  of  mur- 
der would  be  a  derogation  of  his  dignity.  Philip  Augustus 
replied  that  the  King  of  France  could  not  lose  his  rights  in 
consequence  of  one  of  his  vassals  obtaining  power  ;  that  he 
felt  it  his  duty  not  to  suffer  any  one,  either  in  his  own  imme- 
diate dominions,  or  in  those  which  were  united  under  his 
suzerainty,  who  might  be  able  to  do  so,  to  withdraw  himself 
from  his  jurisdiction.  In  this  he  had  the  common  voice,  and 
especially  that  of  the  other  magnates  of  the  kingdom,  on  his 
side.  This  occasion,  on  which  the  peers,  in  their  relation  to 
the  French  crown,  appeared  as  the  equals  of  John,  was,  it  is 
believed,  the  first  on  which  they  assembled  as  a  great  judicial 
tribunal.*  John  was  formally  summoned  before  their  court, 
and  as  he  did  not  appear,  was  condemned,  and  all  his  posses- 
sions on  the  French  side  of  the  Channel  declared  forfeited. 
The  King  swore  by  the  patron  saints  of  France,  to  execute  the 
sentence  of  his  barons. 

In  this  he  found  little  difficulty.  After  he  had  once  con- 
quered Normandy,  neither  Anjou,  Touraine,  nor  Poitou  was 
able  to  make  any  resistance.  The  submission  of  the  people 
every  where  outran  even  his  determination.  The  fundamental 
ground  of  the  power  of  the  vassals  lay  in  the  diversity  of  the 
character  of  the  land,  and  of  the  races  by  which  it  was  in- 
habited,  who    were    desirous    of  maintaining    their   several 

*  Beugnot,  Les  Olim.  t.  i.  preface  xliv.  Here  also,  as  far  as  I  can 
see,  the  rule  adopted  in  later  times  was  observed,  viz.,  that  even  if  a 
few  peers  only  sat  in  the  court,  it  was  sufficient. 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  39 

peculiarities  under  the  rule  of  distinct  chiefs.  What  then 
was  the  meaning  of  provinces,  differing  from  one  another 
most  widely,  being  under  the  common  authority  of  a  prince 
who  was  not  even  their  king?  They  felt  the  immediate  power 
exercised  over  them  so  oppressive,  that  the  establishment  of 
a  .»upreme  authority  was  for  them  an  act  of  emancipation. 

John  was  not,  however,  without  friends  ;  in  the  universal 
prevalence  of  the  party  distinctions  of  the  time,  he  found 
means  to  bring  about  a  sort  of  coalition,  which  had  for  its 
object  the  repression  of  the  growing  power  of  the  King,  and 
even  a  partition  of  the  French  territory ;  but  the  Barons  and 
the  Commons  emulated  each  other  in  their  support  of  the 
King,  who  thus  remained  stronger  than  his  opponents,  and 
was  able  to  repel  the  attack  of  the  confederates  on  the  battle- 
field of  Bouvines. 

We  are  not  introducing  any  foreign  element  into  these  re- 
mote times,  when  we  maintain  that  the  first  movements  of  a 
common  national  feeling  in  France  were  associated  with  these 
events.  In  all  the  different  territories  of  the  land,  to  its  most 
distant  borders,  says  a  contemporary,  the  joy  of  this  victory 
was  felt  with  like  vivid  emotion — in  every  town  and  village, 
in  every  castle  and  rural  district :  what  belonged  to  all  each 
made  his  own,  and  a  single  victory  gave  occasion  for  a  thou- 
sand triumphs. 

To  the  great  advantage  thus  obtained  by  the  Crown,  was 
speedily  added  a  second  and  not  much  less  important  acquisition, 
of  a  somewhat  different  character.  In  the  enterprise  of  the  Pope 
and  his  Legate  against  Raymond  VI.  of  Toulouse,  it  was  by 
no  means  their  object  to  augment  the  power  of  the  French 
Crown ;  they  wished  to  destroy  the  Albigenses,  with  their 
doctrines,  whom  Raymond  protected,  and  therefore  bestowed 
the  conquered  land  upon  Simon  de  Montfort,  the  most  zealous 
leader  of  their  army,  because  he  alone  appeared  capable  of 
upholding  the  strictest  Catholicism  in  its  integrity.  They 
therefore  held,  that  since  the  King  of  France  had  done  so 
little  toward  the  conquest  of  the  land,  he  had  no  right  to  as- 
sume any  authority  over  it.*  But  the  Montforts  were  far 
from  possessing  the  substantial  power  necessary  to  realize 
*  Bzovius,  Annales  Ecclesiastici,  1215,  no.  9. 


40  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

their  newly-acquired  title,  and  of  their  own  accord  transferred 
their  rights  to  the  King  of  France.  The  nobles  of  the  king- 
dom, in  their  assembly  at  Paris,  consisting  of  five-and-twenty 
temporal  lords  and  seventeen  archbishops  and  bishops,  recom- 
mended the  King  to  accept  the  offer,  and  for  that  purpose 
promised  him  especial  obedience  and  assistance.*  As  in  the 
Anglo-Norman  affair,  so  also  in  this  of  the  Albigenses,  the 
nobility  of  France  promoted  the  advantage  of  the  monai-chy ; 
yet  the  latter  case  was  of  a  different  character,  for  it  was  on 
a  spiritual  sentence  that  the  proceedings  rested,  and  the  King 
assumed  the  claims  of  a  prince  appointed  by  a  Council. 
Philip  Augustus  hesitated  to  accept  it :  his  son,  Louis  VIII., 
who  had  resolved  on  it,  was  slain  in  the  struggle  ;  his  widow, 
Blanche,  a  Spanish  princess,  upon  whom  the  regency  of  the 
kingdom  devolved,  as  well  as  the  conduct  of  the  war,  found 
herself  in  circumstances  of  great  peril,  but,  being  well  coun- 
seled and  supported,  she  had  the  ability  at  last  to  bring  all 
things  into  order.  The  Count  of  Toulouse  was  compelled  to 
abdicate,  which,  to  follow  the  observations  of  a  Roman 
writer,  was  a  circumstance  as  favorable  to  the  Church  and 
the  Crown  as  if  he  had  been  taken  prisoner  in  open  battle. 
Two-thirds  of  the  territory  passed  into  the  immediate  posses- 
sion of  the  Crown ;  the  Count  himself  held  the  remaining  part 
for  life  ;  but  he  conveyed  the  exclusive  right  of  succession  to 
his  daughter,  who  was  to  marry  Blanche's  third  son. 

Thus  did  the  West-Frankish  crown  succeed  in  establishing 
its  authority  throughout  the  whole  of  its  territories.  These 
two  enterprises — the  one  to  execute  a  temporal  and  the  other 
a  spiritual  sentence  of  deposition — gave  to  the  supreme  power 
a  superiority  in  the  realm  such  as  it  had  not  possessed  since 
the  death  of  Charlemagne.  Louis  IX.,  Blanche's  son,  after 
the  tumultuous  changes  which  had  characterized  recent 
times,  sought  to  bring  about  a  condition  of  things  regulated 
according  to  law,  and  corresponding  with  the  moral  and  relig- 
ious notions  with  which  his  own  mind  was  imbued.  In  re- 
gard to  the  South  of  France,  he  entered  into  a  convention 

*  "  Propter  amorem  Jesu  Christi  et  fidei  Christians  nee  non  et  hon- 
orem carissimi  domini  nostri  Ludovici  regis  Francoruin  illustris." — 
Preuves  de  l'Histoire  do  Languedoc,  iii.  no.  161. 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  41 

with  the  King  of  Aragon,  who  was  descended  from  the 
ancient  Counts  of  Barcelona,  by  which  the  relations  of  the 
two  kingdoms  were  regulated  and  their  boundaries  ascertained. 
It  was  not,  however,  without  the  opposition  of  his  Council  that 
he  restored  to  the  King  of  England  some  of  the  provinces  of 
which  he  had  been  formerly  deprived  ;*  but  by  doing  so,  he 
obtained  the  advantage  of  bringing  the  English  monarch  to 
Paris  (1259),  where  he  accepted  these  provinces  as  fiefs,  and 
in  return  formally  renounced  his  rights  to  Normandy,  Anjou, 
Tours,  and  Poitou.  Normandy  was  permanently  united  to 
the  French  crown  ;  and  from  that  time  the  power  of  the 
kings  of  France  rested  upon  their  immediate  government  of 
France  and  Normandy. 

The  old  forms  of  the  feudal  monarchy  remained  unchanged : 
but  as  in  the  earlier  times  division  and  the  arbitrary  exercise 
of  private  power  prevailed,  so  now  order  and  obedience  had 
the  ascendency.  It  was  not  without  its  value,  to  the  general 
comprehension  of  the  people,  that  the  mother  of  Louis  VIII. 
derived  her  birth  from  the  Carlovingians,  and  expressly  from 
Charles  of  Lower  Lorraine,  whose  right  of  inheritance  she 
was  judged  to  have  brought  to  the  Capetians  :  by  this  means 
every  thing  assumed  the  appearance  of  legitimacy. 

The  dukes  and  counts  of  Burgundy,  Brittany,  Anjou, 
Poitou,  Toulouse,  and  Artois  belonged  all  of  them  to  the 
family  of  the  King.  Eight  dynasties  are  reckoned  to  have 
arisen  from  this  stock. f  The  King  appeared  as  the  natural 
head  of  all  these  races. 

This  very  circumstance  constituted  one  of  the  motives 
which  actuated  Louis  IX.  in  enfeoffing  the  King  of  England, 
for  he  also  belonged  to  the  relatives  of  the  King's  blood. 
This  genealogic  connection  of  the  members  of  the  royal  house 
exercised  a  combining  influence  on  the  State.  Even  in  the 
twelfth  century  the  notion  of  an  elective  monarchy  was 
entertained.  In  the  thirteenth,  it  was  no  longer  spoken  of: 
all  submitted  to  the  authority  of  the  King,  and,  in  an  especial 
manner,  to  his  jurisdiction. 

*  Tillemont,  Vie  de  St.  Louis,  iv.  163. 

t  Compare  Mignet's  "  Essai  sur  la  Formation  Territoriale,"  etc., 
Notices,  ii.  172. 


42  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

The  law-books  of  the  time  continue  to  acknowledge  a  cer- 
tain degree  of  juridical  independence  in  the  separate  territo- 
ries of  the  great  barons  ;  but  the  King,  they  add,  is  sovereign 
over  all,  for  to  him  belongs  the  common  care  of  the  kingdom : 
no  one  is  so  great  that  he  may  not  be  brought  before  the 
judgment-seat  of  the  King. 

As  tradition  had  associated  with  the  name  of  Q,ueen 
Blanche  the  revival  of  the  Roman  law  in  France,  so  did  it 
regard  her  son,  Louis  IX.,  as  the  most  distinguished  founder 
of  an  orderly  legal  system,  in  which  character  he  is  chiefly 
remembered.  The  administration  of  justice  was  esteemed  by 
him  as  the  highest  duty  of  a  prince,  and  one  expressly  en- 
joined by  religion.  The  King's  court  of  justice  had  been  re- 
garded of  old  as  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  realm  ;  but  its 
importance  and  influence  were  now  greatly  increased,  not 
alone  by  the  extension  of  the  royal  power  so  far  beyond  its 
former  limits,  but  also  and  chiefly  because  this  augmentation 
of  authority  had  been  acquired  by  the  execution  of  judicial 
sentences.  The  great  jurisdictional  institution  of  the  king- 
dom, the  Parliament,  separated  itself  gradually  from  the 
King's  court  (as  its  composition  proves,  being  constituted  of 
peers  of  the  kingdom,  a  few  officers  of  the  court,  and  a  num- 
ber of  spiritual  and  temporal  lords),  but  it  was  not  totally 
disconnected  from  that  political  institution :  although  in  a 
position  essentially  distinct,  the  chief  difference  between  the 
two  consisted  in  the  circumstance  that  the  numerous  lawyers 
belonging  to  the  spiritual  order  which  were  in  it  soon  ob- 
tained the  ascendency  in  the  Parliament.  Their  discussions 
show  what  a  powerful  ally  the  common  authority  of  the  king- 
dom had  gained  in  them.*  The  courts  of  justice  of  the  differ- 
ent provinces  in  union  with  the  Crown  appeared  almost  as 
mere  delegations  from  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  King.  The 
services  and  eminence  of  its  members,  and  the  uprightness  of 
the  King,  who  inculcated  the  consideration  of  foreign  rights  as 
well  as  his  own,  obtained  for  it  a  universal  acceptation. 

*  Beugnot,  Preface  to  the  Olim.  vol.  i.  lxxxix.  collects  from  them 
"que  la  cour  royale  etait  pleinement  entree  (sous  Louis  IX.)  dans  une 
voie  de  conquetes  successives,  d'empiements  lents,  mais  assures,  sur 
J'autoritR  seigneuriale." 


ORIGIN  OF  A  FRENCH  KINGDOM.  43 

It  is  well  known,  however,  that  the  King  was  by  no  means 
thereby  lord  and  master  of  the  collective  judicial  system  ; 
many  of  his  own  purposes  indeed  remained  unaccomplished 
with  respect  to  it.  Louis  IX.  had  not  in  general  broken  up 
the  feudal  system  ;  on  the  contrary,  while  he  controlled  the 
extravagant  exercise  of  the  arbitrary  power  of  individuals 
which  had  characterized  it,  he  succeeded  in  giving  it  a  form 
compatible  with  the  unconditional  necessity  of  social  order. 

While  in  all  other  countries  the  flames  of  feudal  strife  were 
burning,  peace  reigned  undisturbed  in  his  dominions,  and 
France  increased  both  in  population  and  in  progressive  civili- 
zation. That  a  peaceful  and  moderate  man,  who  was  chiefly 
concerned  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul,  and  who  was  never 
very  persevering  or  industrious,  should  be  able  to  hold  in 
check  so  many  powerful  princes  and  warlike  vassals,  pre- 
sented to  the  world  at  that  time  an  object  of  universal  ad- 
miration. 

Louis  IX.  did  not  hesitate  to  withstand  even  the  clergy 
and  the  Papal  see  itself  when  he  considered  their  demands 
unjust;  but  otherwise  he  lived  altogether  in  the  idea  of  the 
unity  of  Christendom,  and  in  ecclesiastical  obedience;  even 
in  his  last  will  he  recommended  his  son  rather  to  yield  some- 
thing to  the  Church  than  to  contend  with  her.  He  avoided 
taking  any  part  in  the  struggle  between  the  Popes  and  the 
Hohenstaufens,  but  he  was  always  ready  to  exert  himself  on 
behalf  of  Constantinople  and  the  Holy  Land.*  His  aid  to  the 
crusaders  was  frequent  and  valuable  :  he  himself  took  the 
cross  twice,  and  each  time  with  unfortunate  and  fatal  results. 
In  Egypt  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  he  lost  his  life  before 
Tunis ;  even  in  his  last  moments  his  thoughts  were  occupied 
with  the  extension  of  the  faith. 

*  As  Pope  Urban  IV.  describes  his  disposition,  1262  :  "Ad  ea  quae 
Ohristianse  fidei  exaltationem  et  ipsius  Romans  ecclesiae  respiciunt, 
totis  conatur  viribus, . . .  proximi  Isesionera  abhorret . . .  metuit  animse 
hinc  peccatum." 


CHAPTER  III. 


EPOCH    OF   THE    ENGLISH    WARS. 


There  is  a  twofold  conception  of  supreme  authority  dis- 
cernible in  those  who  possess  it.  There  are  kings  who  regard 
the  possession  of  their  crowns,  and  even  the  existence  of  their 
kingdoms,  as  subordinate  to  higher  purposes — the  mainte- 
nance of  a  divinely  appointed  order  of  things,  the  promotion 
of  civilization,  the  administration  of  justice,  the  consummation 
of  the  idea  of  the  Church,  and  the  extension  of  religion.  There 
are  others,  on  the  contrary,  who  consider  themselves  as  the 
administrators  of  the  peculiar  interests  of  their  own  country ; 
the  extension  of  their  power  appears  to  them  a  dignified  aim  in 
itself;  they  attack  foreign  states  without  scruple,  whenever 
such  a  step  appears  to  them  to  be  advantageous  ;  the  consoli- 
dation of  the  inward  strength  and  of  the  exterior  greatness  of 
their  dominions  seems  to  them  at  the  same  time  their  mission 
and  their  renown.  The  former  are  by  nature  personally  ele- 
vated, gentle,  and  religious,  to  whom  a  legal  limitation  is 
rather  grateful  than  distasteful  ;  the  latter  are  men  of  native 
energy  of  will,  partial  views,  and  not  unfrequently  of  severe 
temperament,  who  scoff  at  all  real  limitation.  The  first  may 
be  said  to  belong  rather  to  the  Middle  Ages,  the  second  to 
modern  times,  yet  both  make  their  appearance  at  all  periods 

After  the  Capetianrace  had  produced,  in  Louis  IX.,  a  prince 
who  might  have  been  regarded  as  an  original  and  model  for 
all  religious  kings,  there  arose  from  the  same  line  a  character 
of  a  different  description.  Philip  the  Fair  is  distinguished 
from  all  his  ancestors  by  a  violent  recklessness  of  character. 
The  earlier  kings  had,  like  him,  extended  their  power,  but, 
as  a  German  chronicler  expresses  it,  it  was  within  the  limits 
assigned  to  them  :  they  lived  in  peace  and  friendship  with  the 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  45 

German  empire,  which  had  acquired  long  since,  with  the 
crown  of  Aries,  a  few  provinces  in  southeastern  Gaul.  Philip 
the  Fair  was  the  first  who,  with  determined  ambition,  broke 
through  these  boundaries,  and  seized  possession  of  territories 
on  the  further  side  :  as  to  the  hostility  of  the  German  empire, 
which  he  had  thereby  excited,  and  the  treaties  he  had  vio- 
lated, he  did  not  trouble  himself — he  knew  or  felt  that  he  was 
in  alliance  with  the  nature  of  things.  When  he  took  posses- 
sion of  Lyons,  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a  connection  which 
extended  of  itself.  The  power  once  formed  drew  to  itself,  with 
the  irresistible  force  of  nature,  all  the  regions  related  to  one 
another  by  speech. 

The  earlier  kings  had  maintained  a  union  with  the  Pope- 
dom, and  each  power  had  promoted  the  other  by  mutual  serv- 
ices ;  Philip  the  Fair  made  no  conscience  of  destroying  this 
ancient  alliance.  His  quarrel  with  Boniface  VIII.  arose  from 
subordinate  differences,  but  very  soon  embraced  the  most 
important  questions  concerning  the  temporal  rights  of  Rome, 
which  this  Pope  struggled  for  with  the  fiercest  zeal.  The 
King  even  laid  something  like  an  anathema  upon  any  of  his 
successors  who  should  ever  acknowledge  any  power  upon  earth 
as  superior  to  theirs  in  temporal  things,  and  caused  the  bull 
to  be  burned  in  which  the  Pope  had  set  up  his  claim  in  oppo- 
sition. Boniface  ere  long  experienced  the  truth  of  what  one 
of  the  King's  lawyers  had  told  him,  that  claim  without  true 
power  signified  nothing. 

For  centuries  the  nation  had  directed  its  chief  strength 
toward  the  East,  but  without  the  slightest  result :  Jerusalem 
had  long  since  fallen  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracens  ; 
even  Constantinople  was  unable  to  maintain  itself.  The 
enterprises  of  St.  Louis,  and  the  plans  of  his  blood-relation 
Charles  of  Anjou,  King  of  Naples,  had  foundered,  and  at  length 
Ptolemais  was  attacked  by  the  Sultan  Al-Aschraf.  King  Philip 
the  Fair  refused  to  do  any  thing  for  the  defense  of  that  city,* 
but  looked  on  calmly  while  it  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands  ; 
for  these  expeditions  against  the  East  were  not  merely  indif- 
ferent to  him,  they  were  hateful. 

*  "  Consideratis  negotiis  quae  incumbunt,  et  rebus  ut  nunc  se  haben- 
tibus." — Letter  of  Pope  Nicholas  IV.,  in  Reinaldus,  1290,  9. 


46  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

The  most  powerful  and  the  bravest  of  all  the  orders  of 
knighthood,  which  had  been  established  expressly  to  carry  on 
the  war  with  the  unbelievers,  and  with  the  existence  of  which 
a  hope  was  yet  associated  of  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy  Sep- 
ulchre, was  annihilated  by  him  in  the  most  violent  manner. 
We  do  not  inquire  into  the  truth  of  his  charges  against  the 
Templars,  nor  into  the  justice  of  his  proceedings  ;  it  is  enough 
for  us  to  observe  the  alteration  of  ideas.  There  was  a  legend 
that  every  year,  on  the  anniversary  night  of  the  abolition, 
there  appeared  an  armed  figure  issuing  from  the  Templars' 
tomb,  wearing  the  red  cross  on  the  white  mantle,  and  crying, 
"Who  will  liberate  the  Holy  Sepulchre?"  to  which  it  was 
answered  from  the  vault,  ■'  No  one  !  no  one  !  for  the  Temple 
is  destroyed."* 

The  times  which  had  been  animated  with  the  idea  of  a 
common  Christendom  had  passed  away;  the  estates,  whose 
incomes  were  intended  to  sustain  the  efforts  for  the  reconquest 
of  Jerusalem,  were  withdrawn  from  that  purpose  and  made 
subservient  to  the  uses  of  the  monarchy. 

The  great  objects  of  inquiry  respecting  all  men  of  active  en- 
ergy is  wherein  the  sum  of  their  thoughts  lies.  St.  Louis  lived 
in  the  idea  of  Christendom.  With  Philip  the  Fair  the  thoughts 
of  the  crown  and  of  the  kingdom  were  superior  to  all  others  ; 
through  his  whole  being  there  breathes  the  decided  air  of  mod- 
ern times.  The  vast  number  of  concessions,  in  which  he 
united  the  judicial,  the  legislative,  and  the  executive  power,! 
is  astonishing ;  he  brought  the  idea  of  the  royal  power  into 
connection  with  all  the  relations  of  life.  From  the  Parlia- 
ment an  all-embracing  tribunal  separated  itself.  Things  were 
no  longer  regarded  from  a  religious  point  of  view  :  the  rights 
of  majesty  form  the  chief  topics  of  consultation — taxes,  cham- 
bers of  revenue,  the  granting  of  imposts,  even  the  primary 
right  of  the  Crown  to  all  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  kingdom, 
whose  value  it  might  settle  as  it  thought  proper ;  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  temporal  power,  and  even  of  its  authority  in 
spiritual  matters  ;  the  assemblies  of  the  States,  and  those  of 

*  This  tradition  is  derived  from  a  communication  of  Augustin  Thierry. 
Martin,  Histoire  de  France,  v.  199. 

t  Guizot,  Cours  de  Histoire  Moderne,  tome  v. 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  47 

the  towns  ;  the  natural  freedom  of  all  men,  and  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  serfs. 

The  character  of  this  prince  may  be  conceived  from  the 
circumstance  that  Dante,  the  great  poet  of  the  epoch,  who 
lived  only  in  the  contemplation  of  universal  freedom  and  in 
the  consciousness  of  higher  laws,  felt  an  antipathy  toward  him, 
which  breaks  out  into  loud  reproaches,  while  modern  times 
salute  his  reign  as  the  dawn  of  their  own  day. 

This  position  of  an  isolated  policy,  regardless  of  other  lands, 
and  directed  toward  the  French  state  system  only,  was  hardly 
attained  however,  when  an  event  occurred  which  threw  the 
whole  realm  into  confusion,  and  cast  it  entirely  on  its  own 
resources. 

In  the  line  of  the  Capets  the  royal  dignity  had  hitherto 
descended  regularly  from  father  to  son.  Philip  the  Fair  left 
a  blooming  family,  but  none  of  his  three  sons  left  any  male 
issue.  After  the  death  of  the  last  of  them,  Edward  III.,  King 
of  England,  who  was  the  son  of  his  daughter,  claimed  the 
French  crown  as  his  inheritance. 

In  virtue  of  this  same  right,  the  feudal  principalities  in 
France,  the  crowns  of  the  Pyrennean  Peninsula,  and  the  En- 
glish crown  itself  had  been  inherited.  Edward  III.  caused  his 
claim  to  be  investigated  by  the  English  lawyers,  and,  fortified 
by  their  opinion,  undertook  to  make  it  good  by  force  of  arms.* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  male  line  had  always  succeeded  in 
the  German  principalities,  in  consequence  of  the  union  of 
official  power  with  the  possession  of  the  land  ;  and  the  same 
rule  of  succession  had  been  observed  in  France,  on  the  late 
occasions,  in  which  the  crown  had  passed  from  one  brother 
to  another,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  daughters  of  the  former  ; 
yet  this  took  place  rather  in  consequence  of  a  treaty,  which 
stipulated  a  compensation  for  the  daughters,  than  by  any 

*  As  "  causa  fontalis"  of  the  wars,  Henry  V.  sets  forth  : — "  Progen- 
itorum  nostrum  ac  nostras  hereditatis  et  jurium  ad  coronam  Franciae 
detentionem  injustam,  quam  profecto  causam  progenitor  noster  incly- 
tissimse  memories  Eduardus  per  se  et  maximum  consilium  suum,  magnoe 
conscientiae  viros  in  jure  divino  et  humano  summe  instructos,  penes 
quos  maxima  sapientia  viguit  et  quibus  factum  recens  erat  et  ad  oculum 
patuit,  iterum  atque  iterum  examinari  jussit,  ac  omni  remoto  scrupulo  pro 
parte  sua  didicit  fore  justam." — Lettresdes  Rois,  ed.  Champollion.ii  360. 


48  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

legal  recognition  of  the  right;  and  besides,  whether  the  son 
might  not  succeed  his  mother,  and  whether  any  right  existed 
to  transfer  the  crown  from  the  reigning  branch  of  the  royal 
family  to  a  collateral  line,  was  still  open  to  dispute. 

But  the  political  bearing  of  the  question  engaged  much 
more  attention  than  its  legal  character.  Men  did  not  inquire 
whether  the  royal  authority  was  more  an  inheritance  or  a 
power  pertaining  to  the  office  ;  it  was  simply,  whether  the 
claims  upon  the  French  crown  made  by  the  prince  of  a  foreign 
nation  should  be  admitted.  The  most  distinguished  of  the 
French  nobility,  the  peers  and  barons,  were  firmly  resolved 
not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  brought  under  the  power  of  the 
English.*  They  held  in  this  case  firmly  by  the  German  rule 
of  succession,  which  they  designated  as  the  Salic  law  ;  it  was 
to  them  a  security  for  their  independence,  and  they  therefore 
acknowledged  Philip  of  Valois  the  next  collateral  relative  ; 
but  they  were  not  able  to  give  effect  to  their  decision  with- 
out a  sanguinary  struggle. 

When  Edward  reached  his  majority,  and  resolved  to  en- 
force his  right,  how  ruinous  was  the  blow  which  he  gave  to 
the  nobility  and  gentry  of  France,  who  had  scorned  his  do- 
minion !  In  the  battle  of  Cressy  there  fell  eleven  princes, 
eighty  nobles,  and  twelve  hundred  knights.  In  the  battle  of 
Poitiers,  King  John,  the  second  of  the  house  of  Valois — 
whose  father,  in  dying  had  enjoined  him  not  to  draw  back 
from  the  war,  which  was  carried  on  for  a  good  cause — was 
taken  prisoner  by  his  enemies,  fighting  gallantly.  There 
were  few  distinguished  houses  in  the  kingdom  which  had  not 
either  to  lament  for  some  one  slain,  or  to  ransom  some  one 
from  captivity.  The  English  remained  victors  also  in  a  great 
sea-fight  :  they  conquered  Calais,  and  constituted  it  an  En- 
glish colony.  Not  only  was  the  predominant  and  aggressive 
position  which  France  had  hitherto  occupied  before  the  world 
altered  by  these  events,  but  the  war  and  its  results  exercised 
a  decomposing  influence  upon  the  interior  of  the  kingdom 
itself.  To  these  circumstances  also  it  may  be  attributed  that 
a  new  power  in  the  state — the  power  of  the  towns,  which 

*  Continuator  Guilielmi  de  Nangiaco,  "  Non  sequanimiter  ferentes 
subdiregimini  Anglicorum,"  ii.  83. 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  49 

had  been  growing  silently,  sustained  by  all  the  popular  ele- 
ments which  were  at  work  in  the  depth  of  the  nation — was 
completely  unfolded,  raised  to  a  political  position,  and  took  its 
station  beside  the  barons  and  nobility. 

It  is  an  error  of  the  earlier  representations  to  ascribe  the  rise 
of  the  civic  communities  in  France  to  the  royal  power  :  the 
movement  from  which  they  sprang  was  original  and  spontane- 
ous, in  the  north  of  France  as  well  as  in  Italy  and  the  Neth- 
erlands. But  the  kings  of  France  had  from  the  beginning 
taken  these  communities  into  their  peace  and  protection,  and 
confirmed  to  them  the  freedom  they  had  of  themselves  ac- 
quired. The  towns,  in  return,  fought  the  battles  of  the 
kings,  and  always  took  their  side  in  their  contests  with  the 
nobles.  St.  Louis,  in  his  later  years,  used  to  relate  with  plea- 
sure how  once,  during  his  minority,  when  he  was  on  a  jour- 
ney to  Paris,  and  had  nearly  reached  that  city,  he  was  assail- 
ed by  the  insurgent  barons,  and  how  the  population  of  Paris 
rushed  from  within  their  walls  and  defended  him  from  all 
danger.  The  towns  assisted  Philip  the  Fair  in  his  wars  with 
large  sums  of  money  :  not  only  did  they  allow  him  to  tax 
consumable  articles,  but  they  also  granted  him  an  income- 
tax,  which  produced  an  important  revenue.  Philip  was  glad 
to  see  them  about  him  in  separate  assemblies ;  and  in  his 
noted  contest  with  the  Pope,  when  it  was  his  object  to  oppose 
the  voice  of  the  united  nation  to  the  Romish  claims,  he 
brought  them  into  the  Diet  of  the  Estates,  where  they  sup- 
ported him  with  decisive  declarations.  Their  ambition  led 
them  to  take  part  with  him,  who  was  striving  for  the  com- 
plete independence  of  the  kingdom. 

"When,  soon  after,  in  the  reaction  of  the  provinces  against 
the  ascendency  of  the  Crown,  which  commenced  after  the 
death  of  Philip  the  Fair,  it  became  necessary  to  make  no  in- 
considerable concessions  to  the  proprietors  and  nobles  in  the 
shape  of  provincial  charters,  the  towns  also  acquired  a  great 
privilege — the  right  to  arm  themselves  for  the  defense  of 
their  own  rights,  as  well  as  those  of  the  King. 

In  the  fourteenth  century  we  find  in  general  the  two  ele- 
ments of  our  states,  the  feudal-hierarchic  power  and  the  pop- 
ular power  of  the  towns  and  cities,  standing  opposed  to  each 

C 


50  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

other  and  armed  for  battle,  in  France  as  throughout  the 
whole  Continent  ;  and  this  great  party  division  became  noAV 
connected  with  the  contest  of  the  succession. 

It  was  chiefly  through  the  gentry  and  nobility  that  the 
house  of  Valois  had  acquired  the  crown  ;  its  members  there- 
fore always  took  part  with  the  aristocracy,  or  stood  at  its 
head.  One  of  the  first  enterprises  of  the  new  King  was  to 
march  to  the  assistance  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  in  his  strug- 
gle with  his  towns:  his  deliberate  object  in  doing  so  was  to 
prevent  the  civic  movement,  which  was  every  where  ferment- 
ing, from  penetrating  into  France.*  Edward  III.,  on  the 
other  hand  took  part  with  the  Flemish  towns,  by  whom  he 
was  chiefly  urged  to  make  good  his  claims  upon  the  crown  of 
France.  The  defeats  which  he  gave  the  French  had  a  two- 
fold result  :  they  excited  discontent  among  the  people  against 
the  government  and  its  conduct,  to  which  they  attributed 
these  misfortunes,  and  they  weakened  the  nobility,  on  which 
it  depended,  personally  by  the  slaughter  of  its  members. 
After  the  battle  of  Poitiers,  which  cast  a  doubt  even  upon  the 
braArery  of  the  nobility,  a  division  commenced  in  France  which, 
properly  speaking,  was  never  again  healed  up. 

In  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates  of  the  north  of  France, 
which  was  convened  for  the  purpose  of  finding  means  for 
carrying  on  the  war  and  for  ransoming  the  King,  a  committee 
was  appointed,  in  which  the  representatives  of  the  burgher 
class  were  as  numerous  as  the  other  two  estates  taken  to- 
gether, and  strove  with  all  their  power  to  alter  the  govern- 
ment. The  extent  of  the  rights  which  the  Estates  under  the 
leading  of  the  committee  demanded  is  worthy  of  special  re- 
mark— a  right  not  only  to  take  part  in  the  raising  of  the  im- 
posts which  they  had  granted,  but  also  in  dispensing  the 
funds  which  they  produced  ;  the  privilege  of  assembling  upon 
an  appointed  day  without  being  summoned;  the  force  of  law 
for  the  resolutions  which  they  should  adopt  ;  and  a  partici- 

*  Chronicon  Comitum  Flandrise,  in  Smet.  Collection  de  Chroniques 
Beiges  inedites,  i.  203  :  "  Consilium  fuit  omnium,  quod  rex  illuc  exer- 
citum  mitteret  in  adjutorium  comitis  Flandrise  ad  doinandos  rebelles,  no 
si  terminos  suos  exirent  attrahere  sibi  possent  communitates  alias  Pi- 
cardire  et  Francioe,  et  sic  magnam  confusionem  facerent  nobilibus  atque 
regnn  " 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  51 

pation  of  their  committee  in  the  deliberations  relating  to 
war  or  a  suspension  of  arms.  So  complete  and  comprehen- 
sive was  the  idea  of  a  government  by  Estates,  which  it  was 
sought  to  realize  in  France,  under  a  popular  impulse,  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  But  neither  the  time  and  circumstances, 
nor  the  disposition  of  the  nation,  nor  even  the  leaders  them- 
selves, were  calculated  to  accomplish  any  thing. 

The  behavior  of  Robert  Lecoq,  the  most  distinguished  chief 
of  the  party,  was  of  a  thoroughly  factious  character  ;*  his  ob- 
ject was  to  make  another  prince  of  the  blood,  Charles  of  Na- 
varre, who  was  just  then  asserting  a  title  to  the  crown,  King 
of  France,  in  order  that,  at  his  side,  as  Chancellor,  he  might 
take  the  power  into  his  own  hands.  Lecoq  had  already 
declared  that  it  was  competent  for  the  Estates  to  depose  a 
king  and  to  change  the  succession ;  he  afterward  gave  free 
course  to  the  most  violent  attempts  against  the  existing  gov- 
ernment. A  large  portion  of  the  councilors  of  Parliament 
were  expelled,  the  chamber  of  revenue  altered,  and  two 
marshals,  the  most  distinguished  counselors  of  the  Dauphin, 
who  acted  as  regent,  were  murdered  before  his  eyes  by  an 
excited  mob,  who  broke  into  the  palace  under  the  leading  of 
Stephen  Marcel,  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  city.  It  is  not 
to  be  denied  that  the  towns  had  just  grievances  to  complain 
of;  but  their  violent  and  lawless  conduct  stood,  itself,  in  the 
way  of  their  efforts  for  redress,  and  aroused  in  the  breasts  of 
their  opponents  a  consciousness  that  they  were  contending  for 
a  good  cause. 

As  the  attack  was  directed  at  the  same  time  against  the 
authority  of  the  Crown  and  the  prerogatives  of  the  gentry 
and  nobility,  it  caused  an  intimate  union  between  both. 
The  Dauphin,  supported  by  the  nobility,  obtained  the  victory, 
and  the  former  mode  of  government  was  re-established.  To 
him  alone  is  it  to  be  attributed  that  a  fearful  vengeance  was 
not  at  once  exacted.  Soon  after  the  peace  of  Bretigny,  the 
stipulations  of  which  corresponded  with  the  ill  success  of  the 
war  and  the  internal  confusion  of  the  kingdom,  transferring 
as  they  did  to  Edward  III.  a  third  part  of  the  territory  of 

*  Articles  contre  Robert  le  Coq,  communicated  by  Drouet  (TArq. 
Bibliotheque  de  l'Ecole  des  Chartes,  ii.  378,  art.  82. 


52  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

France,  the  Dauphin  himself  ascended  the  throne,  under  the 
title  of  Charles  V.  All  his  thoughts  were  now  devoted  to  the 
recovery  of  what  had  been  lost ;  but  this  was  impossible 
without  internal  peace.  He  understood  thoroughly  the  art  of 
bringing  over  to  his  side  the  opposed  parties — not  only  the 
nobility  and  the  military  leaders,  but  also  the  towns :  to 
many  of  them  he  gave  charters  of  civic  freedom  ;  several  of 
them  went  over  to  him,  not  a  single  one  fell  off  from  him. 
The  wisdom  of  the  King,  and  the  greatness  of  the  object  in 
which  all  were  interested,  and  which  proceeded  successfully, 
suppressed  all  party  strife  as  long  as  he  lived, 

Charles  V.  of  France  was  a  man  who,  at  that  time  of  life 
which  is  usually  the  period  of  manly  vigor,  saw  a  speedy 
death  before  his  eyes,  and  never  took  the  field  in  person,  for 
he  could  not  even  have  wielded  a  sword.  But  his  mind  was 
reflective  and  his  genius  brilliant  and  witty,  as  his  sayings 
prove,  which  are  still  remembered.  He  was  a  man  also  who 
thoroughly  understood  how  to  maintain  the  ascendency  of 
patriotic  opinions.  No  sooner  had  his  peaceful  influence  dis- 
appeared, than  the  ancient  hostilities,  excited  by  the  general 
disposition  of  the  age,  broke  out  once  more  with  the  fiercest 
animosity.  The  latter  decades  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
the  first  of  the  fifteenth,  were  marked  by  continual  fluctua- 
tions in  the  struggle  between  the  public  power  and  the  pub- 
lic spirit. 

The  question  concerning  which  the  contest  was  renewed 
was  by  no  means  without  significance  ;  on  the  contrary  it 
had  a  meaning  of  the  most  essential  kind  in  reference  to  the 
internal  constitution  of  all  European  nations — it  was  how  far 
it  was  requisite  for  the  Estates  to  make  the  grant  of  supplies 
periodical  ;  for  with  this  all  the  other  rights  of  the  Assembly 
were  closely  connected.  The  French  of  those  times  took  -up 
the  question  with  the  liveliest  interest.  Paris  and  the  other 
municipalities  opposed  the  levy  of  taxes  without  the  grant  of 
the  Estates  ;  and  the  discontent  of  the  people  broke  out  into 
an  insurrection,  in  which  all  the  passions  of  the  time  took 
fire,  and  the  property  of  individuals  was  endangered. 

The  nobility  of  France,  which  ranged  itself  around  the 
throne,  were  not  altogether  badly  advised  when  they  turned 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH   WARS.  53 

their  arms  first  against  Flanders,  for  a  distinguished  merchant 
had  there  deprived  the  Count  of  the  government,  and  become 
the  leader  of  the  entire  movement.  The  danger  that  threatened 
the  nobility  from  this  quarter  was  unquestionably  great ;  had 
it  fared  with  the  French  chivalry  as  it  did  with  the  Austro- 
Suabian  at  Morgarten,  it  is  possible  that  the  north  of  France 
would  have  become  a  republic.  The  population  of  Paris 
were  already  thinking  of  demolishing  the  fortress  of  the  Louvre, 
and  the  Bastille,  which  was  then  in  progress  of  erection. 

The  decision  of  arms  in  Flanders  happened,  however,  to  be 
in  favor  of  the  nobility ;  they  gained  a  complete  victory  at 
Roesbeke  (November  23,  1382),  and  brought  the  land  into 
subjection  to  its  sovereign.  At  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  just 
as  the  banner  of  the  kingdom  was  unfolded,  the  thick  clouds 
suddenly  opened,  and  the  sun  shone  forth :  the  nobility  believed 
it  to  be  an  immediate  token  of  divine  protection  ;  they  brought 
back  the  banner  to  St.  Denis  with  great  solemnity  and  devo- 
tion, and  then  directed  their  efforts  against  Paris.  Here  the 
population  had  entirely  lost  courage ;  the  citizens  came  out 
to  meet  the  King  with  tokens  of  honor,  but  he  would  not 
accept  their  congratulations — they  had  too  deeply  injured 
the  royal  house.  The  barriers  were  torn  down,  the  gates 
taken  off  their  hinges,  and  the  iron  chains  with  which  the 
streets  were  closed  up  at  night  removed.  The  people  were 
compelled  to  deliver  up  all  their  weapons,  and  the  building 
of  the  Bastille  was  finished,  the  civic  privileges,  especially 
the  right  to  elect  the  Prevot  des  Marchands  and  his  Echevins, 
with  all  the  judicial  authority,  were  resumed.  The  old  taxes  on 
consumable  articles  were  proclaimed  once  more  with  the  sound 
of  trumpets,  and  no  one  ventured  to  oppose  their  levy.  The 
opinion  was  even  broached  that  the  King  had  a  right  to  deal 
with  the  taxes  in  as  uncontrolled  a  manner  as  he  did  with  his 
own  domains ;  and,  although  no  one  dared  to  utter  the  thought 
boldly,  yet  it  was  held  that  no  new  grant  of  the  revenue  was 
necessary  to  the  King.*  For  a  long  series  of  years  subse 
quently  the  Estates  General  did  not  again  assemble. 

*  The  '  Chronica  Caroli  Sexti'  (Chronique  des  Religieux  de  St. 
Denys),  the  chief  authority  for  this,  does  not  express  itself  altogether 
clearly,  i.  p.  242  :    "  Quae  (subsidia)  quamvis  occasione  sopiendarem. 


54  HISTORY   OF   FRANCE. 

In  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates,  held  in  1357,  the  towns  pre- 
dominated, and  took  measures  to  obtain  possession  of  the  entire 
government ;  in  the  year  1382  they  were  deprived  of  even 
their  municipal  privileges.  As  the  events,  so  did  opinions 
fluctuate. 

Then  the  doctrine  had  been  occasionally  propounded  that 
a  government  could  do  nothing  without  the  consent  of  the 
people;*  soon  after,  the  contrary  opinion  was  maintained, 
that,  owing  to  the  original  distinction  of  the  Estates,  it  was 
necessary  to  limit  each  to  its  peculiar  sphere.  For  a  long 
time  it  was  held  lawful  to  kill  tyrants ;  afterward  the  most 
distinguished  promulgator  of  that  notion  was  himself  con- 
demned ;  and  then  occurred  another  change  of  opinion,  which 
brought  the  first  theory  into  repute  once  more. 

The  questions  in  dispute  had  their  influence  also  upon  the 
division  between  Orleans  and  Burgundy,  although  in  itself  it 
originated  from  totally  different  causes.  The  house  of  Or- 
leans and  the  Armagnacs  were  at  the  head  of  the  knightly 
class,  which  had  finally  triumphed.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
who  was  now  also  Count  of  Flanders,  took  up  the  cause  of 
civic  privileges.  Under  his  influence  the  municipal  rights  of 
the  capital  were  restored  in  1409  ;  the  citizens  were  once 
more  permitted  to  arm  themselves,  and  to  elect  their  own 
magistrates  ;  a  militia,  which  consisted  chiefly  of  the  hered- 
itary proprietors  of  a  great  manufactory,  sustained  the  author- 
ity of  the  house  of  Burgundy,  and  the  faction  which  had  at 
that  time  obtained  the  ascendency  in  the  city.  The  Court 
sought  to  free  itself  from  both,  but  the  attempt  was  immedi- 
ately followed  by  an  insurrection,  in  which  the  opinions  which 
had  been  suppressed  thirty  years  before,  sprang  into  activity 

guerrarem,  et  reparatione  edificiorum  regiorum,  forent  nuper  introducta, 
hucusque  a  tempore  Caroli  defuncti  sine  populari  consensu  ut  antiquitus 
riebat  persoluta.  Quidam  ipsa  subsidia  non  modo  iterum  repetenda, 
sed  et  deinceps  sicut  merum  dominium  et  coram  regis  judicibus  dignum 
ducebant  tractanda."  I  might  lay  greater  stress  upon  the  words  "non 
modo  repetenda."  than  e.  g.  Felibien,  '  Histoire  de  Paris,'  i.  699,  who 
had  this  passage  before  him  ;  it  was  intended  not  only  to  renew  the  old 
taxes,  but  also  to  increase  them — a  measure  which  would  easily  have 
excited  a  general  insurrection. 

*  "  Reges  regnant  suffragio  populorum." 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  55 

once  more.  An  ordinance  was  hastily  drawn  up,  which, 
among  other  principles,  insisted  upon  that  of  election  in  the 
judicial  system,  limited  the  right  of  chase,  and  especially  de- 
manded that  the  several  branches  of  the  public  service  should 
be  re-organized  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  people. 
The  King  and  the  princes  were  compelled  to  adopt  the  white 
hat,  which  was  the  badge  of  the  party,  to  proceed  to  the 
Palace  of  Justice,  and  there  publish  the  ordinance  as  law. 
The  change  of  circumstances  appears  at  times  also  in  the  case 
of  subordinate  persons.  A  man  who  had  been  present  at  the 
murder  of  the  marshals  in  1357,  was  executed  for  that  crime 
in  the  year  1382.  In  the  year  1413,  an  old  physician  ap- 
peared at  the  head  of  the  adherents  of  Burgundy,  of  whom  it 
was  said  that  he  had  in  his  boyhood  taken  part  in  that  first 
insurrection.  The  white  hat  was  the  sign  of  revolt  in  Flan- 
ders, whence  it  had  been  adopted  by  the  Parisians  in  1382. 
The  Armagnacs  retained  possession  of  the  authority  for  some 
time,  and  exercised  it  with  great  violence  ;  at  length  the 
citizens  rose  against  them,  in  the  year  1418,  and  took  fright- 
ful vengeance  on  them.  The  dead  bodies  of  the  rulers,  whom 
the  people  were  heretofore  compelled  to  obey,  were  bound  toge- 
ther and  publicly  exposed,  that  they  might  feed  their  eyes  upon 
the  terrible  sight. 

Meanwhile,  the  English  war  had  broken  out  afresh,  and 
there  was  a  time  when  all  these  questions,  however  little  they 
had  in  common  originally,  merged  in  one  another.  The 
chivalry  of  France  suffered  once  more  one  of  those  murder- 
ous defeats,  which  the  English  were  in  this  war  accustomed 
to  inflict  upon  the  stormy,  rushing  armies  of  France  :  eight 
thousand  gentlemen  at  least  must  have  been  slain  at  Agin- 
court.  The  rage  of  faction  burned  more  fiercely  than  ever 
between  the  princes  of  the  blood.  When  Duke  John  of  Bur- 
gundy was  slain  in  the  presence  of  the  Dauphin  on  the  bridge 
of  Montereau,  the  son  of  the  murdered  Prince  held  himself 
justified  in  renouncing  his  connection  with  the  Dauphin,  and 
effecting  the  treaty  of  Troyes,  according  to  which,  Henry  V., 
of  England,  was  recognized  as  future  King  of  France,  and  at 
the  same  time  as  Regent  of  that  kingdom.  Under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Duke,  the  city  of  Paris  did  not  scruple  to  accept 


56  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  terms  of  this  treaty  :  they  were  adopted  by  the  members 
of  Parliament,  the  University,  the  clergy,  and  especially  by 
the  civic  magistracy,  with  loud  acclamations,  in  a  solemn 
assembly.  Never,  since  the  days  of  Philip  Augustus,  had  a 
king  been  better  received  in  Paris  than  was  Henry  V.  :  on  his 
entrance  into  that  city,  the  people  greeted  him  with  the  most 
tumultuous  joy ;  even  the  assembled  Estates  adopted  the 
treaty  and  subjected  themselves  to  new  taxes,  in  order  to  sup- 
ply him  with  money.*  The  French  believed  that  the  privi- 
leges of  their  Estates  and  municipalities  could  be  secured  only 
by  their  union  with  England  ;  they  did  not  bestow  a  thought 
upon  their  political  independence.  The  Dauphin,  by  a  kind 
of  legal  process,  was  declared  to  have  forfeited  all  his  rights 
to  the  crown. 

When  the  intelligence  was  brought  to  him,  he  answered 
that  he  would  appeal  from  that  judgment  to  the  point  of  his 
sword.  It  was  something  gained,  thus  to  depend  upon  him- 
self. Yet  the  sword,  as  he  then  wielded  it,  could  hardly  have 
saved  him :  it  was  necessary,  if  he  were  in  reality  to  become 
king  of  France,  that  he  should  first  separate  himself  from  the 
blood-stained  faction  of  the  Armagnacs,  which  then  surround- 
ed him.  For  the  accomplishment  of  his  purpose  he  found 
assistance  of  the  most  diversified  character. 

The  first  was  given  him  by  the  nobility,  who  gradually  re- 
united themselves  with  their  king.  They  were  the  Count  of 
Anjou  and  Provence,  with  whom  the  King  had  entered  into 
affinity  ;  the  Duke  of  Brittany  and  his  gallant  brother,  Riche- 
mont ;  and,  finally,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  whose  accession 
to  the  English  party  had  gained  Henry  the  kingdom,  and 
whose  renunciation  of  it  was  therefore  likely  to  deprive  him 
of  it  again.  They  were  all  by  degrees  made  conscious  that  it 
would  be  more  advantageous  to  them  to  have  a  native  king 
than  a  foreign  one  and  his  deputy.  The  sons  of  those  who 
had  fallen  at  Agincourt  were  now  also  come  to  maturity,  and 
attached  themselves  to  their  natural  king,  in  order  to  avenge 
the  death  of  their  fathers,  and  to  reconquer  the  towns  that 
had  been  lost. 

*  "  Comme  si  le  monde  eut  du  offre  sont  renouvellee  et  estably  en  per- 
petuejle  et  permanente  felicite." — Chastellain,  Chron.  du  Due  Phil.  64. 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  57 

Finally,  there  appeared  from  the  humblest  class — the  cul- 
tivators of  the  soil — one  of  the  most  marvelous  phenomena 
which  the  world  had  yet  seen — the  Maid  of  Orleans.  In 
order  to  understand  the  character  of  this  singular  being  prop- 
erly, it  is  necessary  to  call  to  mind  how  the  French  royal 
family,  the  Royaux  de  France,  and  the  crown  of  lilies  were 
invested  with  a  traditional  reverence.  In  the  territory  of  the 
Archbishopric  of  Rheims,  where  so  many  churches  were 
dedicated  to  St.  Remigius,  in  one  of  which  the  Maid  herself 
was  baptized,  the  right  of  the  anointed  Kings  of  France  was 
regarded  as  an  institution  immediately  originating  from  the 
Divinity.  Joan  of  Are  aroused  this  national  religious  feeling 
in  the  masses  ;  yet  she  knew  well  that  the  conviction  of  the 
King's  right  was  not  sufficient.  The  objection  was  once 
made  to  her,  that,  if  God  desired  to  free  the  land  from  its 
enemies,  he  was  able  to  effect  it  without  the  assistance  of  sol- 
diers— to  which  she  answered  with  appropriate  spirit,  "  The 
warriors  must  fight,  and  God  will  then  give  the  victory." 

The  inhabitants  of  Paris  had  long  been  weary  of  the  En- 
glish rule,  and  after  the  falling  off  of  Burgundy  from  that 
party  they  immediately  returned  to  the  cause  of  their  heredi- 
tary king.  It  was  magnanimous  conduct  on  the  part  of 
Charles  VII.,  that  when  he  again  became  master  of  the  city 
he  took  no  vengeance  upon  his  ancient  opponents.  For  a 
whole  century,  the  alternate  triumph  of  parties  had  filled  the 
capital  and  the  provinces  with  mutvial  slaughter ;  on  this  oc- 
casion care  was  taken  that  one  party  should  not  be  expelled 
as  heretofore  by  the  other,  and  deeds  of  violence  enacted 
which  might  have  conjured  up  anew  the  ancient  storms. 
While  the  internal  divisions  caused  by  the  operation  of  the 
English  war  had  become  in  the  highest  degree  dangerous  to 
the  integrity  of  the  kingdom,  the  reconciliation  thus  effected 
by  Charles  had  the  result  of  strengthening  the  antipathy  to 
the  English  dominion.  All  classes,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  worked  together,  in  order  to  re-establish  the  monarchy, 
so  that  now,  from  the  deepest  ruin,  it  arose  once  more,  all- 
protecting  and  all-comprehending. 

We  pause  a  moment ,  to  contemplate  the  circumstances  that 
marked  this  great  and  saving  conjuncture,  in  which  the  French 

c* 


58  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

monarchy,  while  struggling  for  its  very  existence,  acquired  at 
the  same  time,  and  as  the  result  of  the  struggle,  a  firmer 
organization.  The  expedients  adopted  to  carry  on  the  contest 
grew,  as  in  other  important  cases,  to  national  institutions. 

The  Pragmatic  Sanction,  in  which  the  King  and  the  clergy 
then  joined,  must  not  be  regarded  as  merely  an  act  of  spiritual 
jurisdiction — it  was  rather  the  perfecting  of  those  earlier 
measures  by  which  the  King,  and  the  clergy  who  adhered  to 
him,  sought  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  Pope,  who 
favored  the  English  and  Burgundians.  "  Experience  showed 
us,"  said  King  Charles  VII..*  "  that  Pope  Martin  bestowed 
the  episcopal  sees  and  other  important  benefices  of  our  king- 
dom either  upon  foreigners  or  upon  such  as  were  attached  to 
the  party  of  our  opponent.  We  have  therefore  ordained,  with 
the  advice  of  an  assembly  of  prelates,  clergy,  and  distinguished 
laymen,  that  no  one  shall  succeed  to  a  benefice  in  our  king- 
dom except  such  as  have  been  born  in  the  same  and  are  well- 
affected  to  us.  The  holy  father  who  succeeded  (Eugenius 
IV.)  has  also  day  after  day  conferred  the  benefices  of  our 
kingdom  upon  men  unknown  to  us,  who  are  not  natives  of 
the  realm,  ancTwho  belong  to  the  party  of  our  enemy."  It 
could  not  have  effected  much,  simply  to  repeat  this  determin- 
ation. In  order  therefore  to  uproot  the  evil  thoroughly,  the 
King  made  his  appearance  at  the  Council  of  Bale,  which  was 
then  assembled,  whose  decisions  in  favor  of  national  churches 
entirely  corresponded  with  his  wishes,  and  satisfied  all  the 
necessities  of  the  case.  In  a  great  assembly  at  Bourges,  in 
the  year  1438,  at  which  there  were  present  five  archbishops, 
twenty-five  bishops,  and  a  great  number  of  clergy  of  inferior 
rank,  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Bale  were  adopted,  with 
some  slight  alterations,  and  formed  into  a  statute,  which  has 
been  designated  by  the  solemn  title  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction. 
The  French  Church  by  this  recovered  the  important  right  of 
free  election  ;  t  and  in  the  present  temper  of  the  nation  there 

*  Lettres  de  Charles  VII.,  par  lesquelles  il  ordonne,  que  nul  ne  sera 
recu  aux  benefices  ecclesiastiques,  s'il  n'est  du  royaume,  et  affectionne 
au  Roy.     March  10,  1431-2  :  Ordonnances,  xiii.  178. 

t  It  is  the  Decretum  de  Electionibus,  twelfth  session  of  the  Council 
of  Bale. 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  59 

was  no  reason  to  fear  that  it  would  fall  upon  the  opponents 
of  the  King  or  the  adherents  of  his  enemies.  The  denial  of 
the  demands  for  money  made  by  the  Roman  Curia,  which 
Philip  the  Fair  had  once  the  boldness  to  make,  could  now  for 
the  first  time  be  carried  out  thoroughly  on  the  authority  of  a 
general  decree  of  the  assembly  of  the  Church.  To  Rome 
there  could  be  nothing  more  offensive  than  thus  to  settle 
ecclesiastical  affairs  without  the  interference  of  the  Pope. 
Just  as  the  contest  in  which  men  were  engaged  demanded  it, 
all  gathered  themselves  round  the  King. 

The  revival  of  the  Parliament  stood  in  intimate  connection 
with  the  establishment  of  the  clergy  in  a  Gallican  character. 
The  Parliament  of  Paris,  which  properly  had  been  established 
by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  which  had  taken  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  English  king,  had  never  been  recognized  by 
Charles  VII.  He  had  constituted  his  Parliament  at  Poitiers 
of  such  members  of  that  at  Paris  as  had  fled  to  him  and  re- 
mained true  to  their  allegiance,  and  after  he  had  triumphed 
over  his  foe  he  led  them  back  to  the  capital.  In  this  he  saw 
"the  strong  arm  of  his  justice;"  and  as  this  now  renewed 
the  ancient  fundamental  maxims  of  the  French  administra- 
tion of  justice  in  all  respects,  so  did  it  maintain  the  rights  in 
reference  to  spiritual  affairs  with  which  it  had  been  invested 
ever  since  the  times  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  assume  an  atti- 
tude of  defiance  against  the  claims  of  the  Romish  Court. 
"The  Bishop  of  Rome,"  said  Pius  IL,  "  whose  diocese  is  the 
world,  has  no  more  jurisdiction  in  France  than  what  the 
Parliament  is  pleased  to  allow  him ;  it  even  believes  that  it 
has  the  power  to  forbid  the  entrance  of  spiritual  censures  into 
the  kingdom." 

Meanwhile  it  appeared  urgently  necessary  to  organize  in 
some  measure  the  royal  administration,  and  the  pecuniary 
economy  of  the  Government.  The  domains  of  the  Crown 
had  for  the  most  part  fallen  into  the  possession  of  private 
persons,  or  had  been  granted  away,  so  that  they  no  longer 
produced  any  revenue,  and  therefore  the  building  of  fortresses 
could  not  be  sustained  from  that  source.*  The  taxes  which 
the  former  kings  had  levied  Charles  VII.  was  compelled  to 
*  Preface  aux  Ordonnances,  tome  xiii.  p.  70. 


60  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

dispense  with,  otherwise  he  might  have  lost  the  popular  favor, 
for  the  English  and  Burgundian  party  had  not  demanded 
them.  He  was  thus  obliged  to  fall  hack  upon  the  sparing 
and  insecure  grants  of  the  Estates,  which  still  remained  faith- 
ful to  him.  From  this  state  of  financial  disorder  and  the  want 
of  money  originated  the  independent  power  of  the  free  com- 
panies of  warriors  which  filled  the  land.  The  captains  who 
fought  on  the  King's  side  frequently  refused  obedience  to  the 
commands  of  his  marshals,  and  behind  the  walls  of  their 
fortresses  practiced  the  most  licentious  and  contemptuous 
violence  :  sometimes  it  was  found  necessary  to  expel  them 
altogether  from  the  kingdom,  in  order  that  they  might  do  real 
service  to  be  re-admitted. 

Charles  VII.  sought  as  soon  as  possible  to  put  an  end  to 
their  plundering  by  appointing  to  them,  in  the  several  dis- 
tricts which  they  occupied,  either  a  settled  amount  of  income 
or  provisions  in  kind  for  man  and  horse.  It  was  like  a  forced 
contribution  ;  the  otherwise  inevitable  evils  of  war  had  been 
purchased  off  by  a  regular  tribute. 

In  the  year  1439  the  King  had  brought  the  whole  kingdom 
into  a  state  of  harmonious  arrangement,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  a  position  of  high  political  importance.  In  an  assembly 
held  at  Orleans  in  the  year  1439,  at  which  the  delegates  of 
the  Dukes  of  Orleans,  Burgundy,  and  Brittany,  and  those  of 
the  Count  of  Armagnac  and  of  the  city  of  Paris,  were  present, 
the  conviction  universally  prevailed  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  control  the  troops  required  for  the  continuance  of  the 
war,  unless  they  were  regularly  paid  and  placed  in  subordin- 
ation to  the  commands  of  a  single  chief.  It  indicated  an 
unexampled  change,  that  an  ordinance  could  have  issued  on 
the  counsel,  as  it  is  stated  in  the  original  document,  of  the 
princes  and  barons,  the  prelates  and  clergy,  the  gentry  and 
people  of  the  good  towns,  which  established  this  regulation.* 
Those  nobles  who  had  become  nearly  independent  did-,  it  is 
true,  disclaim  the  authority  of  the  ordinance  which  forbade 
the  raising  and  maintaining  of  troops  without  the  license  of 
the  King,  and  claimed  for  themselves  the  exclusive  right  to 

*  Lettres  de  Charles  VII.,  pour  obvier  aux  pilleries  et  vexationes  de 
gens  de  guerre,  Nov.  2,  1439.    (Ordonn.  des.  Rois  de  France,  xiii.  306  ) 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  61 

appoint  the  captains,  who  should  he  held  responsible  to  them 
for  every  unlawful  act  committed  by  their  respective  com- 
panies. They  consented  however  to  be  prohibited  from  laying 
tallages  upon  their  subjects  by  their  own  mere  authority,  or 
from  increasing  those  which  should  be  laid  on  by  the  King.  It 
was  the  great  object  of  the  King  to  be  allowed  to  raise  a  gen- 
eral tax  for  the  pay  of  troops  from  the  subjects  of  the  great 
nobles,  as  well  as  in  his  own  immediate  territories.  It  may 
be  regarded  as  certain  that  the  most  considerable  of  the  great 
barons  were  not  moved  to  this  concession  without  the  assur- 
ance of  a  pecuniary  indemnity,  and  even  then  they  voted  only 
for  a  small  amount  of  tallage,  out  of  all  proportion  with  the 
number  of  the  troops.* 

The  revenue  system  obtained  by  these  means  a  totally 
different  form.  The  King  assumed  that  as  the  army  was  to 
be  permanent  the  grant  should  be  perpetual ;  and  then  com- 
menced a  strong  and  thorough  system  of  administrative  reg- 
ulations. An  assembly  of  the  three  Estates  had,  immediately 
after  the  victory,  accorded  the  re-establishment  of  the  taxes. 
The  place  of  the  ehcs  of  the  Commons,  who  had  hitherto  been 
intrusted  with  the  assessment  of  the  imposts,  was  taken  by 
royal  officers,  who  also  bore  that  name.  The  Treasurers  of 
France — the  produce  of  the  domain  was  the  original  treasure 
— who  were  charged  with  the  duty  of  recovering  what  the 
Crown  had  lost,  occupied  a  very  comprehensive  sphere  of 
action.f 

Charles  VII.  considered  the  case  of  the  provinces  separately, 
with  respect  both  to  their  peculiar  circumstances  and  the 
services  they  had  rendered  to  his  cause,  and  did  not  enforce 
his  system  with  uniform  severity.  From  the  province  of 
Languedoc,  which  had  given  him  the  most  energetic  support, 
he  accepted  an  equivalent  for  the  taxes,  and  also  granted  it  a 
separate  Parliament  at  Toulouse,  on  account  of  the  difference 
of  the  law  which  prevailed  there.     It  appeared  to  him  suffi- 

*  Comines  asserts  it  expressly,  i.  384.  The  Venetian  embassador 
Zrevisan,  to  his  account  of  the  amount  of  the  revenue  in  1502,  adds 
the  words  :  "  Di  quel  danaro  il  Re  paga  la  pension  ordinaria  di  signori, 
come  ordinö  Henrico  VII."  (a  mistake  for  Carlo). 

t  Lettres  portant  reglement  sur  les  functions  et  pouvoirs  des  tresoriers 
de  France      August  12,  1445  :   Ordonnances,  xiii.  444. 


62  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

cient  to  renew  the  ancient  privileges  here  and  there  ;  and 
therefore,  when  he  was  requested  to  summon  the  States  Gen- 
eral, he  did  not  accede,  for  he  had  been  informed  by  men  of 
high  authority  that  it  would  only  give  occasion  for  unneces- 
sary expense — that  it  was  not  the  desire  of  the  country, 
which  was  content  with  the  present  state  of  things.  I  find, 
in  an  English  author  of  the  seventeenth  century,*  the  remark, 
that  the  Estates  of  France  would  have  obtained  greater  im- 
portance if  they  had  attached  themselves  to  the  throne  in  this 
war.  Although  it  was  not  without  the  participation  of  the 
Assemblies  of  the  Estates,  yet  it  happened  chiefly  in  conse- 
quence of  the  conquest,  and  the  necessities  produced  thereby, 
that  the  monarchic  institutions  predominated  in  the  founding 
of  a  comprehensive  administration,  which  depended  solely 
upon  the  will  of  the  King,  and  of  a  regularly  paid  military 
power. 

After  some  pecuniary  means  had  been  obtained,  a  thorough 
purification  of  the  army  took  place  :  those  only  were  retained 
who  had  conducted  themselves  well ;  they  were  separated 
into  companies,  and  measures  were  adopted  for  securing  them 
regular  pay.  This  was  the  first  instance  of  a  standing  army 
in  modern  Europe.  Few  in  number  as  were  these  Compag- 
nies  d' Ordonnance — there  were  originally  only  fifteen,  each 
constituted  of  one  hundred  lances,  and  each  lance  of  six  men 
— they  formed  the  nucleus  of  an  army,  round  which  the 
feudal  troops,  which  had  been  brought  into  better  order, 
and  an  infantry  raised  in  return  for  an  exemption  from  the 
imposts,  grouped  themselves. f  Jacques  Cceur,  a  wealthy 
merchant  of  Bourges,  who  had  enriched  himself  by  the  Syro- 
Egyptian  commerce,  provided  the  extraordinary  pecuniary 
means  which  were  necessary  in  order  to  place  the  new  war- 
like power — that  of  the  artillery,  which  first  produced  any 
great  effects  during  this  century — in  a  proper  condition ;  for 
standing  armies,  imposts,  and  loans  all  originated  together. 


*  James  Harrington,  the  "  Oceana." 

t  Lettres  de  Charles  VII.,  April  28,  1446,  pour  l'institution  des 
Francs  Archers.  The  intention  was  to  carry  on  the  war  against  the 
English,  "  sans  ce  qu'il  soit  besoing  de  nous  aider  d'autres,  que  de  nos 
dits  subjests." — Ordonn.  xiv.  1. 


EPOCH  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WARS.  63 

An  army  now  appeared  in  the  field,  from  whose  advances  the 
ruin  of  the  provinces  which  it  was  to  occupy  was  not,  as 
formerly,  to  be  apprehended,  and  whose  discipline  was  more 
complete  than  that  of  any  other  which  Gaul  had  seen  since 
the  ancient  Roman  times.  Before  this  host  the  English  were 
unable  to  maintain  themselves  either  in  Normandy  or  Gui- 
enne,  and  the  world  was  astonished  when  the  French  banner 
was  not  only  waving  in  Normandy,  but  also  when  the  English 
were  forced  to  quit  Aquitaine,  of  which  they  had  held  posses- 
sion for  a  century,  and  were  deprived  of  all  their  continental 
possessions  except  Calais. 

As  great  an  advantage  perhaps  for  the  conquered  as  for  the 
conquerors,  for  the  two  nations  must  have  separated,  if  each 
was  to  develop  itself  according  to  ists  own  proper  nature  and 
genius. 


BOOK  IL 
POLITICS  AND  WAR  FROM  1450  TO  1550. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    CROWN    AND    THE    GREAT    VASSALS. 

In  the  Italian  arsenals  they  call  the  great  central  beam, 
round  which  the  smaller  pieces  of  wood  are  laid  to  form  a 
mast,  the  Soul ;  in  the  Dutch  dock-yards  it  is  named  the 
King.  True  kingship  consists  in  the  power  which  holds  to- 
gether the  people  and  the  Estates,  which  maintains  their 
equilibrium  and  supports  them  through  the  storm. 

It  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the  royal  house  of  France, 
notwithstanding  many  weaknesses,  had,  in  raising  itself  to  a 
position  of  such  high  importance,  been  of  signal  advantage  to 
the  French  nation.  At  a  period  of  the  greatest  confusion  in 
the  internal  organization,  when  the  conflict  of  parties  was 
fiercest,  it  was  chosen  as  the  embodiment  of  the  idea  of  legal 
power — at  least  of  that  idea  which  had  been  formed  of  legal 
power  amidst  the  strife  of  the  age — and  at  length  the  time 
arrived  when  that  idea  might  be  fully  realized  through  the 
accomplishment  of  its  fundamental  objects.  The  principle 
of  monarchy  caused  it  to  penetrate  all  the  popular  elements, 
and  hold  them  together.  A  war  then  broke  out,  which  ap- 
peared at  one  period  as  if  it  must  force  the  nation  into  an 
unnatural  union  with  another,  whose  development,  although 
somewhat  related  to  its  own,  was  grounded  upon  essentially 
different  principles  :  this  war  fortunately  brought  the  Valois 
branch  of  the  Capetian  line  to  the  throne,  and  both  Estates 
and  nation  preserved  their  proper  position. 

All  these  provinces,  so  variously  composed,  and  the  Estates, 
at  discord  among  themselves,  united  again  with  the  Crown, 
in  whose  power  alone  they  felt  lay  their  safety  and  freedom. 
Not  that  all  internal  disputes  had  been  determined  and 
dropped  :  the  collection  of  ungranted  imposts  met  with  great 
opposition,  especially  in  the  provinces  most  recently  recovered 


68  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

from  England.  An  historical  writer  of  the  time*  gives  the 
opposite  arguments  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  prov- 
inces and  the  royal  officials  met  each  other  ;  but  the  imposts 
were  moderate,  and  they  were  paid.  The  unity  was  not  by 
any  means  either  oppressive  or  arbitrary.  Justice  was  ad- 
ministered every  where  in  the  name  of  the  King,  but  through 
the  instrumentality  of  great,  well-organized  corporations, 
which  were  not  in  the  slightest  degree  dependent  upon  mo- 
mentary caprice.  The  clergy  also  gave  in  their  adhesion  to 
the  Throne,  principally,  however,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  maintained  by  it  in  their  independence.  The  paid  troops 
were  not  numerous,  and  could  not  therefore  detract  from  the 
military  importance  of  the  nobility.  The  great  vassals  still 
laid  claim  to  the  right  of  being  present  at  the  consultations 
concerning  the  general  circumstances  of  the  kingdom,  and 
when  the  claim  was  formally  discussed,  Charles  VII.  did 
not  venture  positively  to  reject  it.f  His  son,  Louis  XL,  as 
Dauphin,  took  up  the  cause  of  the  barons  against  his  father, 
and  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Berry,  did  the  same  against 
Louis  himself. 

Still,  however,  these  provincial  sovereigns  had  a  position 
in  France  not  much  less  important  than  that  of  the  nobles 
of  the  same  rank  in  Germany,  who  were  hereditary  princes. 
The  Dukes  of  Brittany  could  refuse  to  accept  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction,  and  even  entered  into  an  alliance  against  it  with 
the  Pope  :  in  defiance  of  the  King,  they  styled  themselves 
"  dukes  by  the  grace  of  God,"  and  founded  a  university  by 
their  own  authority.  The  Counts  of  Anjou  and  Provence 
had  not  yet  forgotten  their  claims  upon  Syria  and  Jerusalem, 
which  gave  them  a  place  among  the  independent  powers  of 
the  world.  To  many  a  traveler  their  castle  at  Angers,  where 
they  held  their  court,  and  which  had  more  than  twenty  towers, 
appeared  to  be  the  strongest  fortress  in  the  world ;  they  had 
here  collected  and  arranged,  in  caverns  and  grottoes,  all  kinds 
of  remarkable  objects,  both  natural  and  artificial,  from  every 
quarter  of  the  globe.  The  court  of  the  Dukes  of  Orleans,  at 
Blois,  was  the  most  distinguished  spot  in  Europe  for  knightly 

*  Amelgardus,  whose  work  well  deserves  to  be  printed. 
t  Arguments  for  and  against,  in  Monstrelet. 


THE  CEOWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.  69 

accomplishments ;  one  of  the  last  of  them,  who  possessed  an 
admirable  talent  for  poetry,  had  there  given  a  peculiar  tone 
to  society,  and  numbers  of  men,  whose  names  have  been  re- 
nowned in  history,  assembled  round  him.  The  court  of  the 
Dukes  of  Burgundy  was,  however,  by  far  more  splendid,  and 
more  numerously  frequented  than  any  of  these ;  foreigners 
were  astonished  at  the  vast  number  of  knights,  counts,  and 
even  of  princes,  that  crowded  in  troops  round  Philip  the  Good, 
and  still  more  so  at  the  treasures  he  allowed  to  be  exhibited 
to  them — "  a  hundred  thousand  quintals  of  coined  gold,  be- 
sides an  infinite  quantity  of  the  most  costly  jewels."* 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  party  efforts  of  the  House 
of  Burgundy ;  now  for  the  first  time,  however,  it  entered 
upon  a  course  which  was  of  importance  to  the  history  of  the 
world,  and  exercised  a  decisive  influence  upon  both  the  ex- 
ternal power  and  the  internal  development  of  France  :  it 
arose  from  the  relationship  of  the  great  nobles  to  the  chief  of 
the  state. 

When  the  earlier  kings  conferred  vacant  fiefs  upon  the 
members  of  the  royal  house,  they  did  so  in  the  belief  that 
they  were  thereby  increasing  its  strength.  King  John  might 
have  been  actuated  by  this  motive  when,  in  1363,  he  be- 
stowed the  dukedom  of  Burgundy  upon  the  youngest  and 
most  valiant  of  his  sons,  who  accompanied  him  in  his  cap- 
tivity. The  vigorous  offshoot  which  he  had  thus  planted 
flourished  in  the  most  rapid  manner  :  in  a  few  generations 
it  had  acquired  Flanders,  with  those  cities  which  constantly 
exercised  so  powerful  an  influence  upon  northern  France  ; 
the  neighboring  territory  of  Brabant ;  the  warlike  Walloon 
provinces,  Artois,  Hennegau,  Namur,  Luxemburg ;  the  lands 
on  the  German  sea-coast,  which  had  been  won  from  the 
ocean  with  obstinate  industry — territories  stretching  far  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  the  French  feudal  sovereignty.  At  a 
time  of  universal  division  and  faction,  it  was  impossible  that 
the  elevation  of  a  branch  of  the  royal  house  to  a  position  of 
independent  power  could  conduce  to  the  advantage  of  either 
the  head  of  the  house  or  of  the  nation.     We  have  noticed  the 

*  Journey  of  the  Bohemian  noble,  Leo  von  Rozmital ;  in  the  Library^ 
of  the  Literary  Union  at  Stuttgard,  vii.  p.  161,  et  seq. 


70  HISTORY  OP  FRANCE. 

union  of  Burgundy  with  England.  When  Philip  the  Good 
broke  oft'  from  it,  and  joined  the  interests  of  the  crown  of 
France  once  more,  he  did  not  do  so  without  obtaining  the 
greatest  advantages — he  stipulated  for  the  extension  of  his 
territories  to  the  banks  of  the  Somme. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  the  first  peer  of  France,  and 
all  the  efforts  of  the  great  vassals  found  in  him  a  natural 
support.  How  splendid  was  his  appearance  at  the  coronation 
of  Louis  XL,  at  Rheims  !  He  had  given  him  an  asylum  in 
his  dominions,  and  he  now  had  brought  him  back.  The 
modest  figure  of  the  young  King  vanished  in  the  blaze  of 
splendor  with  which  the  Duke  was  surrounded.  When  he 
came  to  Paris,  immediately  afterward,  he  was  received  with 
so  many  indications  of  attachment  to  the  house  of  Burgundy, 
that  it  was  not  impossible  to  believe  that  the  city  would  have 
been  still  more  rejoiced  to  have  greeted  him  as  king. 

Between  a  vassal  such  as  this,  and  a  monarchy  occu- 
pied with  the  project  of  increasing  its  power,  no  enduring 
alliance  could  exist,  however  personally  friendly  their  relations 
might  be. 

When  Louis  XL  desired  to  take  advantage  of  the  right  to 
restore  the  cities  of  the  Somme  to  the  Crown,  by  paying  an 
equivalent,  which  the  treaty  of  Arras  had  guaranteed  to  him, 
he  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  youthful  heir  of  Burgundy, 
who  soon  after  became  duke,  and  who  asserted  that  the  con- 
trary had  been  promised  to  himself  personally.  After  a  short 
time  it  came  to  a  conflict  immediately  between  Burgundy 
and  the  Crown  ;  but  one  in  which  all  Avho  felt  for  their  own 
independence  took  part  with  the  claims  of  Burgundy. 

In  the  year  1465  all  the  great  vassals  were  seen  once 
more  united  against  the  Crown ;  Armagnacs  and  Burgundi- 
ans  fought  in  the  same  camp,  and  Louis  XL,  after  the  loss  of 
a  pitched  battle,  was  forced  to  a  peace.  In  the  articles  of 
this  peace,  he  was  obliged  to  relinquish  his  claims  upon  the 
cities  of  the  Somme,  and  not  only  so,  but  to  submit  to  humili- 
ating conditions.  A  commission,  composed  of  thirty-six  nota- 
bles, from  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  lawyers,  was  to 
take  into  consideration  the  reforms  which  were  deemed  most 
urgent  in  the  kingdom,  and  especially  those  relating  to  the 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.  71 

privileges  of  the  Estates,  concerning  which  their  determina- 
tions were  to  be  final. 

A  few  years  afterward,  when  Louis  had  incautiously  placed 
himself  in  the  power  of  Duke  Charles,  it  was  a  matter  of 
consultation  whether  they  should  not  call  in  the  Duke  of 
Berry,  brother  to  the  King,  and,  under  the  authority  of  the 
next  prince  of  the  blood,  establish  regulations  to  the  advant- 
age of  the  great  vassals  of  the  kingdom.  The  King  would 
then  have  been  held  in  strict  restraint,  and  a  government  of 
the  great  lords  have  been  set  up.  But  it  was  the  good  for- 
tune of  the  King  that  his  antagonists  were  not  much  interest- 
ed in  the  contemplated  regulations.  The  Duke  of  Brittany 
protested  against  the  commission,  as  derogatory  to  the  rights 
of  his  dukedom  ;  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  contented 
when  the  King  promised  to  give  him  military  assistance 
against  the  city  of  Liege,  which  was  then  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Louis  himself. 

The  circumstances  of  the  French  Crown  were  now  fraught 
with  peril,  had  Charles  the  Bold  been  able  to  accomplish  his 
designs,  by  extending  his  power  over  the  Netherlands,  Lor- 
raine and  Alsace,  to  the  borders  of  Switzerland.  It  was  even 
mooted  in  the  Estates  at  Dijon  that  the  time  had  arrived  for 
Burgundy  to  renew  its  ancient  independence  on  the  Crown. 
In  case  of  the  vacancy  of  Provence,  which  appeared  likely  to 
take  place  soon,  the  Duke  hoped  to  obtain  possession  of  that 
province  also.  A  new  kingdom,  embracing  Lorraine  and 
Burgundy,  would  thus  have  been  established  in  the  east  and 
south  of  France,  while  on  the  north  and  west  it  would  have 
been  narrowed  by  the  independence  of  Brittany  and  by  the 
English,  whose  claims  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  stirred  up 
anew.  France,  in  short,  would  have  become  a  petty  power 
in  the  world. 

Historical  philosophy  often  flatters  itself  with  being  able  to 
point  out  the  unbroken  continuity  of  a  system  that  has  com- 
menced growing  as  if  it  proceeded  from  an  inner  necessity. 
We  confess,  however,  that  all  the  reunions  which  appear  so 
pompous  in  catalogues,  even  the  constitutional  foundations  of 
power,  were  only  of  a  preparatory  nature,  and  would  have 
had  but  little  significance  if  such  a  principality  had  been  es- 


72  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

tablished  by  the  side  of  the  throne  ;  it  would  have  allied  it- 
self with  all  the  tendencies  of  internal  independence. 

If  we  ask  whether  the  Crown  had  in  itself  the  power  to 
obviate  this  danger,  we  must  acknowledge  that  the  affirma- 
tive can  not  be  maintained.  Was  it  not  under  obligation  to 
the  great  vassals,  who  had  rendered  it  such  essential  service 
in  the  war  with  the  English  ?  and  would  not  these  carry 
with  them  a  large  portion  of  the  nobility  over  whom  they 
naturally  had  great  influence  ?  The  attempt  to  form  a  na- 
tive French  infantry  had  not  succeeded.  It  can  not  indeed 
be  doubted  that  the  general  voice  of  the  nation  was  in  favor 
of  the  royal  cause.  An  author,  otherwise  well  disposed  to- 
ward the  Burgundian  party,  has  described  the  complaints 
which  were  made  in  every  direction,  concerning  the  conduct  of 
Duke  Charles :  it  was  thought  horrible  that  the  subject  and 
vassal  should  attack  his  king,  and  seek  to  tyrannize  over  him 
by  means  of  his  own  power,  rather  than  with  foreign  assist- 
ance. An  Assembly  of  the  States,  which  was  summoned  in 
1467  by  the  King,  took  up  his  cause  with  decision,  at  least 
against  the  Duke  of  Brittany  and  against  his  own  brother.  But 
were  they  either  able  or  inclined  to  direct  the  arms  of  France 
against  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  to  cast  him  down  from 
his  position?  The  general  aspect  of  things  does  not  make 
this  impression. 

As  Duke  Charles,  however,  was  now  striving  to  obtain  the 
standing  of  a  European  power,  it  was  quite  certain  that  the 
King  would  obtain  assistance  in  his  struggle  with  him  from 
allies  out  of  his  kingdom. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  in  his  progress,  came  especially 
into  collision  with  the  union  formed  in  the  high  German 
regions  between  powerful  cities  and  a  gallant  peasantry,  the 
Swiss  Confederation.  King  Louis  XI.  offered  them  his  alli- 
ance. 

The  French  government  is  distinguished  from  all  the  other 
powers  of  that  period  by  the  circumstances  that  it  was  legit- 
imate and  firm,  and  at  the  same  time  possessed  the  pecuni- 
ary resources  necessary  for  carrying  out  its  purposes  freely. 
Louis  XI.  increased  those  ungranted  imposts  upon  which  his 
father  had  grounded  the  new  condition  of  the  state  ;  not  so 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.     73 

much  however  of  his  own  will,  as  under  the  pressure  of  ne- 
cessity. As  to  the  claims  of  the  great  vassals  to  a  portion 
of  the  revenue  arising  from  these  imposts,  he  did  not  give 
them  any  attention.  He  gathered  money  with  the  most  ex- 
treme severity ;  but  then  he  spent  it  with  a  certain  generos- 
ity, and  without  reserve. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1474  that  treaty  was  complet- 
ed which  was  fraught  with  the  most  eventful  consequences 
to  the  Swiss  Confederates,  not  less  than  to  the  French  mon- 
archy— by  virtue  of  which  it  was  stipulated  that,  in  return 
for  the  payment  of  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  the  King 
could  reckon  at  all  times  upon  the  aid  of  Swiss  auxiliary  troops. 
Treaties  were  also  entered  into  with  the  separate  cantons  ; 
and  as  they  would  have  to  bear  the  taxes  and  expense  of  the 
Confederation,  the  King  assigned  to  them  a  certain  annual 
sum,  to  be  paid  out  of  his  treasuries  in  Languedoc  and  Lan- 
guedoil,  so  long  as  the  troops  should  remain  in  his  service.* 

This  was  not  a  common  or  usual  alliance ;  but  its  most 
extraordinary  feature  was  that  the  leaders  of  a  powerful  re- 
publican union  should  find  it  to  their  personal  interest  to  make 
their  own  the  cause  of  the  supreme  power  in  France,  whose 
most  distinguished  authority  consisted  in  the  right  to  raise 
money. 

The  Swiss  constituted  still  the  only  considerable  infantry 

*  I  give  the  words  of  the  security  given  to  Zurich  (May  4,  1475), 
from  the  Zurich  State  Archives,  Loys,  etc.  :  "  Scavoir  faisons  que  nous, 
consideranf  les  grans  alliances  et  confederations,  prises  et  accordees 
entre  nous  et  les  villes  et  pays  de  l'ancienne  Ligue  de  la  haulte  Alle 
maicne,  et  que  pour  icelles  entretenir  en  ensuivant  les  poinds  et  articles 
contenue  es  dites  aliances  et  confederations  conviendra  faire  plusieurs 
grands  frais  mises  et  depenses  a  aucune  des  bonnes  villes  des  diets 
hautes  Allemagnes  et  autres  particuliers  des  dits  pays,  pour  eux  entre- 
tenir en  nostre  service  au  fait  de  nos  guerres  et  autrement,  a  icelles 
bonnes  villes  et  autres  particuliers  des  dits  hautes  Allemagnes,  pour 
ces  causes  et  considerations  et  autres  ii  ce  mouvantes,  et  mesment  pour 
leur  aider  a  supporter  les  dits  grands  frais  mises  et  depenses  que  a  ce9 
causes  faire  soutenir  et  supporter  leur  conviendra  pour  notre  dite  serv- 
ice, avons  ordonne  et  ordonnons  certaine  somme  de  deniers  :  c"est  a 
scavoir,  aux  gouverneurs  de  la  communite  de  Zuric  la  somme  1 1  milles 
livres  tournois,  a  icelle  avoir  et  prantre  dorenavant  par  chaqun  an  par 
maniere  de  pension,  tant  qu'ils  s'entretiendront  en  nostre  dit  service," 
etc. 

D  __ 


74  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

in  the  West  of  Europe  ;  it  was  therefore  an  inestimable  ad- 
vantage to  the  French  King  to  be  able  at  any  time  to  call 
out  these  warlike  and  disciplined  troops  for  the  purposes  of 
defense  against  foreign  hostility,  or  for  the  suppression  of  dis- 
affection within  the  kingdom.  They  speedily  decided  the 
great  contest  with  Charles  the  Bold.  His  brilliant  army  was 
dispersed  before  the  firm  ranks  of  the  sons  of  the  mountains  ; 
all  his  far-reaching  plans,  embracing  France,  Germany,  and 
Italy,  were  demolished,  and  he  himself  was  slain.  As  all 
political  dangers  centred  in  him,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  the 
impression  which  his  overthrow  made  upon  the  King ;  not 
only  did  be  see  all  his  calculations  crowned  with  success,  but 
the  relief  it  gave  him  must  have  been  such  as  he  would  have 
felt  on  being  freed  from  a  pressure  which  impeded  his  respir- 
ation. 

There  was  now  no  doubt  that  the  province  of  Guienne, 
which  had  been  conferred  on  the  Duke  of  Berry,  but  which 
had  after  his  death  reverted  to  the  Crown,  would  now  remain 
united  to  it  permanently :  this  Charles  the  Bold  would  never 
have  suffered.  Provence  also,  upon  which  the  Duke  had 
formed  designs,  but  upon  which  Louis  XI.  possessed  legiti- 
mate claims,  derived  from  his  mother,  might  now,  when  it 
happened  to  be  vacant,  be  drawn  into  connection  with  the 
Crown  without  difficulty.  Of  the  ancient  suzerainty  of  the 
German  Empire  no  one  took  any  account :  it  appeared  to  the 
French  sufficient  respect  paid  to  that  power,  when,  as  they 
expressed  it,  they  annexed  Provence  to  the  Crown,  instead 
of  reuniting  it.  But  what  an  inestimable  accession  did  this 
union  bring  to  the  monarchy  !  The  designs  of  Philip  the 
Fair  were  carried  out  to  their  full  consummation.  The  West- 
Frankish  crown  extended  its  immediate  dominion  over  the 
whole  southern  coast,  and  Marseilles  became  for  the  first 
time  a  French  haven. 

The  death  of  Louis's  opponent  brought  the  Bnrgundian 
possessions  in  Picardy,  concerning  which  the  contest  had 
originated,  back  to  the  Crown  without  further  difficulty. 
But  that  which  constituted  the  extreme  object  of  the  King's 
policy  at  first  could  not  now  satisfy  him ;  he  seized  the  occa- 
sion to  reclaim  Burgundy,  although  in  the  original  enfeoff- 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.      75 

ment  there  was  no  mention  made  of  its  being  limited  to  the 
male  line  of  the  succession,  yet  the  King,  taking  advantage 
of  his  position,  declared  that  such  was  the  rule,  and  accord- 
ingly took  possession  of  the  territory. 

Had  the  notion  of  provincial  independence  retained  any 
deep  root  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  it  is  highly  probable 
that  this  acquisition  of  the  province  by  the  Crown  would 
have  met  with  invincible  opposition  ;  but  French  nationality 
had  already  developed  itself  to  a  universal  feeling,  which  no 
longer  permitted  the  idea  of  partition.  As  the  lands  which 
had  recognized  another  feudal  sovereign  were  thus  easily 
brought  into  the  royal  possession,  much  easier  still  was  the 
task  of  recovering  those  which  for  ages  had  reverenced  the 
King  as  their  supreme  head. 

Louis  XI  took  care  to  content  whatever  remained  of  pro- 
vincial spirit,  by  establishing  institutions  of  the  Estates  of 
the  several  provinces  ;  and  his  government  is  remarkable  for 
the  fact  that  it  favored  these  institutions.  We  find,  under 
Louis  XL,  meetings  of  the  three  Estates  in  Champagne  and 
Brie,  Dauphine,  Perigord,  and  Quercy,  the  Bassa  March  a  de 
Rovergue,  Guienne,  and  in  regular  uninterrupted  activity  in 
Normandy  and  Languedoc.  The  King  urged  them  frequently 
for  grants  of  money,  but  he  showed  confidence  in  them,  lis- 
tened to  their  complaints,  and  sought  to  remedy  their  griev- 
ances.* The  Estates  of  the  newly  acquired  provinces,  there- 
fore, adhered  the  more  readily  to  him.  To  those  of  Provence 
he  promised  to  maintain  their  privileges  and  customs,  and 
especially  the  authority  of  their  written  laws.  He  gave  the 
Burgundians  an  express  assurance  that  he  would  never  lay  a 
tax  upon  them  without  their  consent.  He  favored  the  pro- 
vincial constitutions  which  could  do  no  prejudice  to  his  per- 
sonal supremacy  in  political  affairs.  In  one  of  his  treaties, 
the  ratification  was  reserved  to  the  French  Estates  ;  but  it  is 
probable  that  the  King  did  not  mean  by  this  the  States  Gen- 
eral, who  would  previously  have  had  charge  of  such  matters, 
but  the  forty-seven  distinct  assemblies  of  the  provincial  Es- 
tates. Connected  with  this  is  the  fact  that,  following  the 
previous  course  and  example  of  his  father,  he  caused  a  col- 
*  J.  Paquet,  Institutiones  Provinciales,  124. 


76  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

lection  of  the  customary  laws  to  be  made,  and  gave  the  several 
provinces  supreme  courts  of  justice.  Between  1444  and  1501, 
Languedoc,  Dauphine,  Burgundy,  Guienne,  and  Provence  ob- 
tained their  parliaments  ;  and  this  was  of  all  the  greater  im- 
portance, as  Louis  XI.  was  the  first  monarch  who  decidedly 
recognized  the  fundamental  doctrine  that  the  officers  of  justice 
were  not  removable  at  pleasure.  It  is  very  remarkable  that 
this  prince,  with  whose  name  is  associated  the  idea  of  tyran- 
nical power,  was  a  friend  of  the  civic  population,  and  showed 
much  favor  to  the  towns  ;  he  confirmed  their  privileges,  and, 
where  he  found  none,  bestowed  them.  A  multitude  of  char- 
ters are  in  existence,  in  which  he  confers  upon  the  towns  the 
right  of  freely  electing  their  magistrates,  and  connected  with 
the  administration  of  these  offices  the  acquisition  of  nobility. 
He  willingly  permitted  general  assemblies  of  the  burghers,  for 
he  cherished  a  natural  predilection  for  the  people,  and  hated 
the  nobles.  When,  in  his  war  with  the  princes,  his  cause 
appeared  in  the  greatest  peril,  he  returned  to  Paris,  and  was 
received  by  the  inhabitants  with  the  most  joyful  acclamations, 
a  circumstance  by  which  they  completely  won  his  favor.  No 
other  prince  perhaps  ever  did  so  much  for  the  prosperity  of 
Paris  as  Louis  XL  He  bestowed  upon  the  city  both  juris- 
dictional and  mercantile  prerogatives ;  he  facilitated  the  con- 
veyance to  it  of  provisions  ;  he  especially  favored  the  concourse 
of  foreigners  to  Paris,  which  was  almost  regarded  as  an  asy- 
lum for  them.  The  city  increased  rapidly  in  the  number  of 
its  inhabitants,  and  the  burghers  were  taught  to  bear  arms.* 
Louis  thoroughly  comprehended  how  important  it  was  to  his 
authority  over  the  rest  of  the  kingdom  that  it  should  be  re- 
spected in  Paris,  and  the  superiority  of  the  capital  was  of 
essential  consequence  in  bringing  over  the  towns  of  Picardy. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive  a  correspondence  and  unity  of  purpose 
in  the  depression  of  the  great  vassals,  and  the  favor  bestowed 
upon  the  provincial  and  even  popular  elements.     The  former 

*  The  old  "  Choppin  de  Moribus  et  Institutis  Parisiensium"  extols 
the  privileges  granted  by  Louis  XI.  Felibien  contains  the  greatest 
number,  but  not  the  whole.  Felibien,  calculating  from  the  number  of 
the  armed,  reckons  the  population  of  Paris  at  300,000  ;  Dulaure  will 
not  agree  that  it  was  more  than  150,000 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.  77 

demanded  a  participation  in  the  exercise  of  the  supreme 
power ;  the  latter  were  content  with  the  privileges  proper  to 
a  subordinate  existence.  Over  both  towered  the  monarchic 
idea,  commanding  peace,  compelling  obedience,  concentrating 
in  itself  all  the  interests  of  the  nation,  terrible  from  the  sud- 
denness with  which  it  punished,  every  where  present,  taking 
counsel  from  no  one,  firmly  established  in  itself.  The  world 
was  awed  at  the  aspect  of  monarchy  under  such  a  prince  as 
this.  Louis  XL  was  a  man  in  whom  the  most  opposite  pe- 
culiarities of  character  were  united — generosity  and  avarice  ; 
imprudent  confidence  and  a  mistrust  which  never  slept;  anx- 
ious terror  in  distress,  and  in  prosperity  unbounded  reliance 
on  its  continuance.  In  him  all  respect  for  individuals  vanished 
before  the  care  of  the  general  interests  ;  justice  and  cruelty 
were  blended  together.  The  great  conception  that  royalty 
was  an  office,  and  to  be  administered  in  that  sense,  was  trav- 
ersed and  disturbed  by  certain  trifling  views  arising  from  per- 
sonal passion.  Insidious  policy  and  romantic  devotion  touch 
each  other.  It  sometimes  appears  as  if  the  King,  feeling 
himself  straitened  at  the  same  time  by  the  powers  of  heaven 
and  those  of  the  earth,  thought  of  appeasing  the  one,  while 
directly  or  indirectly  he  made  himself  master  of  the  other. 
For  what  he  had  done  toward  the  promoting  the  peaceful 
progress  of  France,  and  securing  its  position  in  the  world — 
for  what  would  have  been  the  result  if  his  opponents  had  held 
out  ? — Louis  XL  has  no  rival  in  merit,  yet  no  one  has  expressed 
gratitude  to  him  ;  no  one  felt  at  ease  under  him ;  nay,  he 
himself  had  not  one  single  moment  of  life  in  which  he  could 
enjoy  the  consciousness  of  fortune,  and  power,  and  content. 
The  reason  was,  he  was  destitute  of  all  moral  elevation  ;  he 
had  made  a  monarchy  great,  but  without  any  proper  great- 
ness of  his  own. 

Notwithstanding  his  success,  it  can  not  be  said  that  he  ac- 
complished all  his  purposes  ;  his  intention  had  been  to  break 
up  entirely  that  political  union  between  Burgundy  and  the 
Netherlands,  which  had  threatened  him  with  such  danger.* 
The  lands  in  the  French  dominions  he  wished  to  unite  with 

*  Comines  :  "  Estoit  enclin  ä  deflaire  et  destruire  cette  maison  en 
touts  points,  et  en  departir  les  seigneuries  en  plusieurs  mains."     301. 


78  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  Crown,  the  Walloon  provinces  he  intended  to  confer  upon 
French  nobles,  whom  he  had  already  nominated,  and  the 
German  upon  one  or  other  of  his  friends  among  the  German 
princes.  The  provinces,  however,  united  themselves  round 
the  heiress  of  Burgundy,  who,  through  her  marriage  with  an 
Archduke  of  Austria  who  afterward  became  emperor,  re- 
newed the  race,  and  raised  it  to  still  higher  consideration  in 
Europe,  and  to  loftier  expectations.  No  negotiations  to  in- 
duce the  house  of  Burgundy  to  relinquish  its  claims,  had  the 
«lightest  success.  On  the  Spanish  frontier,  also,  the  state  of 
possession  was  not  secured  by  any  substantial  treaty,  though 
the  possibility  of  an  outbreak  of  hostility  in  that  quarter  was 
very  remote.  On  the  whole,  Louis  left  the  kingdom  so  strong 
that  it  was  able  to  maintain  itself  during  a  minority,  which 
has  ever  been  a  time  of  great  danger  in  France. 

It  is  curious  to  mark  the  proceedings  in  the  Estates  of  Tours 
which  were  occasioned  by  this  minority  in  the  year  1484 
(Charles  VIII.),  and  to  notice  how  the  political  views  which 
prevailed  in  that  age,  as  in  all  ages,  stood,  in  opposition  to 
one  another. 

A  distinguished  deputy  from  Burgundy,  an  old  friend  of 
Philip  the  Good,  unfolded  the  popular  ideas,  which  had  re- 
ceived fresh  confirmation  from  the  recently-awakened  knowl- 
edge of  antiquity.  He  showed  how  royalty,  which  had 
originally  risen  from  election,  by  no  means  included  in  itself 
the  fullness  of  political  power,  but,  in  all  its  transactions,  re- 
quired the  approval  of  the  people.  He  maintained  that, 
should  the  King,  through  infancy  or  incapacity,  be  unfit  to 
administer  the  duties  of  his  office  personally,  the  power,  by 
the  mere  fact,  returned  to  the  people  who  had  conferred  it.* 
The  Chancellor  of  France  contended,  on  the  other  side,  for 
the  hereditary  claims  of  the  royal  family,  which  came  into 
operation  in  the  case  of  a  minority  like  the  present ;  the  peo- 
ple had  once  for  all  submitted  to  authority ;  whoever  sought 

*  "  Imprimis  vobis  probatum  esse  velim  republicam  rem  populi  esse, 
et  regibus  ab  es  traditam,  et  eos  qui  vi  vcl  alias  nullo  populi  consensu 
earn  habuere  tyrannos  creditos  et  alienae  rei  invasores  ;  oportet  propterea, 
ut  ad  populum  redeat,  hujus  rei  donatorem,  qui  earn  quidem  resumat." 
148. 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.     79 

to  cast  that  off,  was  a  contumacious  and  refractory  person, 
and  showed  an  inconsiderate  passion  for  freedom  which  could 
only  lead  to  slavery.  The  Chancellor  had  yet  another  con- 
test  with  the  deputies  of  Normandy,  respecting  the  taxes  im- 
posed. The  deputies  contended  strenuously  for  the  principle 
of  private  property  in  its  strictest  sense,  and  thence  concluded 
that  no  man,  without  his  own  consent,  ought  to  be  compelled 
to  contribute  from  his  possessions  ;  the  Chancellor  answered 
these  arguments  with  the  question,  ""Wherein  then  does  the 
royal  authority  consist,  if  the  King  is  to  have  no  power  of 
compulsion  i" 

While  the  Estates  were  endeavoring  to  purge  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  hated  officials  who  had  been  appointed  under 
Louis  XL,  they  embraced  the  idea  of  a  government  which 
should  receive  its  authority  from  themselves,  rather  than  from 
the  King.  The  proposal  was  made,  that  the  administration 
of  the  royal  domains  and  revenue  in  each  province  should  be 
committed  to  the  province  itself,  and  a  calculation  entered  into 
of  how  much  more  they  would  produce  under  such  an  ar- 
rangement. The  tadle,  which  had  increased  fourfold  under 
Louis  XL,  it  was  hoped,  might,  without  difficulty,  be  reduced 
to  the  original  amount.  The  right  of  granting  the  taxes  was 
one  of  those  which  the  Estates  insisted  on  with  the  greatest 
determination  ;  for  the  purpose  of  thus  giving  their  consent 
they  required  to  be  summoned  to  assemble  every  two  years. 
Had  these  proposals  been  adopted,  the  centre  of  gravity  of 
the  government  would  have  been  laid  in  the  States  General, 
an  assembly  then  under  the  influence  of  popular  excitement. 

These  are  the  principles  which  have  forever  been  in  conflict 
in  the  Romano-German  States.  The  thorough  consummation 
of  the  principle  of  hereditary  monarchy,  and  of  absolute  power,-  J 
would  have  induced  universal  slavery ;  the  principle  of  a  sys- 
tem of  government  by  Estates,  and  of  individual  freedom, 
would,  in  its  complete  application,  have  resulted  in  a  republic 
or  an  elective  monarchy.  In  the  antagonistic  operation  of 
both  principles,  and  their  mutual  limitation,  consists  the  es- 
sential character  of  the  present  political  constitutions. 

It  almost  appears  as  if  this  was  felt  by  the  Assembly  at 
Tours :  both  parties  finally  apologized  for  having  gone  some- 


80  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

what  too  far  in  their  words.  The  popular  harangues  were 
received  by  the  Assembly  with  the  greatest  applause  during 
th'-ir  delivery,  but  the  result  was  different  when  it  came  to 
the  vote.  The  deputation  from  Paris,  among  others,  was  on 
the  side  of  the  royal  power.* 

The  Dukes  of  Orleans  and  Brittany,  the  most  powerful  of 
the  great  nobles  who  yet  remained,  were  discontented  with 
the  arrangements  established  by  the  Estates,  and  took  up 
arms  once  more  against  the  power  of  the  Crown.  It  required 
all  the  energy  and  talent  of  the  daughter  of  Louis  XL,  who 
represented  her  father  far  more  completely  than  her  brother 
did,  to  suppress  them  ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  she  also  availed 
herself  of  the  arms  of  the  Swiss.  These  republicans  were  the 
means  of  firmly  establishing  the  power  of  the  Crown  through- 
out every  corner  of  France.  Destiny  itself  seemed  to  lend  its 
aid  to  policy  and  arms  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  object — 
the  chief  cause  being  that  the  great  princely  families  were 
gradually  becoming  extinct.  In  a  short  time  we  find  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  king,  and  the  heiress  of  Brittany  queen,  of 
France.  Not  only  did  the  Crown  depress  the  houses  of  the 
provincial  principalities,  but  they  themselves  died  out  to  its 
advantage. 

In  general,  the  authority  of  the  Crown  was  preserved  as  it 
had  been  embodied  in  great  institutions  under  Charles  VII., 
and  developed  under  Louis  XL,  to  the  actual  possession  of  the 
supreme  power  in  the  state.  "We  find  one  minister,  Marshal 
Gye,  of  the  house  of  Ptohan,  who  enjoyed  the  entire  confidence 
of  Louis  XL,  in  the  highest  degree  powerful  and  influential 
during  the  whole  reign  of  Charles  YIIL,  and  the  first  eight 
years  of  that  of  Louis  XII.  The  rough  operation  of  the  col- 
lective organization  was  gradually  less  felt,  and  the  advant- 
ages of  order  and  mutual  dependency  began  to  be  expe- 
rienced. The  constitution  of  France  attained  under  Louis 
XII.  a  form  which  was  approved  of  by  the  enlightened  spirits 
of  the  age.  It  is  worth  while  to  notice  how  the  politically  ex- 
perienced Italians  comprehended  it. 

Well  acquainted  and  disgusted  with  the  storms  of  repub- 

*  Compare  Bernier,  Journal  des  Etats  Generaux  de  France  tenus  ä 
Tours  en  1484. 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.     81 

licanism,  they  decided  that  the  elected  presidents  of  a  com- 
munity, who  were  responsible  to  it,  or  even  a  numerous  aris- 
tocracy, had  not  such  power  to  suppress  the  disorders  in  a 
state  as  a  single  supreme  chief.  With  lively  sympathy,  they 
took  into  consideration  how  the  Crown,  through  conquests, 
deaths,  marriages,  accessions  to  the  throne  themselves,  when 
the  new  sovereign  incorporated  his  ancient  possessions  with 
the  kingdom,  had  become  such  a  power  that  now  no  one  could 
make  any  serious  opposition  to  it,  and  that  many  of  the  great 
nobles  did  not  even  wish  to  do  so,  lest  they  should  damage 
their  own  claims  to  its  future  possession.  Thus  was  the  he- 
reditary monarchy  immovably  established ;  in  the  very  land 
where  men  had  taken  so  much  pains  to  prevent  any  foreign 
prince  from  ever  succeeding  to  its  possession  that  was  the  best 
form  for  the  government  of  the  state.  The  objection  that  the 
King  might  be  personally  incapable  of  discharging  the  duties 
of  his  office,  or  that  he  might  be  led  away  by  a  natural  pro- 
pensity to  disorder  and  violence,  was  removed  by  the  excellent 
laws  through  which  the  exercise  of  the  royal  power  was  lim- 
ited in  France.  The  Chamber  of  Accounts  had  authority  to 
check  the  excessive  operation  of  the  laws  which  had  been  en- 
acted for  the  advantage  of  the  royal  revenue,  which  proved  of 
essential  service  to  the  income  of  the  Crown.  Of  still  greater 
value  was  the  institution  of  Parliaments,  which  charged  their 
members  with  the  duty  of  examining  the  royal  rescripts,  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  they  were  in  accordance  with  law 
and  equity.  Had  the  King  interfered  irregularly  in  criminal 
processes,  it  would  not  have  been  long  endured  ;  even  arbi- 
trary dismissals  were  not  altogether  possible  :  in  such  cases, 
those  who  should  succeed  to  the  vacant  offices  were  sure  to 
be  punished  afterward.  Absolute  power  was  bridled  by  the 
Parliament.  "  If  it  were  more  absolute,"  they  asserted,  "it 
would  be  less  perfect."  They  find  even  the  gradation  of  the 
states  worthy  of  commendation  :  the  nobility  exempt  from 
direct  taxation,  having  the  privilege  of  carrying  arms,  spend- 
ing part  of  the  year  at  the  court,  and  then  returning  to  their 
estates  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  their  households  ;  from  them 
were  selected  the  persons  who  filled  the  offices  connected  with 
the  court  and  the  army,  and  who  were  charged  with  the  duties 


82  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  bailiffs  and  seneschals.  The  King  acknowledged  a  distinc- 
tion of  rank  between  the  different  houses,  yet  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  bring  the  vassals  of  even  the  most  powerful  before  his 
tribunal  of  justice.  Next  to  the  nobility  stood  the  estate  of 
the  higher  burgher  class,  to  which  belonged  all  the  gain  of 
commerce,  as  well  as  the  innumerable  judicial  and  financial 
offices,  of  which  France  possessed  a  greater  number  than  all 
the  rest  of  Christendom.  To  many  it  appeared  that  the  mid- 
dle class  had  attained  a  position  of  greater  importance  than 
even  the  nobility.  Lastly  came  the  estate  of  the  lower  burgher 
class,  which  was  still  capable  of  the  less  important  offices,  and 
enjoyed  personal  freedom,  protected  by  the  judicial  adminis- 
tration, and  from  which  men  could  easily,  by  their  own  efforts, 
rise  to  the  higher  burgher  estate.  In  order  to  attain  nobility, 
the  royal  grace  and  privilege  were  necessary,  yet,  even  these 
were  not  difficult.  "  Innumerable  are  the  persons,"  says  Lo- 
dovico  Canossa,  "  whom  we  see  every  day  rise  from  the  third 
class  to  the  second,  and  from  the  second  to  the  first ;  were 
this  not  the  case,  it  would  be  soon  followed  by  an  insurrection 
of  the  lower  classes."  These  Italians  are  astonished  that 
the  great  nobles  of  the  court  exhibit  so  little  jealousy  of  the 
clergy,  who  often,  through  merit  alone,  rose  from  the  lowest 
condition  to  an  equality  with  them,  and  even  to  a  superiority. 
They  left  to  them  the  conduct  of  affairs,  satisfied  with  having 
the  execution  in  their  own  hands.  Canossa,  who  addressed 
his  writing,  in  the  year  1515,  to  Francis  I.,  on  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  counsels  the  King  to  protect  these  relations  ;  to  up- 
hold in  its  integrity  the  right  of  free  election  among  the  clergy  ; 
not  to  allow  the  nobility  to  be  purchased  out  of  their  estates 
by  members  of  the  middle  class  who  had  become  rich ;  to 
defend  the  people  from  the  blood-sucking  system  of  the  finan- 
ciers ;  for,  from  the  equilibrium  of  the  Estates  the  obedience 
of  each  and  all  to  the  crown  would  result.* 

The  grateful  memory  in  which  the  name  of  Louis  XII.  is 
preserved  rests  upon  the  remembrance  of  this  state  of  things. 
He  gave  free  course  to  the  election  of  the  clergy  :  the  chap- 
ters elected  their  bishops,  the  monks  their  abbots  ;  he  would 

*  II  vescovo  di  Bajusa  al  re  Francisco  I.,  1515.     MS.  Rom. 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.  83 

not  tolerate  the  interference  of  the  seneschals  with  the  eccle- 
siastical elections,  or  with  the  administration  of  justice  in  the 
inferior  courts.  It  is  quite  true  that  he  made  concessions  to 
the  Parliaments,  concerning  which  his  successor  complained 
bitterly  ;  he  confirmed  their  claim  to  the  patronage  in  general 
of  the  open  situations  which  arose  from  them  :  perhaps  they 
never  had  a  more  splendid  period.  If  ordinances  which  they 
dissented  from  were  sometimes  recorded  in  their  books,  ob- 
servations which  they  wrote  in  the  margin  had  the  effect 
that  afterward  people  cared  little  for  these  ordinances.  Be- 
fore they  registered  a  financial  ordinance — relating,  for  ex- 
ample, to  the  sale  of  domains — they  first  thoroughly  examined 
the  treasurer,  in  order  to  convince  themselves  that  the  sale 
was  necessary.  The  magistracy  was  still  animated  by  a 
spirit  of  earnestness.  The  president  of  the  Parliament,  De 
la  Vacquerie,  could  never  be  induced  to  accept  even  an  invi- 
tation to  dinner  at  the  court  of  the  Duke  of  Angoulemc,  the 
father  of  Francis  I.,  who  greatly  esteemed  him.  He  would 
not  cultivate  any  intimacy  with  the  Prince,  lest  he  should 
seek  to  exercise  a  personal  influence  upon  the  judgments  of 
the  judicial  tribunal,  or  cast  a  false  appearance  of  having 
done  so  upon  its  independent  judgments.  "The  Prince," 
said  he,  "  it  is  true,  has  no  process  before  the  Parliament,  but 
he  may  have  one  at  a  future  time."  It  can  not  be  said  of 
Louis  XII.  that  he  sought  to  depress  the  princes  of  the  blood  ; 
he  brought  forward  Alencon,  Vendome,  Dunois,  the  heroic 
and  chivalrous  Foix,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  figures  of  the 
time  ;  he  gave  them  personal  instruction  and  advice,  and  in- 
culcated upon  them  the  necessity  of  taking  care  of  their  own 
interests.  The  campaigns  in  Italy  were  half  festivals,  in  this 
period  of  general  culture  and  intellectual  superiority  of  the 
Italians,  and  of  the  revived  chivalry  of  the  French  nobles, 
every  one  of  whom  endeavored  to  earn  personal  honor  under 
the  eyes  of  the  King.  The  ladies  also,  began  now,  for  the 
first  time,  to  frequent  the  court.  Their  domestic  life  in  their 
castles  has  been  depicted  to  us — how  they  occupied  them- 
selves in  skillful  embroidery ;  in  reading  the  romances  of 
chivalry  that  then  issued  from  the  press  ;  or  how  they  de- 
voted themselves  to  the  education  of  their  children,  and  to 


84  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  administration  of  their  gentle  dominion  over  their  depend- 
ents, whom  they  ruled  with  kindness  and  affability.  King 
Louis  XII.  enjoyed  also  the  confidence  of  the  great  mass  of 
the  people.  They  knew  that  he  kept  a  strict  account  of  his 
ncome  and  expenditure,  and  occasionally  they  saw  greedy 
finance  officers  punished  for  their  exactions.  The  taille  was 
once  more  reduced  to  nearly  its  original  amount.  There  was 
in  the  nature  of  the  King  something  open,  benevolent,  and 
unsuspicious,  which  gained  him  the  hearts  of  both  small  and 
great.  Once  at  a  ball  he  rose  from  the  elevated  chair  on 
which  he  was  sitting,  seized  the  halbert  of  a  Swiss  porter, 
anc  cleared  a  place  for  the  dancers.  He  conducted  himself 
among  his  servants  as  if  he  had  been  one  of  their  companions, 
and  if  ever  he  got  in  a  passion  he  was  immediately  again 
appeased  ;  yet  no  one  might  thence  ever  think  to  govern  him. 
He  made  it  a  rule  never  to  confer  a  favor  upon  any  one  who 
had  solicited  it  himself. 

Louis  XII.  was  one  of  those  happily  organized  persons  who 
know  what  suits  themselves,  but  allow  others  differently  con- 
stituted to  live  also,  and  do  not  torment  them  with  selfish 
regulations.  The  people  looked  upon  him  with  pleasure  as, 
in  his  latter  years,  somewhat  bowed  with  age,  he  rode  upon 
his  mule  to  the  Court  of  Parliament.  He  gave  dignity  to  the 
judicial  tribunal,  and  yet  never  interfered  with  its  decisions. 
A  Venetian  embassador,  who  was  often  near  the  King,  de- 
scribes him  as  a  child  of  nature.  The  public  voice  gave  him 
the  title  of  Father  of  the  People.^' 

It  was  now  evident,  however,  that  this  condition  of  things, 
so  peaceful  and  agreeable  to  men's  minds,  rested  upon  a  dan- 
gerous foundation  in  relation  to  the  rest  of  Europe.  Before 
a  judgment  can  be  formed  concerning  the  times  of  Louis  XII., 
it  is  necessary  to  cast  at  least  one  glance  upon  the  progress 
of  the  foreign  undertakings. 

The  Italian  wars  which  were  undertaken  by  Charles  VIII. 
and  Louis  XII.  originated  less  from  the  idea  of  extending  the 
French  kingdom  and  state,  which  had  occupied  the  previous 

*  "  Cujus  sacrosancta  apud  nos  memoria  etiam  nunc  in  animis 
hominum  viget,"  says  Thuanus,  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  speaking  of  the  year  1559.     452. 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.     85 

generation,  than  from  the  desire  to  enforce  the  hereditary 
claims  of  the  royal  house  on  the  further  side  of  the  Alps. 
Charles  VIII.  insisted  upon  his  rights  to  Naples  as  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  Counts  of  Anjou  and  Provence,  who  for  centuries 
had  played  so  important  a  part  in  Italy.  Louis  XII.  enforced 
in  Milan  the  rights  of  the  Visconti,  from  whom  his  grand- 
mother, Valentina,  was  descended.  They  carried  on  their 
campaigns  chiefly  with  the  surplusage  of  the  French  power, 
without  expecting  any  especial  assistance  from  the  nation. 
In  the  manifold  changes  of  the  times,  the  power  of  the  French 
Crown  had  its  period  of  good  fortune.  Louis  XII.  established 
himself  in  Milan,  as  Duke  and  Sovereign  ;  the  Senate  of  that 
state  was  an  imitation  of  the  French  provincial  parliaments. 
He  conquered  Genoa,  and  caused  the  imperial  privileges,  in 
which  that  city  prided  itself,  to  be  burned.  He  defeated  the 
Venetians  in  a  great  battle,  and  compelled  them  to  restore  to 
Milan  a  great  part  of  their  acquisitions  on  terra  jinna  ;  and 
so  decisive  was  the  superiority  of  his  power,  that  even  they 
themselves  afterward  considered  that  in  him  lay  their  surest 
support.  The  ruling  party  in  Florence  were  in  a  state  of 
dependence  upon  the  French,  and  the  cities  of  the  Ecclesi- 
astical States  gladly  bore  the  lilies  in  their  armorial  insignia. 
The  old  Angevin  faction  among  the  Neapolitan  nobility  did 
not  yield  obedience  to  the  King  of  Spain,  until  he  had  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  France.  It  should  never  be  forgotten 
that  this  concourse  with  the  civilization  of  Italy  constitutes 
an  essential  point  in  the  history  of  French  intellect ;  for 
France,  as  a  power,  its  superiority  in  higher  and  middle  Italy 
was  of  inestimable  value,  and  Louis  XII.  possessed  for  a  time 
the  authority  of  the  first  prince  in  Christendom. 

It  lies,  however,  in  the  very  nature  of  European  political 
relations,  that  when  one  power  strives  to  obtain  the  superiority, 
it  arouses  the  strong  opposition  of  the  others.  It  was  owing 
to  this  that  the  union  between  Austria  and  Burgundy,  in  op- 
position to  France,  was  extended  over  Spain  also.  The  son 
of  Charles  the  Bold's  daughter  and  Maximilian  the  Emperor 
married  the  heiress  of  Castile,  Aragon,  and  the  Indies ;  from 
this  marriage  sprang  a  prince  in  whom  all  these  hereditary 
titles  were  united,  and  who,  on  account  of  the  relations  of 


86  HISTORY   OF    FRANCE. 

both  of  his  grandfathers  to  Italy,  was  implicated  in  the  dis- 
putes concerning  that  country  also.  The  first  indications  of 
this  combination,  though  it  was  still  distant,  placed  France, 
which  stood  fully  invested  with  the  superior  power  in  Italy, 
in  an  embarrassed  position. 

Louis  XII.  also,  like  so  many  of  his  predecessors,  left  no 
male  issue.  His  consort,  who  was  filled  with  dynastical  am- 
bition, and  disliked  the  young  duke  Francis  of  Angouleme, 
heir-presumptive  to  the  throne,  and  his  family,  was  inclined 
to  give  her  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  Prince  of  Bur- 
gundy, to  whom  in  that  case  would  fall  not  only  the  Italian 
conquests,  but  also  the  ancient  feudal  possessions  of  his  an- 
cestors in  France,  besides  Brittany  and  the  family  property 
of  the  house  of  Orleans.  "We  need  scarcely  observe  that  this 
would  have  made  the  Burgundian  prince  the  most  powerful 
noble  in  the  kingdom,  and  have  shaken  the  French  throne  to 
its  very  foundations.  It  was  the  merit  of  Marshal  Gye  to 
have  opposed  this  plan  with  decision,  and  to  have  frustrated 
it,  regardless  of  the  displeasure  of  the  Q,ueen,  which  fell  upun 
him. 

Louis  XII.  excited  another  enemy  in  Italy  itself,  and  one 
by  far  more  dangerous:  it  was  no  less  a  personale  than  the 
Pope  who  then  occupied  the  See  of  Rome — a  pontiff  who, 
from  the  design  of  uniting  the  States  of  the  Church,  which 
he  in  great  part  accomplished,  proceeded  to  carry  into  execu- 
tion a  plan  for  driving  the  foreigners — or,  as  he  expressed 
himself,  the  barbai'ians — and  especially  the  French,  out  of 
Italy.  Julius  II.  regarded  the  Cardinal  d'Amboise,  the  most 
confidential  minister  of  Louis  XII.,  who  Avas  himself  looking 
forward  to  the  tiara,  as  his  personal  enemy.  Clerical  con- 
tentions, having  especial  regard  to  the  Pragmatic.  Sanction, 
mixed  themselves  up  with  disputes  of  a  temporal  character, 
and  at  last  a  war  broke  out,  in  which  the  King  took  up  the 
so-called  spiritual  weapons,  and  summoned  an  anti-papal 
council  at  Pisa,  while  the  Pope,  on  the  other  hand,  excited 
all  the  powers  of  Christendom  to  a  war  against  the  schis- 
matical  monarch.  He  saw  nothing  to  disapprove  of  in  the 
conduct  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  who  took  the  opportunity 
to  make  himself  master  of  Navarre,  on  the  Spanish  side  of 


THE  CROWN  AND  THE  GREAT  VASSALS.  87 

tho  Puertos,  merely  because  the  King  of  Navarre  was  an  ally 
of  Louis  XII.  He  not  only  revived  the  claims  of  the  House 
of  Burgundy  against  the  French,  but  even  the  obsolete  claims 
of  England,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  about  a  spiritual  and 
temporal  confederation  against  the  King  of  France.  It  was 
of  decisive  importance  to  the  event  that  he  also  succeeded  in 
securing  the  assistance  of  the  Swiss.  They  had  been  of  in- 
finite service  to  Louis  XII.,  not  only  for  the  suppression  of 
domestic  enemies,  but  also  in  his  foreign  enterprises  ;  in  his 
interests,  still  more  than  their  own,  they  had  maintained  a 
war  against  their  neighbors  in  Germany,  and  even  against 
the  Emperor  himself ;  and  it  was  by  their  means  chiefly  that 
he  had  conquered  Milan.  But  the  King  felt  himself,  by 
degrees,  strong  enough  to  dispense  with  their  assistance ; 
their  factions,  and  especially  their  demands  for  money,  had 
become  burdensome  to  him ;  he  was  sparing  by  nature,  and 
economical  even  with  the  property  of  the  nation.  He  ceased 
therefore  to  pay  to  the  Swiss  chiefs  the  usual  yearly  sum, 
allowed  the  contract  with  them  to  expire,  and  even  opposed 
their  ambition  and  gave  offense  to  their  pride.  Upon  this 
they  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  Pope,  whom  a  consider- 
able territory,  as  well  as  the  contributions  of  Christendom, 
furnished  with  the  means  of  compensating  them  for  the  loss 
of  the  French  annual  pension  ;  and  who  was  not  disposed  to 
spare  money.  Under  a  banner  which  had  been  consecrated 
by  the  Pope,  they  marched  through  the  Tyrol  with  the  per- 
mission of  the  Emperor,  deprived  the  French  of  Milan,  and 
maintained  it  in  a  desperate  pitched  battle,  in  the  year  1513, 
against  them  and  the  troops  which  they  had  raised  in  other 
parts.  After  this  reverse,  Genoa  also  revolted  from  France  ; 
in  the  middle  and  smaller  Italian  states  the  anti-French 
party  obtained  the  sovereignty  also.  Not  only  did  France 
thus  lose  her  superiority  in  Europe,  but  a  hostile  army  crossed 
the  French  frontiers,  which  was  with  difficulty  resisted  and 
compelled  to  retreat. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  France  when  Louis  XII.  died. 
It  was  a  condition  of  internal  prosperity,  but  at  the  same  time 
one  of  external  danger.  The  monarchical  power,  which  had 
grown  with  the  nation  itself,  and  been  confirmed  in  the  fierce 


88  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

storms  througn  which  it  had  passed,  held  all  together  ;  it  had 
been  moderated  through  law  and  usage,  and  was  not  very 
oppressive  to  the  subject ;  every  one  reverenced  it,  and  many 
were  affectionately  attached  to  it.  The  name  and  fame  of 
Louis  XII.  rest  on  the  fact  of  his  having  furthered  and  main- 
tained this  condition,  and  at  the  same  time  gratified  his  for- 
eign ambition,  and  obtained  a  predominant  influence  in 
Europe.  Now,  however,  he  was  driven  from  this  position, 
and  engaged  in  an  arduous  conflict  with  the  as  yet  unbroken 
authority  of  the  Papacy,  united  with  an  emperor  who,  though 
of  little  power,  was  infinitely  active  and  indefatigable,  and  a 
warlike  and  excited  nation.  The  future  of  France  rested 
mainly  on  the  possibility  of  her  maintaining  her  internal  pros- 
perity, and  at  the  same  time  reconquering  her  position  in  re- 
lation to  foreign  states. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FRANCIS  THE  FIRST. 

The  crown  devolved  upon  young  Francis  of  Angouleme, 
of  a  second  line  of  the  house  of  Orleans. 

It  was  related  that  he  was  not  at  all  pleased  when  Louis 
XII.  married  again  ;  in  a  short  time,  however,  he  was  assured 
that  no  children  would  ever  spring  from  this  marriage.  He 
called  his  friends  together  on  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence, 
and  entertained  them  with  a  tournament,  in  which  he  him- 
self with  seven  captains  maintained  the  lists.  Soon  after 
Louis  XII.  died,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1515,  and  Francis  I. 
hailed  his  royal  dignity  as  a  splendid  new  year's  gift,  for  he 
regarded  it  as  a  personal  possession. 

As  successors  to  thrones  are  accustomed  to  do,  he  directed 
his  attention  chiefly  to  the  defects  of  the  preceding  system 
of  administration.  His  mother,  Louisa  of  Savoy,  who  guided 
his  youth,  was  a  woman  of  vigorous  temperament,  with  great 
intellect  and  eagerness  for  dominion,  and  stood  in  professed 
and  open  opposition  to  the  Court.  They  were  both  con- 
vinced that  Louis  XII.  had  resigned  too  many  of  the  rights 
of  the  Crown.  They  were  in  the  highest  degree  dissatisfied 
with  his  pliability  toward  the  Parliament,  and  especially  with 
his  manner  of  transacting  ecclesiastical  affairs  ;  for  even  the 
corporation  system  has  its  defects,  and  various  abuses  were 
connected  with  the  self-government  of  the  clergy.  There 
were  men  in  the  magistracy  itself  also  who  urged  an  altera- 
tion of  that  system,  and  who  adhered  closely  to  the  house  of 
Angouleme.  The  first  act  of  authority  performed  by  Francis  I. 
was  the  nomination  to  the  chancellorship  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
most  distinguished  among  them,  Antoine  Duprat,  who  once,  in 
the  presence  of  Louis  XII.,  exchanged  high  words  with  the 
then  Chancellor,  in  a  dispute  which  arose  on  this  very  subject. 


90  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

His  attention  was  next  directed  to  foreign  affairs,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  conduct  of  the  campaign  against  Milan,  for 
which  his  predecessor,  not,  however,  without  tightening  the 
reins  with  unwonted  rigor,  had  already  made  every  prepara- 
tion. "  I  will  come,"  said  Francis  I.  to  the  Venetians,  who 
at  that  time  desired  nothing  more  ardently  than  his  appear- 
ance in  Milan — "  I  will  come,  and  I  will  either  conquer  or 
die."  He  led  his  troops  over  the  Alps  by  a  path  which  no 
army  before  had  trodden.  The  divisions  that  had  broken  out 
among  the  Swiss,  it  is  true,  were  very  favorable  to  his  under- 
taking, for  the  change  of  sovereigns  in  France  had  produced 
an  alteration  in  the  disposition  of  the  Swiss  councils ;  but  it 
is  equally  true  that,  as  concerned  the  others  who  held  firmly 
by  the  alliance  with  the  Pope,  and  were  led  by  a  resolute 
party  chief,  heroic  efforts  had  become  necessary.  The  young 
King  had  made  up  his  mind  to  cover  himself  with  the  glory  of 
personal  bravery  in  this  the  first  military  action  of  his  reign. 
Who  knows  not  how  he  slept  in  complete  armor  on  the  car- 
riage of  a  piece  of  artillery  the  night  which  interrupted  the 
battle  of  Marignano,  having  removed  his  helmet  only;  how 
he  quenched  his  thirst,  like  the  others,  with  water  taken  from 
the  ditches  and  mingled  with  blood  ;  and  how  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  he  continued  the  battle  with  renewed  courage, 
and  concluded  it  with  renown  ?  I  know  not  whether  it  can 
be  said  that  he  broke  through  the  Swiss  order  of  battle,  but 
they  gave  way  before  him  for  the  first  time,  and  left  him 
master  of  the  field.  The  result  was  the  reconquest  of  Lom- 
bardy ;  and  it  has  been  asserted  that  it  rested  with  Francis 
alone  whether  or  not  he  would  make  himself  master  of  all 
Italy. 

Such  was  not  his  intention,  however,  for  the  present.  He 
stopped  short  in  the  midst  of  his  career,  and  left  without 
assistance  the  Florentines,  who  expected  that  he  would  liber- 
ate them  from  the  sovereignty  of  the  Medici.  On  the  contrary, 
he  hastened  to  Bologna,  in  order  to  conclude  with  the  head 
ofthat  house,  Pope  Leo,  a  treaty  concerning  spiritual  as  well 
as  temporal  differences.  He  restored  also  to  the  Swiss  the 
annual  payment  in  money,  and  entered  into  a  permanent  alli- 
ance with  them,  regardless  of  its  expense,  the  greatest  possible. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  91 

reduction  of  which  was  an  essential  feature  of  the  previous 
government.  It  did  not,  in  short,  hy  any  means  suit  his  dis- 
position to  carry  out  the  intentions  of  his  predecessor,  or  to 
renew  his  party  position,  but  rather  to  found  permanent  and 
secure  relations. 

The  negotiation  with  the  Pope  was  the  more  significant  as 
it  affected  a  fundamental  law  of  the  state.  It  was  thought 
in  France  that  the  King,  as  a  conqueror,  would  finally  bring 
the  Pope  to  acknowledge  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.  Whether 
this  was  possible,  however,  is  very  doubtful.  That  law  had 
been  repeatedly  condemned  by  the  Popes,  and  the  Gallican 
Church  had  not  even  thought  fit  to  institute  a  defense  of  it  at 
the  last  Council  of  Lateran,  because  it  would  have  been  con- 
demned without  question.  Would  Leo  now,  in  consequence 
of  the  defeat  of  his  allies,  and  in  the  momentary  distress 
arising  from  that  event,  submit  himself  to  the  King,  in  con- 
tradiction to  the  conduct  of  his  predecessors,  to  a  Council  of 
the  Church  devoted  to  the  Romish  See,  and  against  the 
interest  of  the  Curia  ?  Among  those  who  attended  the  King 
it  was  confidently  asserted  that  the  Pope  would  rather  declare 
France  schismatic  anew,  summon  all  the  powers  of  Christen- 
dom against  the  French,  and  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
their  return  to  their  own  country.*  Now,  however,  the  King 
himself  had  become  an  opponent  to  the  Pragmatic  Sanction, 
and  intentionally  committed  the  negotiation  to  his  new  Chan- 
cellor, who  also  rejected  it. 

And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  consultations  resulted, 
not  in  the  confirmation  of  this  law,  as  men  expected,  but  in 
its  abolition.  The  political  necessity  of  concluding  an  endur- 
ing peace  with  the  Pope,  accorded  with  the  King's  desire  to 
effect  a  thorough  alteration  in  the  interior  arrangements  of 
the  kingdom.  The  agreement  decided  upon — the  Concordat 
of  1516 — was  advantageous  to  the  Papacy  both  theoretically 
and  practically — in  the  one  respect,  because  it  put  an  end  to 
the  claims  of  councils  to  an  authority  superior  to  that  of 
Rome,  as  it  had  been  confirmed  in  the  Council  of  Bale  ;  and 
in  the  other,  because  it  restored  to  the  Pope  the  supreme 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  ancient 
*  Discours  du  Chancelier  Duprat,  in  Isambert,  xiv.  114 


92  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

revenue,  such  as  the  annates ;  but  it  brought  a  still  greater 
accession  of  authority  to  the  Crown.  France  then  reckoned 
ten  archbishoprics,  eighty-three  bishoprics,  five  hundred  and 
twenty-seven  abbacies;  the  King  acquired  the  authority,  under 
insignificant  limitations,  to  nominate  to  all  these  places.* 

The  Pragmatic  Sanction  accorded  with  the  system  of 
moderate  monarchy  and  the  freedom  of  election  and  consulta- 
tion which  prevailed  in  France.  Men  were  proud  of  the 
privileges  which  the  law  secured  to  them,  and  which  included 
many  corporate  as  well  as  private  prerogatives.  It  was 
natural  therefore  that  the  intelligence  of  the  abolition  of  that 
law  should  be  received  with  general  disapproval.  The  clergy, 
the  University,  and  the  Parliament  opposed  it.  The  King 
referred  the  clergy  to  the  Pope,  with  whom  he  said  they  were 
at  liberty  to  dispute  the  matter  if  they  were  so  inclined.  To 
the  Parliament  he  declared  that  he  would  have  no  Venetian 
senate  about  him;  that  the  laws  and  regulations  upon  which 
it  insisted  derived  their  power  from  the  will  of  his  predeces- 
sors, and  that  he  possessed  the  same  authority  as  they  did,  and 
might  use  it  to  ordain  the  contrary.  When  the  Parliament 
resolved  to  register  the  Concordat,  they  gave  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  they  had  consented  to  take  that  step  only  in  order  to 
avoid  a  greater  evil.  When  they  had  yielded,  the  opposition 
of  the  University  was  of  no  account. 

The  Crown,  in  accepting  the  Concordat,  completely  aban- 
doned the  course  it  had  hitherto  pursued.  It  renounced  those 
ecclesiastical  maxims  which  it  had  adopted  eighty  years  be- 
fore, on  a  great  occasion,  and  steadily  maintained  ever  since, 
and  to  which  the  kingdom  of  France  had  become  accus- 
tomed ;  it  made  a  gigantic  stride  in  its  progress  toward  un- 
limited authority.  Louis  XL  had  already  contemplated  this 
step,  but  Francis  I.  ventured  to  take  it  because  the  necessity 
of  reconciling  himself  with  the  Pope  furnished  him  at  the 
same  time  with  the  opportunity  and  its  apology. f     It  was  a 

*  Giustinian,  1535:  "  Questa  denomination  gli  da  una  grandissima 
servitü  ed  obedienza  da  prelati  e  laici  per  lo  desiderio  che  hanno  de' 
benefici. 

t  James  Bacon,  in  his  "Life  and  Times  of  Francis  I.,"  London, 
1830,  ii.  Appendix  14,  describes  a  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum, 
of  this  purport. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  93 

reaction — probably  an  inevitable  one — of  the  external  rela- 
tions of  the  kingdon  upon  its  internal  constitution. 

Thus  did  Francis  1.,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  acquire 
an  unexampled  degree  of  authority  in  his  own  dominions,  and 
at  the  same  time  a  brilliant  position  in  the  eyes  of  Europe. 
He  received  public  honors  as  a  hero,  and  conducted  himself 
with  pretensions  to  a  renown  which  very  far  exceeded  his 
merits.  Dialogues  were  composed  between  Caesar,  the  first 
subjugator  of  the  Helvetians,  and  King  Francis,  the  second 
Caesar,  conqueror  and  tamer  of  the  Swiss.  "I  went,"  said 
his  mother  Louisa  of  Savoy,  "  on  foot  to  our  Lady  of  the 
Fountains,  to  recommend  him  to  her — him  whom  I  love  bet- 
ter than  myself — my  son,  the  glorious  and  triumphant  Caesar, 
subjugator  of  the  Helvetians." 

When  the  vacancy  of  the  Imperial  throne  occurred  in  1519, 
his  whole  soul  thirsted  for  the  possession  of  that  dignity,  the 
name  of  which  was  associated  with  these  reminiscences  ;  and 
here  it  was  that  he  was  destined  to  meet,  for  the  first  time, 
the  antagonist  of  his  life.  This  was  the  Burgundian  Prince 
Charles,  who  was  grandson  of  the  Archduke  of  Austria  and 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  at  the  same  time  heir  to  Charles 
the  Bold,  and  in  whose  name  all  their  territories,  consisting 
of  German,  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  provinces,  were 
governed  ;  to  all  this  the  Electoral  Princes  of  the  Empire 
added  the  Imperial  Crown,  but  while  they  did  so  a  great  and 
universal  struggle  became  inevitable. 

It  was  impossible  that  so  powerful  a  Prince  as  the  new 
Emperor  would  be  content  to  leave  the  French  in  possession 
of  the  Imperial  appanages  Milan  and  Genoa,  without  making 
some  inquiry  concerning  the  rights  of  the  Empire.  It  was 
also  brought  to  memory  that  the  Archbishop  of  Treves  did 
not  bear  the  title  of  Chancellor  of  Aries  without  a  meaning, 
and  Dauphine  and  Provence,*  the  provinces  thus  designated, 
did  not  appear  to  be  yet  permanently  united  with  the  French 
kingdom.  His  own  personal  rights  were,  however,  the  actu- 
ating motives  of  Charles  V.  to  a  contest  with  France.     He  laid 

*  "  Le  diet  roi  de  France  usurpe  induement  au  diet  St.  Empire  le 
Dauphine," — Le  Grand  Chancelier,  in  the  Conferences  de  Calais,  1521  s 
Pap.  d'Etat  de  Granvelle,  i   218 


94  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

claim  to  the  Dukedom  of  Burgundy  and  to  the  district  on  the 
Somrae,  both  of  which  had  been  most  unjustly  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  Louis  XL  The  hostilities  between  France  and 
Burgundy  were  only  interrupted  forty  years  ago  :  now  for  the 
first  time  they  must  be  determined  by  arms,  and  that  when 
they  extended  over  a  far  wider  space  than  they  did  originally. 

The  Italians  joined  their  power  to  that  of  the  Emperor,  and 
the  Pope,  who  did  not  feel  himself  bound  forever  by  the  treaty 
of  Bologna,  added  his  contingent,  and  in  a  short  time  the 
united  forces  repossessed  themselves  of  Milan.  On  the  pros- 
pect which  this  opened,  England,  having  joined  the  Con- 
federacy, renewed  her  ancient  claims  upon  a  portion  of  the 
French  territory,  or  rather  to  the  Crown  itself  of  that  king- 
dom. 

"While  Charles  V.  and  Henry  VIII.  were  now  contemplating 
an  attack  upon  France,  they  succeeded  in  drawing  over  to 
their  side  the  most  powerful  of  the  great  French  nobles,  the 
Constable  of  Bourbon ;  for  the  independence  of  the  French 
nobles,  although  suppressed,  was  not  entirely  extinguished. 
When  the  Italians  remarked,  concerning  the  subject  princes 
of  France,  that  the  prospect  of  succeeding  some  time  or  other 
to  the  throne  themselves  kept  them  under  control,  they  state 
that  which  was  perfectly  correct,  at  least  as  far  as  regarded 
Bourbon.  As  Francis  I.  had  remained  some  time  without 
male  issue,  the  Constable  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  that 
the  Crown  was  destined  lor  himself,  and  spoke  upon  that 
subject  once  with  a  Venetian  embassador.*  But  Francis  I. 
had  sons  at  length,  and  the  Constable  saw  himself  not  only 
excluded  from  all  participation  in  the  government,  but,  after 
the  death  of  his  consort,  disturbed  and  threatened  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  rich  provinces  and  estates  she  had  brought  him, 
and  which  he  regarded  as  his  own.     To  be  condemned  to  an 

*  Badoer.  Relatione  di  Milano,  1516.  Bourbon  told  the  embassa- 
dor that  it  was  true  "  Mons.  di  Nason,"  namely,  Charles  d'Alencon, 
was  nearer  to  the  crown,  hut  that  his  grandfather  (Jean  le  Beau)  had 
forfeited  his  claims  through  rebellion,  for  in  France  the  revolt  of  a  prince 
of  the  blood  destroyed  the  right  of  succession  to  the  crown  in  his  pos- 
terity for  seven  generations,  and  that  the  right  therefore  devolved  to 
him  :  "  unde  li  vien  a  lui,  percio  in  quel  caso  il  illustrissimi  signori  vol- 
esse  ajutarlo." 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  95 

insignificant  position  was  to  him  intolerable  ;  he  felt  no  scru- 
ple therefore  in  preferring  his  own  personal  position  to  the 
interests  of  France,  and  went  over  to  the  Emperor.  It  was 
a  faint  resemblance  of  the  league  of  the  great  feudal  nobles 
with  Charles  the  Bold. 

Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  Francis  I.  saw  himself  suddenly 
assailed  from  all  sides  and  placed  in  imminent  danger.  An 
imperial  army  penetrated  into  Provence,  and  through  the 
possession  of  this  territory  alone  the  Emperor  hoped  to  be 
the  master  both  by  sea  and  land.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon 
acknowledged  the  claims  of  Henry  VIII.,  who  had  fortified 
himself  with  a  Papal  bull,  by  which  the  French  were  absolved 
from  the  obligations  of  the  oath  of  allegiance  which  they  had 
taken  to  their  king.  Francis  succeeded,  however,  in  expelling 
the  imperialists  from  his  kingdom,  and  further  prepared  him- 
self for  the  reconquest  of  Milan,  through  which  he  Would 
have  been  in  a  position  to  laugh  at  the  designs  of  his  enemies. 
In  this  attempt,  however,  he  was  in  the  highest  degree  unfor- 
tunate, for,  although  excellently  prepared  and  fighting  gal- 
lantly, he  was  utterly  defeated  by  the  Germans  and  Spaniards 
at  Pavia,  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  his  antagonist.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  recall  the  consequences  which  the  captivity 
of  King  John  drew  after  it  in  former  times,  in  order  to  esti- 
mate the  full  extent  of  the  danger  with  which  T  ■■■  re  was 
threatened  as  the  result  of  this  event. 

It  looked  at  one  time  as  if  it  would  have  issued  in  the  abso- 
lute dissolution  of  the  kingdom.  Internal  agitations  appeared 
to  co-operate  with  the  tempest  from  without.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  time  had  made  innumerable  enemies  through  its 
injudicious  and  frequently  arbitrary  proceedings.  The  King's 
mother  and  the  Chancellor  Duprat,  who  took  the  chief  part  in 
public  affairs,  were  especially  hated.  "  Do  you  wish  to  know 
who  is  to  blame  for  all  our  misfortunes  ?  It  is  Lady  Ambition 
and  her  Chancellor,"  was  the  purport  of  a  paper  distributed  in 
the  churches  one  Sunday,  in  March,  1525  ;  "  through  obstinacy 
and  vindictiveness  ;"  it  continued,  "  they  have  brought  both 
the  King  and  the  kingdom  into  this  distress,  and  it  will  be- 
come still  greater  if  the  Chancellor  be  not  punished."  It  was 
held  necessary  even  to  enjoin  the  preachers  not  to  confirm  this 


96  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

view  of  things,  but  rather  to  tell  the  people  that  the  cause  of 
all  these  evils  was  to  be  found  in  the  universal  sinfulness  of 
the  nation.  The  King  himself  was  not  always  spared  :  on  the 
intelligence  of  his  sickness,  the  rumor  of  his  death  was  spread 
abroad,  but  even  if  he  should  live,  added  some,  he  must  be 
prevented  from  again  taking  possession  of  the  government,  and 
that  fifty  of  his  assistants  must  lose  their  heads. 

Meanwhile,  the  troops,  who  were  no  longer  paid,  cast  off 
all  subordination.  They  were  composed  of  Italians,  German 
Landsknechte,  but  the  great  majority  was  French.  Their 
battle-cry  was  sometimes  Bourbon,  and  sometimes  Burgundy  ; 
with  this  cry,  which  is  the  ordinary  precursor  of  plunder,  they 
drew  near  to  the  walls  of  Paris. 

The  battle  of  Pavia  was  not  unlike  the  old  battles  in  the 
English  war,  in  respect  to  the  tremendous  loss  of  life  suffered 
by  the  nobility  ;  I  find  at  least  one  indication  of  its  having 
excited  the  efforts  of  the  civic  class  to  regulate  the  kingdom. 
Duke  Charles  of  Vendome,  another  Bourbon,  was  summoned 
by  a  few  distinguished  men — some  of  them  members  of  the 
Parliament — to  take  upon  himself  the  government  of  the  land, 
which  they  stated  was  his  right,  as  first  prince  of  blood,  rather 
than  that  of  the  King's  mother  ;  and  promised  that,  if  he  did 
so,  he  should  be  supported  by  Paris  and  all  the  other  good 
towns.  Charles  of  Vendume,  however,  saw  in  this  an  attempt, 
on  the  part  of  the  towns,  to  obtain  an  influence  which  did  not 
properly  belong  to  them,*  and  rejected  every  suggestion  of  the 
kind.  But  even  the  most  discontented  must  have  been  con- 
vinced of  the  imminent  peril  that  would  attend  an  insurrection 
at  the  present  moment,  and  all  the  powers  of  the  nation  united 
to  obviate  it :  the  Parliament  took  the  lead,  and,  under  its  ad- 
vice a  civic  council  of  safety  was  formed,  in  which  the  most 
considerable  members  of  the  different  estates  were  included. 
Old  William  of  Montmorency,  a  worthy  and  much  esteemed 
man,  was  invited  to  take  upon  him  the  charge  of  the  military 
preparations.      Care  was  taken  to  give  employment  to  all  that 

*  Belieferest :  "  Considerant  que  pour  cela  on  tirerait  une  suite  dero- 
geante  a  l'autorite  du  roi,  nommons  regents  ...  et  les  ferait-on  redevables 
ä  la  volonte  des  communites  et  des  villes."  Compare  Anc.  Collection 
des  Memoires,  xviii.  302. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  97 

were  unoccupied,  and  the  most  rigorous  superintendence  was 
exercised.  Picardy  was  kept  in  repose,  and  its  resources  for 
resistance  collected  by  Vendome  ;  the  same  was  done  in  Cham- 
pagne by  Guise,  and  in  Provence  and  Dauphine  by  other  gov- 
ernors. There  were  misunderstandings  between  the  King'» 
mother,  who  was  Regent,  and  the  Parliament  at  Paris.  It 
had  been  privately  conveyed  to  the  Princess  that  she  had  been 
disrespectfully  spoken  of  in  the  assembly  of  the  Parliament, 
and  a  few  noblemen  of  the  kingdom  offered  themselves  per- 
sonally to  punish  the  disobedient  members.  It  was  in  the 
highest  degree  displeasing  to  her  that  complaints  were  formally 
directed  against  the  Chancellor,  and  that  even  citations  were 
issued  against  him  at  the  very  time  when  his  assistance  was 
indispensable  to  her  in  the  conduct  of  affairs.  The  feeling  of 
common  danger  was,  however,  so  strong  as  to  prevent  the  out- 
break of  contention  ;  when  it  was  once  suggested  in  the  Par- 
liament that  the  States  General  ought  to  be  called  together, 
the  proposition  was  not  even  seriously  discussed.*  The  Re- 
gent sought  to  mollify  the  old  antipathies  by  the  assurance 
that  her  son  would  know  how  to  respect  Gallican  freedom 
while  carrying  out  the  Concordat.  She  showed  equal  resolu- 
tion and  adroitness  ;  t  to  her  France  was  not  the  least  indebted 
for  the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  and  her  memory  deserves 
not  to  be  slandered  in  that  country.  All  who  possessed  au- 
thority or  consideration  in  the  land,  either  adhered  or  submit- 
ted to  her. 

Though  the  condition  of  the  country  was  more  fortunate 
than  at  the  time  of  Marcel,  in  thus  obviating  domestic  troubles, 
yet  the  situation  between  two  hostile  powers,  during  the  cap- 
tivity of  the  King,  was  fraught  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

The  innate  contradiction  of  the  pretensions  of  their  neigh- 
bors came  first  and  foremost  to  the  assistance  of  the  French. 
How  could  Henry  VIII.  have  entertained  the  wish  to  strengthen 

*  The  relations  of  Gamier,  Gaillard,  andSismondi,  respecting  this  con- 
testation, are  exaggerated,  as  appears  from  the  correspondence  of  the 
'Captivite  du  Roi  Francois  I.,'  imparted  by  Champollion. 

t  She  caused  it  to  be  declared  in  Venice,  "meglio  era  il  fiol  incarze- 
rado  e  la  Franza  libera,  che  haver  la  ruina  del  Re  alle  spalle  e  la  Franza 
BUggetta  a  1'  Imperador,  il  che  seguiria  quando  la  Franza  fusse  perdita  " 

E 


98  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE 

the  already  powerful  Emperor  by  a  number  of  new  acquisi- 
tions ?  and  how  could  the  Emperor  have  for  a  moment  thought 
of  furthering  the  union  of  England  and  France  as  a  single 
power  ? 

In  effect  the  Emperor  gradually  let  drop  all  the  pretensions 
arising  from  the  claims  of  England,  or  Aragon,  or  the  kingdom 
of  Aries,  and  insisted  only  on  the  simple  interests  of  his  own 
house,  the  surrender  of  the  dukedom  of  Burgundy,  of  which 
it  had  been  deprived  by  Louis  XL;  and  from  that  demand  no 
negotiations  could  induce  him  to  recede.  This  was,  however, 
an  embarrassing  condition,  and  incongruous  with  the  general 
progress  of  the  times  :  it  would  have  broken  the  integrity  of 
the  French  kingdom,  and  given  the  Emperor  the  position  of 
a  French  magnate.     But  how  could  it  be  defeated  ? 

Never  did  a  captive  long  for  freedom  more  than  King 
Francis.  We  learn  from  his  poetical  effusions  how  he  com- 
forted himself  at  first  with  the  reflection  that  he  had  obeyed 
the  call  of  honor  and  of  duty — that,  although  his  body  was 
subdued,  his  heart  was  free,  that  proud  heart,  which  beat  in 
response  to  honor  only.  He  does  not  always,  however,  main- 
tain this  elevation  of  thought.  He  compares  himself  to  a  ship, 
whose  lading  is  oppression  and  sorrow.  His  distress  increases 
daily  ;  he  is  unwilling  to  live  ;  he  would  account  it  the  great- 
est favor  of  heaven,  were  death  to  come  and  put  an  end,  at 
the  same  time,  to  himself  and  to  his  sorrows ;  he  expressed 
himself  orally  to  the  effect  that  liberty  was  the  greatest  of  all 
human  blessings.  Yet  he  resolved  to  remain  in  captivity  for- 
ever, rather  than  resign  Burgundy.  "We  feel  ourselves  touched 
by  this  trait  of  character,  but  even  in  those  times  wre  must  be 
somewhat  sparing  of  our  admiration  for  chivalrous  sentiment. 
The  original  document  is  still  in  existence,  in  which  Francis 
I.  ordained  that  his  eldest  son  should  be  crowned  King  without 
delay,  and  that  the  government,  during  his  minority,  should 
remain  with  the  Regent.*1     But  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  not 

*  Lettres  Patentes  du  Roi  Francois  I.  pour  faire  couronner  Roi  de 
France  le  Jeune  Dauphin  Francois. — "  Donne  a  Madril,  au  royaulme  de 
Castille,  au  moys  de  Noveuibre,  l'an  de  grace  1525,  et  de  notre  regne 
le  unziesme."  Compare  the  fac-simile  in  Champollion,  Captivite  du  Roi 
Francois  I.,  on  page  423. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  99 

in  reality  improved  by  an  abdication.  To  the  Regent  it  ap- 
peared impossible  any  longer  to  carry  on  the  administration 
of  affairs  without  the  presence  of  her  son.  However  great 
the  prospect  might  have  been,  which  an  alliance  with  Henry 
VIII.,  who  had  broken  off  his  connection  with  his  former  con- 
federate as  soon  as  he  preceived  that  his  claims  were  left  out 
of  view,  would  have  opened  for  France,  yet  the  French  towns, 
especially  the  capital,  did  not  show  themselves  particularly 
willing  to  undertake  the  guarantees  required  by  the  English. 
How  would  it  be  possible,  meanwhile,  properly  to  conduct  the 
war,  which  must,  of  necessity,  break  out  afresh,  without  the 
personal  participation  of  the  King  ?  It  was  a  condition  of 
the  greatest  embarrassment.  If  France  was  to  be  defended 
against  the  Emperor,  the  King  must  be  brought  back,  in  order 
to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  ;  but,  in  order  to 
obtain  the  liberation  of  the  King,  a  great  province  (the  prize 
of  the  war)  must  be  delivered  up  to  the  enemy  beforehand. 
The  outward  course  of  the  negotiations  wore  an  appearance 
as  if  all  in  the  kingdom  had  at  first  resolved  in  earnest  to  give 
up  the  dukedom  ;  when  the  surrender  did  not  take  place,  it 
looks  like  the  result  of  after-considerations.  I  do  not  think, 
however,  that  the  case  was  altogether  so  blameless.  The 
Regent  said  that,  if  her  son  were  only  at  liberty  once  more, 
means  would  be  found  for  every  thing  else.  It  is  indicative 
that  times  and  persons  were  altered,  that  both  mother  and  son 
should  regard  it  as  lawful  to  pledge  themselves  to  the  relin- 
quishment of  Burgundy,  without  any  intention  of  fulfilling 
their  promise.  The  King  narrates  the  affair  in  the  following 
manner  :  Those  who  concluded  the  treaty  were,  he  said,  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  his  mother,  and  that,  after  its  conclusion, 
he  had  been  compelled  to  swear  to  it  by  the  Spaniards,  but 
that  he  was  conscious  at  the  time  that  his  oath  was  of  no 
force,* — that  before  he  subscribed  the  treaty  he  protested 
against  it,  and  that,  though  he  swore  to  return  to  his  prison 
should  he  not  be  able  to  fulfill  his  word,  he  had  a  thorough 
conviction  that  an  oath  taken  under  compulsion  was  bind- 
ing on  no  man.  In  this  manner  he  obtained  his  freedom;  in 
the  same  proportion  as  his  captivity  was  grievous  and  pain- 
*His  discourse  in  the  Notables  of  1527  :  Isambert,  Recueil,  xii.  292. 


100  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ful  to  him,  was  the  first  breath  of  the  air  of  France  which  he 
inhaled  delightful.  With  the  consciousness  of  freedom  revived 
his  feelings  of  recovered  power.  In  France  every  one  agreed 
with  his  sentiments.  After  a  little  time  Francis  I.  laid  before 
an  assembly  of  the  Notables,  which  was  constituted  of  the 
clergy,  the  nobility,  the  Parliament,  and  the  towns,  the  ques- 
tion whether  he  should  surrender  Burgundy,  or  return  to  his 
captivity.  It  behoved  the  assembly  to  consider  the  matter 
well ;  for  he  was  their  King,  and  in  his  person  lay  the  honor 
of  France.  The  answer  was,  that  Burgundy  formed  an  in- 
alienable portion  of  France,  and  the  first  peerage  in  the  king- 
dom ;  it  could  never,  therefore,  be  renounced ;  and  that  the  oath 
obtained  by  force  from  the  King  had  no  power  to  bind  him. 
They  all  declared  themselves  ready  to  support  the  King  with 
their  best  power,  for  the  renewal  of  the  war,  and  for  the  ran- 
som of  the  children  of  France,  whom  the  enemy  held  as  host- 
ages. The  notables  of  Burgundy  reiterated  a  principle  which 
had  been  already  advanced  during  the  English  wars,  namely, 
that  the  right  did  not  belong  to  the  King  to  alienate  a  pro- 
vince of  the  kingdom.  While  the  opinion  was  thus  propounded 
and  received  that  the  unity  and  power  of  the  kingdom  was 
independent  on  the  person  of  the  King,  and,  consequently, 
could  not  be  broken  by  any  of  his  personal  promises,  tho 
nation  still  gave  in  its  adhesion  to  the  King  and  to  all  his 
wishes.* 

It  came  at  length  to  a  fresh  trial  of  arms  between  the 
antagonist  monarchs,  in  which  they  vied  in  putting  forth 
all  their  power.  In  conclusion  the  Emperor  was  forced  to 
resolve  upon  renouncing  the  inheritance  of  his  fathers,  the 
dukedom  of  Burgundy  ;  and  Francis,  in  return,  to  give  up  his 
rights  to  the  feudal  sovereignty  over  Flanders  and  Artois, 
which  but  a  short  time  previously  had  been  solemnly  recog- 
nized.    In  this  both  acted  in  accordance  with  the  nature  of 


*  Moreau  :  Prinse  et  Deliverance  de  Francois  I.  Eimber  (Arch.  Cur.) 
i.,  iii.,  342  ;  it  is  an  imitation  of  Froissart  and  Monstrelet :  the  author 
knew  the  court,  and  what  he  says  sometimes  agrees  pretty  well  with 
the  phrases  of  the  "  Lettres  de  laReynede  Navarre,"  but  occasionally 
he  gives  the  reins  to  his  fancy,  and  the  literal  truth  of  the  circumstances 
he  recounts  can  not  be  relied  upon. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  101 

present  circumstances.  The  relations  of  feudal  dependency 
were  no  longer  applicable  when  such  mighty  powers  stood 
opposed  to  each  other.  France  could  not  endure  a  feudatory 
like  the  Emperor,  and  to  the  Emperor  himself  it  was  a  great 
advantage  to  be  disembarrassed  of  a  feudal  sovereignty  which 
would  have  disturbed  him  unceasingly  in  carrying  out  his 
projects  for  the  internal  government  of  the  Netherlands,  and 
for  uniting  them  with  Germany. 

As  Francis  I.  also  made  a  renunciation  of  his  Italian  pos- 
sessions, it  might  have  been  expected  that  all  disputes  would 
terminate  peacefully.  To  the  French  King,  however,  as  well 
as  to  his  people,  the  feeling  of  having  been  conquered  was 
intolerable.  In  a  short  time  he  began  to  assert  the  principle 
that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  resign  an  hereditary  right 
which  belonged  to  his  children,  and  new  contentions  arose, 
which  were  not  to  be  appeased  by  any  negotiations.  At  last, 
when  the  Emperor  took  definitive  possession  of  Milan,  the 
war,  which  had  been  occasionally  interrupted,  though  never 
entirely  ended,  broke  out  once  more,  and  took  a  character  en- 
tirely different  from  that  which  it  had  at  first  borne. 

We  shall  here  leave  out  of  view  the  various  alternations  of 
fortune  in  the  campaigns,  and  simply  direct  our  attention  to 
the  general  nature  of  the  position  which  Francis  I.  occupied, 
as  opposed  to  the  Emperor. 

Francis  I.  took  possession  of  Savoy  and  Piedmont,  either  as 
a  politico-military  compensation  for  the  loss  of  Milan  and 
Genoa,  or  at  least  in  order  to  protect  himself  from  the  danger 
that  was  to  be  apprehended  from  that  side  on  account  of  the 
intimate  alliance  wdiich  the  house  of  Savoy  had  formed  with 
the  Emperor.  He  had  no  just  claims  upon  this  country.  The 
Duke  was  his  enemy  more  through  his  ally,  than  any  proper 
hostility  of  his  own  ;  but  this  did  not  prevent  Francis  from 
endeavoring  to  make  Piedmont  French  as  much  as  possible. 
The  peculiar  system  of  the  French  government  by  means  of 
a  Parliament  was  established  in  Turin,  and  it  was  remarked 
with  pleasure  that  the  Piedmontese  set  themselves  zealously 
to  the  study  of  the  French  language,  appearing  to  desire 
nothing  more  ardently  than  that  they  should  belong  altogeth- 
er to  the  Crown  of  France.     The  possession  of  the  Alps,  and 


102  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  influence  over  Italy  connected  with  it,  were  of  incalcula- 
ble value  to  Francis  I.  It  could  not  now  be  said  that  the 
whole  of  that  land  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Emperor.  Fran- 
cis, however,  had  no  intention  of  leaving  his  mountain  fast- 
nesses, pressing  forward  into  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  and 
seeking  to  secure  the  reconquest  of  that  territory,  by  giv- 
ing battle  to  the  Imperial  forces.  Even  when  the  Emperor 
invaded  France,  the  King  retired  before  him,  and  avoided 
bringing  matters  to  the  decision  of  a  pitched  battle.  His  sys- 
tem was  altogether  defensive,  without  exposing  himself  to  any 
great  danger,  and  in  this  respect  worthy  of  observation  in  a 
military  point  of  view.  He  introduced  the  system  of  earth- 
works in  fortification,  which  had  been  proved  advantageous 
in  Italy  against  the  operations  of  artillery,  and  commenced 
the  erection  of  two  series  of  fortresses,  by  which  the  kingdom 
was  to  be  secured  from  any  hostile  attempt  from  without. 
The  necessity  of  defense  prompted  him  to  attempt  also  the 
establishment  of  a  native  militia  in  the  provinces,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  legions ;  for  although  they  were  not 
destined  for  similar  purposes,  yet  the  form  of  the  corps  was  to 
be  an  imitation  of  the  ancient  Roman  model ;  the  King  him- 
self employed  his  pen  on  the  subject.  A  Venetian  makes  use 
of  the  strong  expression,  that  Francis  I.  had  in  reference  to 
the  Emperor  such  a  feeling  as  the  pigeon  might  have  in  re- 
gard to  the  hawk  ;  but  in  this  he  could  have  meant  no  more 
than  that  the  French  monarch  felt  the  superior  power  of  the 
Emperor — apprehended  an  attack  from  him  each  moment — 
and  sought  to  secure  himself  against  the  danger. 

The  change  of  policy  connected  with  this  shows  itself  most 
strikingly  in  the  relations  of  Francis  I.  with  the  Ottoman 
power. 

The  design  cherished  in  previous  ages,  of  conquering  the 
Holy  Land  once  more,  and  of  which  even  now,  when  it  had 
become  impracticable,  we  still  find  some  echoes,  had,  since 
the  establishment  of  the  Ottoman  empire  in  the  East  of 
Europe  and  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  changed  into 
the  project  of  offering  to  this  universally  aggressive  power  a 
settled  and  permanent  opposition  in  its  attempts  to  narrow  the 
region  of  western   Christendom.     With  the  attacks  of  the 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  103 

French  upon  Italy,  since  the  first  enterprise  of  Charles  VIII. 
against  Naples,  the  prospect  of  a  campaign  against  Constan- 
tinople was  not  unfrequently  connected.  It  was  on  this  pro- 
ject that  Francis  I.  grounded  with  the  electoral  princes  his 
desire  to  become  Emperor.  Now,  however,  when  Charles  V. 
had  undertaken  this  contest,  incited  at  the  same  time  by 
Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany,  as  well  as  by  his  own  desire  to 
justify  his  claims  to  be  recognized  as  the  supreme  head  of 
Christendom,  Francis  I.  adopted  the  opposite  course  of  policy. 
Driven  from  the  first  position  among  the  powers  of  Christen- 
dom, beaten  in  Italy,  and  threatened  even  in  France,  he 
turned  his  views  to  an  alliance  with  the  Ottomans. 

While  in  prison,  in  Madrid,  he  had  formed  a  connection 
with  Sultan  Soliman.  When  the  attacks  of  the  Sultan  placed 
both  Germany  and  Italy  in  danger,  Francis  I.  thought  it  suffi- 
cient to  give  the  assurance  that  he  would  come  to  the  defense 
of  these  countries,  if  he  were  called  on  ;*  but,  in  point  of  fact, 
he  did  nothing  whatever  for  them.  When  the  actual  dangers 
had  ceased,  and  the  Emperor  began  once  more  to  make  his 
power  felt,  Francis  did  not  scruple  to  enter  into  an  open  alli- 
ance with  the  Sultan  ;  his  determination  is  expressed  in  the 
words  which  he  addressed  to  the  Venetian  embassador  on  a 
certain  occasion,  in  the  year  1535  :  "  Orator,"  said  he,  "  I 
can  not  deny  that  I  wish  to  see  the  Turks  appear  powerful  at 
sea  ;  not  that  I  am  pleased  with  the  advantages  they  obtain, 
for  they  are  unbelievers,  and  we  are  Christians,  but  because 
they  keep  the  Emperor  occupied,  and  thereby  confer  the 
greater  security  upon  other  potentates."!  The  French  were 
ashamed  when  they  were  told  of  the  cruelties  perpetrated  by 
the  Turks  upon  all  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  except 
those  of  France,  whose  ports  lay  open  to  them.  The  French 
would  have  preferred  not  acknowledging  themselves  the  con- 

*  In  a  conversation  with  Juan  Ant.  Venier.,  1532  (the  relation  is  from 
March,  1533),  he  showed  much  sympathy  for  Italy  and  Venice:  "  Ne 
son  per  mancar  in  persona,"  said  he,  "  quando  sard  chiamato."  He 
made  stipulations  for  the  support  of  Vienna. — Deutsche  Geschichte,  iii. 
203. 

t  Relatione  del  CI.  M.  Marino  Giustiano,  1535  :  "  Questa  amicitia  par 
a'  Francesi  che  gli  sia  d'  alcuna  infamia  et  perciö  s'  ingegnano  d'  ex- 
cusarla ." 


104  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

federates  of  such  a  power,  but  they  continued  firmly  in  the 
alliance.  As  the  Swiss  had  been  the  substitutes  for  a  French 
infantry,  the  Turks  now  supplied  the  place  of  a  French  fleet. 
To  the  King  there  appeared  in  this  only  one  matter  worth 
consideration,  that  now  the  Spaniards  were  not  complete  mas- 
ters of  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

If  a  new  epoch  had  once  been  marked  by  the  fact  that 
Philip  the  Fair  exploded  the  institutions  in  which  all  Christ- 
endom had  united  for  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land,  it  was 
a  second  great  step  in  the  same  course  when  Francis  I.  even 
entered  into  alliance  with  the  very  power  whose  hostility  was 
in  the  highest  degree  dangerous  to  Christendom.  The  con- 
duct of  Philip  the  Fair  was  thorough,  open  violence  ;  the  con- 
duct of  Francis  I.  was  extremely  odious.  The  title  of  Most 
Christian  could  no  longer  consist,  as  it  had  done  originally, 
with  the  royalty  of  France.  But  for  the  political  formation 
of  the  State,  with  which  centuries  had  been  occupied,  both 
the  one  and  the  other  were  of  unquestionable  advantage. 
The  internal  unity  of  the  State  could  not  be  thought  of  so  long 
as  great  corporations  consumed  a  large  portion  of  the  resources 
of  both  the  land  and  the  people  upon  other  objects.  The  free 
transaction  of  foreign  affairs,  in  accordance  with  what  the 
peculiar  condition  and  necessities  of  the  kingdom  demanded, 
was  impossible,  so  long  as  statesmen  allowed  their  views  to 
be  affected  by  the  idea  of  a  great  system  of  peoples  and  states 
to  which  each  belonged.  This  separation  from  the  notion  of 
a  universal  Christendom  was,  therefore,  an  indispensable  step 
toward  the  development  of  the  new  system  of  the  State,  in 
reference  to  both  internal  and  external  relations. 

Francis  I.  felt  still  fewer  scruples  in  giving  assistance  to  the 
German  Protestants.  They  were,  on  their  side,  rather  reluct- 
ant to  enter  into  a  closer  connection  with  him,  especially 
when  they  saw  him  form  an  alliance  vith  the  Turks. 

It  is  peculiar  to  France  to  break  through  from  century  to 
century,  as  if  by  an  internal  force  of  nature,  the  circle  of 
legality  and  the  frames  of  European  life,  which  itself  had 
helped  to  form.  Thus  it  had  formerly  cut  off  the  Carlovingian 
succession,  then  destroyed  the  power  of  the  magnates,  who, 
with  equal  claims,  crowded  round  the  vacant  throne,  and 


.  FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  105 

afterward,  with  a  sudden  blow,  annihilated  the  political  sys- 
tem of  the  hierarchy.  There  was  a  time  when  France  col- 
lected and  hazarded  all  her  power  hi  order  to  drive  the  Mo- 
hammedans out  of  Syria  and  Egypt ;  now  she  stretched  forth 
her  hand  to  the  Osmanli  Turks,  the  rulers  of  these  lands. 

From  the  interior  of  the  land  and  nation  there  arises,  from 
time  to  time,  a  powerful  and  involuntary  impulse  of  the  gen- 
eral spirit,  nearly  related  to,  and  yet  essentially  differing  from 
that  which  had  immediately  preceded,  sometimes  altogether 
opposed  to  it. 

As  affairs  then  stood,  France  was  once  more  driven  to  a 
defensive  position.  She  was  not  assailed  in  her  domestic  ter- 
ritory, as  in  former  days  by  the  English,  who  made  claims  to 
the  Crown  :  the  Emperor  stood  upon  the  rights  of  his  ances- 
tors, whose  hereditary  portion  he  sought  to  recover  ;  but  then 
it  consisted  of  considerable  provinces.  The  position  he  had 
expressly  assumed  was  of  more  significance  than  these  claims ; 
he  appeared,  above  all,  as  a  fortunate  rival  of  the  French 
power  and  Crown,  possessed  of  a  superiority  in  Europe  which 
the  French  would  not  allow  him  to  retain,  and,  therefore,  they 
were  impelled  to  the  war  against  him  by  the  twofold  motive 
of  a  necessity  to  defend  their  country,  and  political  ambition. 
The  national  feeling  of  France,  in  its  proper  sense,  was  aroused 
against  him  ;  hence  it  happened  that,  purposely,  from  the 
dangers  and  efforts  of  the  struggle  in  which  the  kingdom  was 
engaged,  and  through  the  force  of  circumstances,  without  any 
serious  opposition  being  thought  of,  a  mode  of  government 
prevailed  altogether  different  from  that  which  had  been  adopt- 
ed by  Louis  XII. 

The  chief  advantage  of  the  Crown  lay  in  the  circumstance 
that  the  clergy,  in  consequence  of  the  Concordat,  fell  into  a 
condition  of  complete  subjection.  Cardinals  filled  a  portion 
of  the  offices  in  the  court  of  Francis  I.  :  he  selected  his  em- 
bassadors from  among  the  clergy  and  the  high  magistracy  ; 
he  placed  his  veterans  in  the  cloisters,  and  made  them  be  sup- 
ported there.  But,  above  all,  he  drew  from  the  Church  enor- 
mous sums  of  money  by  way  of  contributions. 

The  spirituality  had  hitherto  contributed,  like  all  others,  to 
the  necessities  of  the  State,  but,  up  to  the  present  time,  the 


106  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

tenths  which  they  paid  were  in  every  case  first  conceded  hy 
the  Pope.  In  the  year  1532  Clement  VII.  made  some  diffi- 
culty in  granting  them,  at  which  Francis  I.  felt  the  greater 
anger,  having  just  had  an  interview  with  Henry  VIII.,  which 
had  excited  him  in  an  especial  manner  to  an  opposition  against 
the  Holy  See.  On  his  return  he  issued  his  orders  for  their 
immediate  collection,  and  the  clergy  did  not  venture  to  refuse 
obedience  ;  after  that  it  became  usual  for  them  to  pay  as  many 
tenths  as  he  found  it  advisable  to  demand.  Each  tenth 
amounted  to  400,000  francs  ;  there  were  many  years  in  which 
they  reached  the  number  of  four  and  five.  The  clergy  did 
not  always  meet  to  vote  these  sums  :  in  general,  the  King 
merely  sent  an  officer  to  each  episcopal  see,  with  an  order, 
subscribed  and  sealed  by  himself,  in  which  he  named  the  sums 
that  were  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Crown  in  its  need ; 
the  chapter  then  apportioned  these  sums  among  all  the  bene- 
fices of  the  see,  by  whom  they  were  immediately  paid,  and 
sent  in  to  the  treasury.  The  King  said  that  he  knew  he  had 
no  right  to  tax  the  spirituality,  but  that  it  was  nowhere  for- 
bidden to  ask  them  for  a  free-will  contribution  ;  and  that 
he  who  conferred  all  the  benefices  might  well  accept  of  some- 
thing from  the  beneficiaries.  The  Pope  was  silent,  and  the 
nuncios  made  no  opposition. 

Under  Francis  I.  the  sale  of  places,  in  the  magistracy  of 
the  Parliament,  was  customary  ;  the  resignation  of  old  mem- 
bers was  accepted  in  favor  of  even  less  worthy  successors,  if 
these  last  had  the  means  of  paying  a  round  sum  of  money. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  the  system  ;  but  afterward  it  pro- 
ceeded to  the  creation  of  new  places  in  order  to  sell  them  like 
the  others.  It  is  very  remarkable  that  Duprat,  while  enumer- 
ating all  the  reasons  that  might  be  advanced  against  such  a 
method  of  raising  money,  was  at  the  same  time  distributing 
the  instructions  for  putting  it  into  operation  :  for  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  treasury  seemed  to  make  it  obligatory ;  the  perils 
of  the  war  justified  every  thing.  The  administrative  offices 
were  put  to  sale  as  well  as  the  judicial.  "  The  number  of 
officers,'"  says  Marino  Cavalli,  "  who  have  purchased  their 
places  can  not  be  counted  :  there  are  receivers  and  treasurers, 
councilors,  presidents,    and  royal   advocates,  in   every  little 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  107 

town  ;  there  is  more  than  double  the  necessary  number,  and 
yet  they  are  increasing-  every  day."  He  calculates  the  reve- 
nue derived  from  the  sale  of  offices  at  400,000  francs  annu- 
ally. Still  all  these  extraordinary  measures  did  not  meet  the 
necessity  ;  and  the  taille  which  the  people  were  compelled  to 
pay  increased  four  and  five  fold. 

The  kings  of  France  were  regarded  as  the  most  absolute 
princes  in  the  world  ;  the  people  yielded  whatever  they  de- 
manded. The  Emperor  Maximilian,  in  his  naive  manner, 
once  said,  that  he,  the  Emperor,  was  a  king  of  kings,  for  no- 
body felt  it  a  duty  to  obey  him  ;  that  the  King  of  Spain  was 
a  king  of  men.  for  he  was  opposed  but  at  the  same  time  obey- 
ed ;  but  that  the  King  of  France  was  a  king  of  beasts,  for  no 
one  dared  to  refuse  him  obedience.  The  Venetian  embassa- 
dor mentioned  this  saying  of  the  Emperor's  once  in  conversa- 
tion with  Francis  I.,  who  laughed  loudly  at  it — not  perhaps 
without  a  secret  feeling  of  triumph ;  for  if  we  compare  the 
transactions  of  the  Diet,  in  which  the  Emperor  appeared 
merely  as  a  president,  or  the  discussions  of  the  Cortes  of  Ara- 
gon and  Castile,  continually  agitated  by  the  contradiction  of 
parties,  with  the  condition  of  France,  where  the  Estates  were 
called  together  on  extraordinary  occasions  only,  and  where 
every  thing  was  decided  by  the  will  of  the  King,  there  was 
something  striking  in  the  saying  of  the  Emperor,  and  Francis 
I.  derived  a  pleasure  from  the  feeling,  and  this  recognition  of 
the  preponderance  of  his  power.  If,  however,  he  imagined 
that  he  could  do  whatever  was  pleasing  to  himself  personally, 
he  was  in  error,  and  unmindful  of  ancient  times. 

One  of  the  most  important  questions  in  the  history  of  the 
ancient  royalty,  as  it  once  existed  in  Romanic  and  German 
nations,  was  in  regard  to  the  relation  in  which  the  authority 
belonging  personally  to  the  prince,  stood  to  that  which  grew 
out  of  circumstances  and  affairs — "  free  to  compulsory  obedi- 
ence." The  secret  of  power  rests  upon  the  fact  that  both 
coincide.  In  the  prince  of  ancient  descent,  whose  life  is  inter- 
woven with  the  destiny  of  the  nation,  it  recognizes  his  securi- 
ty as  a  special  guarantee  for  its  own  future,  and  intrusts 
itself  to  his  leading  :  without  this  natural  authority,  nothing 
could  go  on ;  but  the  personal  conduct  of  the  prince  must  at 


108  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  same  time  correspond  with  the  high  vocation  of  the  sov- 
ereign. 

Let  us  endeavor  to  form  a  conception  of  the  personal  char- 
acter of  the  man  in  whose  hand  lay  the  destiny  of  France  at 
that  period. 

Francis  I.  impressed  the  beholder  with  the  idea  of  a  hand- 
some man  full  of  vital  power.  His  appearance  was  so  re- 
makable,  that  it  threw  all  around  him  into  the  shade  :  his 
figure  was  tall,  with  a  broad  breast  and  shoulders,  and  long 
flowing  brown  hair ;  his  complexion  was  ruddy,  and,  al- 
though his  countenance  might  have  been  deficient  in  a  cer- 
tain refinement  of  expression,  every  thing  about  him  breathed 
of  manhood,  enjoyment  of  life,  and  a  consciousness  of  his 
princely  position. 

As  yet  the  kings  had  no  settled  residence,  but  while  they 
passed  continually  from  place  to  place  throughout  the  king- 
dom they  were  surrounded  by  a  numerous  and  splendid  court. 
The  nobility,  who  regarded  the  King  as  their  peculiar  chief, 
considered  it  their  duty,  as  well  as  their  privilege,  to  follow 
him  as  long  as  their  circumstances  permitted  ;  but  the  other 
classes  also,  as  well  as  persons  in  various  occupations,  formed 
part  of  his  suite.  In  times  of  peace  the  number  of  horses 
required  by  the  court  and  its  followers  was  usually  six  thou- 
sand ;  on  occasions  of  a  general  gathering  they  amounted  to 
double  that  number,  and  sometimes  to  three  times  as  many.* 
All  eyes  were  directed  toward  the  King,  upon  whose  opinion 
and  favor  each  felt  dependent  even  in  his  private  affairs, 
especially  when  he  had  it  in  his  personal  power  to  distribute 
so  many  favors. 

The  Court  was  an  association  of  all  that  was  famous,  splen- 
did, and  aspiring  in  the  nation  ;  it  was  always  changing,  and 
yet  ever  the  same. 

Francis  I.  took  care  that  the  Court  should  not  be  deficient 
in  the  company  of  ladies,  without  whose  presence  it  would 
have  appeared  to  him  like  a  meadow  without  flowers ;  and 
this  was  a  motive  to  him  to  bestow  particular  care  upon  his 
outward  appearance.     When  among  them  he  took  pleasure 

*  I  take  the  greater  number  from  the  Life  of  Benvenuto  Cellini ; 
Marino  Cavalli  gives  the  smaller  in  his  "  Relatione  di  Francia,"  1546 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  109 

in  his  gold-embroidered  doublet,  through  which  the  slashes  of 
the  finest  linen  were  visible,  and  in  his  richly  embroidered 
cloak  adorned  with  golden  tassels,  for  he  was  desirous  of  mak- 
ing a  personal  impression.  All  may  not  be  true  which  is  told 
of  his  sensuality — it  is  narrated,  at  least,  in  a  manner  not  to 
be  relied  on — but  we  know  enough  to  justify  us  in  saying  that 
he  did  not  respect  the  limits  of  either  chastity  or  morals,  and 
set  an  evil  example  to  both  his  contemporaries  and  posterity. 
He  lived  and  delighted  in  those  bodily  exercises  which  the 
renewed  idea  of  chivalry  enjoined  as  a  duty.  He  was  accus- 
tomed to  practice  the  knightly  sport  of  arms  in  the  burning 
heat  of  the  sun,  and  sought  out,  by  preference,  the  most  vig- 
orous opponent  with  whom  to  measure  himself;  he  has  been 
known  to  break  his  lance  sixty  times  in  one  day.  As  he  was 
the  handsomest  man  in  the  company,  he  had  also  the  ambi- 
tion to  appear  the  strongest  and  most  dexterous.  Once,  when 
at  Amboise,  he  caused  a  wild  boar,  four  years  old,  to  be  driven 
from  the  forest  into  the  court-yard  of  the  castle,  in  order  that 
the  company  that  attended  him  might  witness  the  ferocity  of 
the  beast ;  the  boar,  however,  burst  through  a  door  which  had 
not  been  well  secured,  and  rushed  into  the  castle.  The  com- 
pany fled  in  all  directions ;  but  the  King  advanced  toward 
the  raging  brute,  and  with  great  force  and  skill  inflicted  upon 
him  a  deep  wound,  of  which  he  bled  to  death  in  the  court- 
yard in  a  few  moments  ;  *  he  wound  not  suffer  any  one  else 
to  undertake  the  dangerous  adventure.  He  gave  himself  up 
passionately  to  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  and  while  thus  en- 
gaged was  more  than  once  in  danger  of  his  life :  on  one  occa- 
sion a  stag  hurled  him  from  the  saddle  by  a  thrust  of  his  ant- 
lers ;  but  such  accidents  made  no  impression  upon  him.  He 
never  troubled  himself  about  wind  or  weather,  and  no  hovel 
was  too  miserable  to  furnish  him  a  harbor  for  the  night.  As 
he  grew  older  and  more  corpulent,  he  used  to  ride  to  the  chase 
upon  a  mule.  A  Venetian  embassador,!  on  one  occasion,  re- 
monstrated with  him  for  having  gone  to  hunt  in  severely  cold 

*  From  the  "  Hardiesses  des  Grands  Rois"  of  Nicolo  Sala,  in  the 
Bibliotheque  de  l'Ecole  des  Chartes,  ii.  280. 

t  Matteo  Dandolo,  whose  narrative  of  the  year  1542,  as  yet  little 
known,  has  been  exceedingly  useful  to  me. 


110  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

weather,  when  his  health  was  not  quite  perfect.     ':  On  my 
word,"  answered  the  King,  "  it  has  made  me  well  again." 

It  has  heen  long  known  that  Francis  I.  possessed  a  knowl- 
edge of  other  pursuits  and  occupations  also — that  his  sensi- 
bility to  the  purer  pleasures  and  to  the  activity  of  intellect 
was  easily  awakened.  He  had  already  manifested  this  dis- 
position in  early  youth  ;  even  in  the  King  the  manifold  reac- 
tion of  the  advanced  civilization  of  Italy  upon  the  genius  of 
the  French  made  itself  evident  in  the  liveliest  manner.  He 
was  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  tendency  of  the  age  to  the 
study  of  classical  literature  and  to  the  revival  of  profane 
learning  generally  ;  many  professors  of  languages — men  learn- 
ed in  the  Roman  law — poets  and  antiquarians — received  from 
him,  personally,  an  allowance,  and  followed  his  Court. 
Learned  Italians,  who  had  been  forced  to  leave  their  own 
country,  found  here  an  asylum ;  he  encouraged  them  to  ac- 
tivity, and  rewarded  them  for  their  labors.  The  attendant 
of  a  German  prince,  who  was  himself  skilled  in  literature, 
and  who  accompanied  the  King  on  a  voyage  down  the  Seine 
to  Rouen,  declared  that  in  no  other  spot  was  there  more  to 
be  learned  than  at  the  Court  of  France.  It  boasted  also  of  a 
French  Thucydides.*  King  Francis  had  at  least  some  con- 
ception of  the  claims  which  the  learned  studies,  properly  so 
called,  have  to  independence.  He  wished  to  separate  them 
from  the  universities  established  for  the  cultivation  of  theol- 
ogy and  practical  jurisprudence,  or  rather  to  found  by  the 
side  of  these  a  purely  philosophical  Institute,  which  should  be 
at  the  same  time  an  academy  and  a  school  :  even  the  partial 
accomplishment  of  this  purpose  had  an  important  effect  ;  an- 
other was  perhaps  of  more  immediate  efficacy.  Francis  I. 
had  a  thirst  for  knowledge  which  was  altogether  unlimited. 
He  spoke  on  most  subjects  with  intelligence  and  spirit,  and 
yet  for  all  that  he  knew,  he  wished  to  learn  more,  and  espe- 
cially to  read  the  classics.  As  he  was  not,  properly  speaking, 
learned,  he  required  for  his  oavii  satisfaction  translations  from 
the  ancient  languages  ;  and  in  this  he  did  the  nation  the 
greatest  service,  for,  as  by  far  the  majority  were  similarly  cir- 
cumstanced, they  followed  his  example.  The  King  has  been 
*  Hubert  Thomas  Leodius.  Vita  Frederici  II.  Palatini,  p.  202. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  Ill 

justly  applauded  for  having,  through  these  means,  raised  his 
people  generally  from  their  ancient  ignorance.  The  Italian 
intellect  was  impelled  by  the  influence  of  the  classic  models, 
to  the  imitation  of  their  forms  ;  the  German  was  led  back, 
through  the  study  of  the  language,  to  the  original  records  of 
the  faith,  and  to  their  appropriation  in  spirit ;  the  French  se'1 
itself  in  immediate  and  especial  relations  with  the  manifold 
contents  of  the  ancient  authors,  particularly  the  historians. 
The  literature  of  antiquity  had  then  no  peculiar  influence 
upon  the  form  of  French  composition  ;  its  prevailing  tone  was 
derived  from  the  society  which  hadformed  itself  round  the  King. 
His  own  letters  and  poems  show  that  he  had  a  vivid  feeling 
of  the  gratification  and  demands  on  the  mind  which  arise 
from  good  society  ;  the  pleasures  which  it  offers  he  declared, 
on  one  occasion,  to  be  to  him  the  greatest  happiness  on  earth. 
A  monument  of  this  society  is  still  extant,  from  which  may  be 
gathered  the  subjects  that  were  spoken  of,  as  well  as  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  treated.  It  consists  in  the  Tales 
of  the  Q,ueen  of  Navarre,  who  sometimes  retired  to  her  own 
residence,  but  generally  followed  her  brother's  court,  in  which 
she  always,  when  present,  took  a  prominent  position.  Her 
Tales  are  the  oldest  examples  of  French  prose  still  read  by 
the  nation  :  in  their  first  plan  they  are  not,  as  is  known,  orig- 
inal, but  in  the  manner  and  form  they  are  thoroughly  French 
— the  thoughts  as  well  as  the  style. 

Francis  I.  patronized  artists  as  well  as  scholars,  and  show- 
ed them  even  a  higher  degree  of  favor.  Sometimes  they 
were  men  of  general  accomplishments,  like  Leonardo  da  Vinci, 
of  whom  the  King  said  that  he  had  never  seen  a  man  who 
knew  and  understood  more  :  he  had  brought  him  out  of  Italy, 
not  only  on  account  of  his  merit  as  an  artist,  but  also  on  ac- 
count of  his  personal  excellence.  Leonardo  was  exactly  the 
man  to  suit  the  King's  universal  desire  for  knowledge,  and  he 
knew  how  to  value  him.  He  attracted  to  his  court  a  great 
number  of  other  Italian  masters,  appointed  them  places  where 
they  could  carry  on  their  works,  visited  them  there,  and  show- 
ed them  personal  favor.  Sometimes  their  pretensions  were 
intolerable  to  him  ;  but  he  corrected  them  with  a  few  quiet 
words — he  made  them  understand  that  it  was  he  who  pro- 


112  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

vided  them  with  the  means  and  opportunity  necessary  for 
the  development  of  their  talents,  but  that,  at  the  same  time, 
he  esteemed  himself  fortunate  that  not  only  had  antiquity  pro- 
duced great  and  beautiful  works,  but  that,  under  his  protec- 
tion and  influence,  his  contemporaries  had  done  the  same.  In 
this  he  no  doubt  over-estimated  their  works,  for  neither  his 
times  nor  his  court  afforded  the  elements  and  conditions  from 
which  a  really  classical  style  could  arise  :  the  history  of  Al- 
exander the  Great,  which  he  had  represented  at  Fontaine- 
bleau,  bears  an  entirely  modern  character ;  here  and  there, 
however,  a  work  has  succeeded  admirably,  especially  in  archi- 
tecture— we  need  only  call  to  mind  the  Louvre,  which  in  the 
greatness  and  simplicity  of  its  design  awakens  wonder  and 
admiration.  But  in  the  very  efforts  to  succeed  there  lies 
something,  independent  of  success  ;  in  art,  as  well  as  in  liter- 
ature, Francis  I.  promoted  a  movement  of  mind  which  has 
extended  far  down  beyond  his  age ;  in  the  transition  of 
French  taste  from  the  manner  of  the  Middle  Ages  to  mod- 
ern forms  and  style,  no  one  has  had  sueh  influence  as 
Francis  I. 

The  charm  of  the  epoch  consisted  in  the  immediate  contact 
of  both  elements.  The  customary  and  medieval  retires  every 
where ;  the  scholastic  methods  of  the  Universities  before  the 
study  of  free  philosophy ;  the  Gothic  towers  of  the  old  royal 
keeps  before  the  architectural  creations  of  a  spirit  formed  by 
the  contemplation  of  ancient  art ;  the  mounted  warriors  of  chiv- 
alry before  the  infantry  and  the  artillery;  but  at  the  same 
time  the  knightly  word,  and  personal  engagement,  which 
was  at  one  time  exalted  above  every  thing  else,  before  the 
general  interest  recognized  by  the  whole  realm — the  idea  of 
the  Most  Christian  monarchy  before  that  of  the  balance  of 
power,  to  which  even  the  Infidels  must  contribute — and  the 
stern  discipline  of  the  patriarchal  castle-life  before  the  sociabil- 
ity of  the  court  and  its  unrestrained  enjoyments. 

In  this  point  of  view,  King  Francis  I.  himself  is  a  correct 
and  significant  expression,  as  well  as  a  representative,  of  the 
epoch  ;  and  was  it  not  something  in  a  government  of  the  age 
to  move  with  the  times,  to  make  men  conscious  of  the  objects 
toward  which  the  universal  impulse  of  society  was  tending, 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  113 

and  to  direct  that  impulse  in  its  appointed  course  ?     To  lead 
the  minds  of  men  is  to  be  in  reality  a  king. 

When  we  consider  the  manner  in  which  the  government 
was  carried  on  by  so  able  a  man,  we  must  not  infer,  from 
some  occasional  outbreaks  of  self-will,  that  he  believed  men 
would  obey  him  blindly ;  we  know,  on  the  contrary,  that  he 
did  not  despise  even  the  smaller  expedients  of  government. 
As  his  daughler-in-law  Catharine  de'  Medici  related  after- 
ward, he  took  pains  to  inform  himself  concerning  the  char- 
acter of  the  men  who  possessed  any  peculiar  influence  in  the 
different  provinces,  not  only  among  the  nobility  and  clergy, 
but  also  in  the  towns  and  among  the  people ;  these  he  sought 
to  make  his  friends  by  bestowing  on  them  places  in  the  army, 
in  the  administrative  department  of  the  law,  and  in  the 
finance  department,  or  by  favoring  them  in  some  other  man- 
ner. By  means  of  their  influence,  he  suppressed  every  move- 
ment adverse  to  his  wishes. 

He  knew  the  greatest  part  of  the  nobility  in  the  kingdom 
personally  ;  he  accounted  himself  as  belonging  to  their  class, 
and  was  accustomed  to  pledge  his  word  as  a  gentleman  ;  in 
all  his  intercourse  with  them  he  treated  them  as  friends.  In 
cases  of  sudden  death,  especially  when  it  might  have  happen- 
ed that  a  young  man  fell  in  battle,  the  King  lost  no  time  in 
visiting  the  father,  and  showing  his  sympathy  and  condolence. 

When  Rochelle,  after  its  rising  against  the  extension  of 
the  duty  upon  salt,  had  been  once  more  subdued  to  obedience, 
he  told  the  inhabitants  that  he  would  be  perfectly  justified  if 
he  were  to  punish  them  in  their  persons  and  property,  but 
that  he  coveted  only  the  hearts  of  his  subjects,  and  their  pun- 
ishment should  consist  in  the  remembrance  of  their  evil  ac- 
tions, which  would  weigh  the  heavier  when  they  considered 
that,  at  the  time  of  their  rebellion,  he  was  actually  engaged 
in  the  defense  of  the  kingdom.  "  Ring  all  your  bells,"  said 
he,  "for  you  are  forgiven,"  and  gave  them  back  the  keys  of 
the  city  gates  and  the  ordnance  of  the  walls.  At  an  enter- 
tainment which  they  prepared  for  him  he  accepted  refresh- 
ment from  them,  to  the  astonishment  of  his  attendants,  for 
such  was  not  then  the  custom.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
while  exhibiting  this  moderation  he  had  his  eye  upon  his 


114  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

antagonist,  who  at  the  same  time  was  directing  fearful  exe- 
cutions at  Ghent,  while  he,  on  the  contrary,  sought  honor  in 
the  fact  that  under  him  no  Mood  had  been  shed  on  account 
of  civic  disturbances.  He  loved  to  bestow  graces,  and  to  see 
every  one  leave  his  presence  with  a  contented  countenance. 

During  the  first  years  of  his  reign  the  relation  in  which  he 
had  grown  up  continued  for  a  long  period.  His  mother  ex- 
ercised a  great  influence  on  all  his  resolutions.  Foreigners 
were  astonished  at  the  veneration  he  showed  for  her  ;  he 
never  addressed  her  except  with  his  cap  in  hand,  and  nearly 
upon  his  knees  ;  he  visited  her  every  day  after  dinner  or  in 
the  evening,  and  related  to  her  the  various  matters  that  had 
occupied  him  during  the  day.  * 

Subsequently  the  practice  was  introduced  of  discussing  all 
important  matters  in  the  bedchamber  of  the  King,  immediate- 
ly after  he  had  risen,  and  before  his  mind  had  become  occu- 
pied by  any  of  the  routine  affairs  of  the  day  :  this  was  the 
Conseil  des  affaires,  which  was  continued  in  the  same  man- 
ner under  his  successors  ;  those  only  who  occupied  the  high- 
est offices,  and  were  most  intrusted,  could  take  part  in  this 
council.  Under  Francis  I.  his  sister,  the  Q,ueen  of  Navarre, 
acquired  an  overwhelming  influence — such  as  quiet  and 
sharp-sighted  women,  whose  observation  is  general  and  con- 
stant, have  from  time  to  time  exercised  in  great  states.  It 
can  not  be  said,  however,  that  the  King  allowed  himself  to  be 
led  by  the  will  of  another.  As  the  foreign  embassadors,  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  remarked,  that  even  the  extempo- 
rary answers  of  the  young  King  were  always  to  the  purpose, 
and  praise  his  ability  and  understanding  in  affairs  ;  so  also 
in  his  latter  years  they  assure  us  that  the  most  important  mat- 
ters were  invariably  decided  upon  by  the  King  himself,  t 
What  they  missed  in  him,  as  they  themselves  express  it,  was 
industry  of  spirit  :  he  was  content  to  order,  and  did  not  take 
sufficient  pains  to  see  that  his  orders  were  executed  in  detail. 

*  Antonio  Justiniano,  1520:  "  Honora  molto  la  sua  madre,  Ser"™ 
Madama,  la  qual  e  sapientissima  donna,  et  ogni  giorno  va  il  Re  de  S. 
Excia,  osia  pot  pranso,  o  poi  cena,  e  ragiona  con  lei  di  tutte  le  cose  li 
hanno  exposto  li  oratori." 

t  Cavalli :  "  Sua  maestä,  siccome  nelle  altre  cose  si  rimette  a  loro, 
cosi  in  queste  vuole  che  e  loro  e  tutto  il  resto  si  rimettino  a  lei." 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  115 

For  a  long  time  the  Ministry  was  almost  free  from  control. 
The  Chancellors  Duprat  and  Poyet,  the  Admiral  Chabot  and 
the  Constable  Montmorency — for  the  administration  was  still 
connected  with  the  great  officers  and  dignities  of  the  State — 
seemed  on  some  occasions  to  be  all-powerful,  as  if  they  had 
no  one  above  them  ;  but  the  very  freedom  and  discretion  with 
which  they  were  allowed  to  act  was  dangerous  to  them — 
sometimes  one  and  sometimes  another  of  them  was  dismissed 
without  any  one  being  exactly  able  to  assign  the  cause.  The 
changes  that  took  place  in  the  highest  offices  of  the  State — 
the  rise,  and  fall,  and  recovery  of  the  persons  who  filled 
them — have  something  in  them  that  suggests  the  sudden 
alterations  which  take  place  in  Oriental  courts.  The  cause 
of  this  was  that  the  King,  after  he  had  long  observed  a 
course  of  improper  conduct,  roused  himself  against  it  all  at 
once ;  the  suggestions  of  third  parties,  to  which  he  had  long 
refused  to  listen,  then  found  sudden  attention ;  but  he  was 
also  jealous  lest  any  one  should  raise  himself  to  a  degree  of 
power,  which  might  prove  inconvenient  to  him.  He  was  not 
particularly  bound  to  any  certain  persons  :  he  formed  attach- 
ments quickly,  but  forgot  them  with  equal  speed. 

Beneath  all  his  tumultuous  impulses,  negligence,  and  the 
partialities  to  which  he  gave  himself  up,  a  spirit  might  have 
been  observed  which  never  forgot  itself. 

In  his  conversations  with  the  embassadors  he  spoke  natur- 
ally and  impulsively,  and  this  not  without  design — his  rival 
had  the  reputation  of  being  a  close  artful  character,  which 
Francis  wished  to  avoid  ;  but  in  all  his  effusions  he  knew 
how  to  preserve  his  own  secrets.  The  embassadors  frequently 
complained  that  they  were  kept  at  a  distance,  and  allowed 
no  opportunity  of  bringing  important  matters  under  his 
notice . 

He  was  generous,  and  wished  to  be  so  :  to  many  he  ap- 
peared to  be  extravagant,  but  with  all  his  expenses  he  was 
careful  to  preserve  a  surplus  of  income  over  expenditure,  and 
left  behind  him  a  sum  in  his  treasury  destined  to  meet  any 
unforeseen  necessity. 

Madame  d'Estampes,  his  mistress,  was  thought  to  have 
unlimited  power  over  him  ;  the  elevation  and  the   fall   of 


116  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

many  persons  was  ascribed  to  her  influence,  and  probably 
with  good  reason.  She  took  upon  herself  the  championship 
of  the  rights  of  the  youngest  of  the  Princes,  whom  the  King 
loved  most  tenderly,  and  who  resembled  him  most  closely  ; 
but  neither  her  counsels  nor  the  King's  own  predilection 
could  induce  him  to  create  an  establishment  for  the  Prince, 
which  might  at  a  future  time  be  disadvantageous  to  the 
power  of  the  Crown  and  to  his  successor. 

Family  events,  concurring  with  public  misfortunes,  often 
troubled  his  life.  What  a  moment  was  that  for  him  when 
his  eldest  son,  and  of  whom  the  greatest  expectations  were 
entertained,  was  snatched  away  by  a  sudden  death  at  the 
very  time  when  Charles  V.  with  his  army  had  invaded 
Provence !  "  My  God,"  cried  the  King,  walking  to  the  win- 
dow, and  lifting  up  his  hands,  "  Thou  hadst  smitten  me 
already  in  diminishing  my  consequence,  now  Thou  takest 
away  my  son,  and  what  remains  but  that  Thou  shouldst  de- 
stroy me  altogether  ?" 

Henry,  the  second  son  of  Francis  I.,  who  was  now  Dauphin, 
was  married  to  Catharine  de'  Medici,  of  Florence.  For  a  long 
time  they  had  no  children,  and,  as  she  was  by  many  not 
deemed  his  equal  in  birth,  the  idea  of  sending  her  back  to  Flor- 
ence began  to  be  spoken  of.  Catharine  herself,  wise  and  resolute 
as  she  was,  came  to  the  King  and  offered  to  depart,  while  a  flood 
of  tears  choked  her  language.  "  My  child,"  replied  the  King, 
"  as  God  has  willed  that  you  should  be  my  daughter-in-law, 
such  shall  you  remain."  This  act  is  worthy  of  high  estima- 
tion, for  Francis  was  anxiously  fearful  that  none  of  his  sons 
would  have  male  issue,  and  that  his  race  would,  therefore,  be- 
come extinct  in  the  second  generation.  The  joy  was  all  the 
greater  when  Catharine,  some  time  after,  was  happily  deliv- 
ered of  a  son.  "It  is  the  most  wished-for  day,"  cried  the 
sister  of  Francis  I.,  "  which  our  eyes  have  seen,  and  the  most 
indispensable  ;  it  is  God's  doing."  The  King  also  regarded 
it  as  giving  additional  security  to  the  State.  Soon  after  this 
he  had  the  good  fortune  to  frustrate  a  new  and  formidable  in- 
vasion of  the  Emperor's,  and  to  obtain  the  recognition  of  the 
claims  of  the  French  royal  family  to  some  Italian  provinces 
at  the  peace  of  Crespy. 


FRANCIS  THE  FIRST.  117 

That  Francis  I.  should  ascribe  all  events  to  Divine  inter- 
positions, in  answer  to  his  prayers,  would  hardly  be  antici- 
pated. "  I,  thy  servant,"  he  says  in  one  of  his  poems,  "  have 
called  to  Thee  ;  Thou  hast  heard  me  according  to  my  reliance 
on  Thee,  and  hast  not  forgotten  me ;  Thou  hast  given  me 
conquests,  children,  defense,  and  power." 

Francis  I.  loved  enjoyment  ;  giving  splendor  to  the  dignity 
to  which  he  was  born,  worshiped  by  his  people,  his  wish  was 
to  pass  his  days  in  joy  and  magnificence,  in  a  rapid,  uninter- 
rupted, and  complete  movement  of  all  the  powers  of  life ;  at 
the  same  time  he  had  a  great  object  to  effect,  and  he  devoted 
himself  to  it.  His  whole  life  was  an  incessant  struggle,  a 
political  and  military  contest  with  a  rival.  He  did  not  attain 
the  highest  prize — that  which  hovered  before  him  in  his  youth 
— but  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  the  independence  and 
power  of  his  kingdom  against  his  subtle,  cool,  and  restless 
antagonist,  whose  ambition  and  great  designs  extended  over, 
and  embraced  the  world.  The  secret  of  the  obedience  yield- 
ed to  him  lay  in  the  fact  that  he  strove  for  and  attained  this 
object.  He  lived,  thought,  and  felt  as  his  people  did ;  the 
changes  in  his  fortune,  his  dangers,  and  his  losses,  as  well  as 
his  successors,  were  also  those  of  the  nation. 

Francis  I.  died  on  the  1st  of  March,  1547,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Henry  II. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

HENRY  II.  AND  HIS  EXTERNAL  RELATIONS. 

Henry  II.  was  also  of  lofty  stature,  well  formed,  and,  equally 
with  his  father,  indefatigable  in  the  chase  and  in  the  knightly 
games  of  the  age.  He  rode  to  his  forest  sports  sometimes  in 
every  week,  and,  at  times,  followed  the  stag  for  seven  hours 
without  a  pause  ;  horses  used  to  fall  exhausted  under  him. 
No  tournament  was  held  at  the  court  in  which  he  did  not  don 
his  helm  and  break  his  lance.  If  a  foreign  knight  of  reputa- 
tion happened  to  be  present,  the  King  himself  must,  by  all 
means,  have  a  trial  of  arms  with  him.  There  could  be  nc 
doubt  of  his  bravery  in  battle,  for  he  had  been  seen  to  occup> 
with  firmness  the  most  dangerous  positions  in  the  face  of  tht, 
enemy. 

The  personal  splendor  which  surrounded  the  military  char- 
acter of  his  father  did  not  altogether  descend  to  him ;  no 
action  of  his  could  be  mentioned  comparable  to  that  of  Ma- 
rignano.  Of  philosophy  and  the  arts  he  understood  nothing, 
and  he  was  satisfied  if  he  could  express  himself  without  fal- 
tering. But  he  was  more  to  be  depended  on  in  his  friendships, 
and  immovable  in  the  resolutions  which  he  once  adopted. 
He  was  not  deficient  in  industry  :  every  day  he  devoted  some 
hours  to  the  regular  sittings  of  the  council ;  at  table  he  was 
to  be  spoken  to  about  private  affairs,  and  after  dinner  he  gave 
audience  to  the  embassadors.  A  grave  deportment  was  nat- 
ural to  him — he  was  seldom  seen  to  smile.  Before  all  other 
things  he  was  a  soldier,  and  bestowed  his  highest  consider- 
ation upon  soldiers  only.  * 

*  Dandolo,  1547:  "A  Landresy  (the  '  laudarsi'  of  the  Florentine 
impression  is  an  error  of  the  press)  non  si  porto  meno  da  buon  soldato 
che  da  buon  capitano,  et  m'  a  detto  persona  degna  di  fede  che  si  truovo 
«eco  in  qualche  luogo  pericoloso." 


H.:.\RY  THE    SECOND.  119 

A  most  extraordinary  connection  influenced  his  life  ;  it  was 
formed  in  early  youth,  and  continued  without  interruption  to 
the  moment  of  his  death.  The  object  of  this  attachment 
was  Diana  of  Poitiers,  a  lady  much  older  than  himself.  It 
commenced  in  passion,  and  settled  down  into  a  steady  friend- 
ship. At  the  court  it  was  asserted  that  it  was  she  who  pre- 
served the  notions  of  honor  and  of  manly  virtue  in  the  mind 
of  the  young  Prince,  and  roused  to  activity  his  originally  in- 
dolent disposition.  Another  merit  ascribed  to  her  is  still 
more  extraordinary  :  it  was  said  that  she  was  the  means  of 
preserving  a  good  understanding  between  Henry  and  his  con- 
sort.* As  the  continuation  of  the  royal  race  depended  upon 
this,  Margaret  of  Navarre  may  have  alluded  to  that  circum- 
stance when  she  said  in  one  of  her  letters  to  Diana,  that  the 
crown  of  France  was  more  indebted  to  her  than  to  any  other 
woman  in  the  world.  She  acted  like  an  old  friend  ;  she  at- 
tended the  (olueen  in  her  lying-in,  and  during  her  illnesses. 
I  even  find  the  expression  that  she  waited  upon  her  as  a 
servant,  t  The  King  paid  her  a  visit  every  day  without  fail- 
ing, and  spoke  with  her  concerning  his  affairs. 

Henry  11.  had  also  a  friend,  who  had  attached  himself  to 
him  in  his  early  life,  the  Constable  Montmorency.  An  en- 
terprise against  Piedmont,  which  had  been  intrusted  to  the 
young  Prince,  was  successful  only  because  the  Constable 
placed  the  best  troops  at  his  disposal.  To  the  reputation 
which  Henry  acquired  from  this,  and  which  was  worthy  even 
of  his  high  position,  he  believed  himself  indebted  to  his  friend- 
ship. Montmorency  could  not  retain  the  favor  of  Francis  I., 
who  blamed  him  for  what  he  had  done,  telling  him  that  he 
was  not  content  with  his  delegated  power,  and  that  he  would 

*  Marino  Cavalli :  "  Alcuni  credono  che  questo  amore,  che  e  grand- 
issimo,  non  sia  lascivo,  ma  come  materno  filale,  avendo  la  detta  dama 
pigliato  carico  d'instituire,  corregere  ed  avvertire,  eccitare  esso  Monsig- 
nor  Delfino  a  pensieri  e  operazioni  degne  di  tal  prineipie." 

t  Contarini,  1552  :  "  La  Regina,  cosi  pregata  dal  Re,  se  lo  tolera 
patientemente  e  pratica  continuamente  con  lei  (la  duchessa,  et  all'  in- 
contro  la  duchessa  fa  boni  offici  col  Re  per  la  Regina."  Soranzo,  1557  : 
"  (La  duchessa  dimostra)  di  amare  et  di  portare  grandissimo  rispetto 
alia  Regina,  et  in  tutte  le  sue  malattie  ed  altri  bisogne  serve  lei  e  li 
figliuoli  come  fosse  propria  sua  serva." 


120  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

be  king  himself.  It  has  all  the  appearance  oi  probability 
that  Madame  d'Estampes,  who  was  an  enemy  to  Diana  and 
Henry,  and  therefore  to  the  Constable,  contributed  to  his  dis- 
grace. *  But  hence  it  followed  that  after  the  death  of  Fran- 
cis I.  Montmorency  came  forward  as-the  natural  counselor 
of  the  new  King.  He  appeared  immediately,  and  entered 
as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  course,  upon  the  administration 
of  affairs,  with  that  undiminished  youthful  vigor  which  he 
retained  even  in  his  old  age,  and  with  unlimited  authority. 
He  held  himself  justified  in  refusing  his  assent  to  resolutions 
adopted  in  full  council  and  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  when 
it  appeared  to  him  more  advisable.  Pietro  Strozzi  once,  on 
an  occasion  of  this  kind,  reproached  the  Constable  for  his  ob- 
stinacy ;  but  he  answered  simply  that  the  circumstances  of 
the  case  had  altered  :  and  this  was  sufficient  for  the  King  : 
he  spent  no  words  upon  it,  for  he  lived  in  the  firm  persuasion 
that  the  Constable  understood  things  best. 

We  shall  again  return  to  the  consideration  of  these  per- 
sonages, and  some  others  who  were  associated  with  them,  as 
the  two  Guises,  when  we  come  to  speak  of  the  religious 
affairs.  Now  we  shall  direct  our  attention  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  new  King  and  his  court  conducted  the  government 
in  respect  to  the  great  questions  connected  with  the  foreign 
relations  of  the  kingdom,  which  Francis  I.  had  left  undecided. 

Henry  II.  was  for  many  years  more  fortunate,  both  in 
policy  and  war,  than  his  father.  Francis  I.  was  obliged  to 
leave  Boulogne  for  a  series  of  years  in  the  hands  of  the  En- 
glish who  were  the  more  oppressive  to  the  land  as  they  still 
held  possession  of  Calais.  The  power  of  France  was  first  di- 
rected against  them  by  Henry  II. 

He  began  his  operations  by  counteracting  the  increasing 
preponderance  of  the  English  influence  in  Scotland,  and  by 
forming  himself  a  firm  connection  in  that  country.  The 
forces  which  Pietro  Strozzi  led  thither,  with  a  recently  form- 
ed fleet,  were  received  with  joy  by  the  Scottish  nobles,  who 
felt  a  strong  antipathy  toward  England,  and  who  proposed 
the  future  marriage  of  their  young  queen  with  the  Dauphin 

*  Dandolo,  who  hesitated  to  state  this  in  his  first  relation  because 
his  audience  was  not  particularly  secret,  narrates  it  in  his  second. 


HENRY  THE   SECOND.  121 

while  both  were  yet  children,  and  allowed  her  to  be  carried 
into  France.  Her  mother,  a  member  of  the  house  of  Guise, 
obtained  the  regency  after  some  time,  and  conducted  it,  not- 
withstanding many  fluctuations,  in  the  interests  of  France. 
It  was  expected  with  certainty  that  if  not  the  very  next  king 
of  France,  at  least  the  next  following  who  should  have  Scot- 
tish blood  in  his  veins,  would  rule  in  that  kingdom  also. 

The  complete  success  of  the  French  in  this  enterprise  is 
specially  attributable  to  the  fact  that  England  was  then  under 
a  minority,  Avhich  was  more  than  usually  unquiet  on  account 
of  the  religious  differences  which  divided  the  nation.  It  did 
not  escape  the  French  how  advantageous  this  might  be  for 
the  promotion  of  their  own  purposes.  The  Constable  Mont- 
morency in  particular  comprehended  it.  Against  the  counsel 
of  the  majority  he  urged  the  renewal  of  the  war  with  England. 
The  English  had  just  then  reduced  their  garrisons  in  their 
continental  possessions ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  French 
nobility  whom  the  English  had  dispossessed,  and  who  were 
burning  with  eagerness  to  recover  their  lost  property,  joined 
the  Constable  in  his  enterprise,  for  it  was  rather  a  war  of 
people  against  people  than  of  state  against  state.  The  ter- 
ritory round  Boulogne  was  occupied  without  much  difficulty, 
and  the  town  itself  so  hard  pressed  that  the  English  Govern- 
ment found  it  advisable  to  surrender  the  place,  in  consideration 
of  about  a  fifth  part  of  the  sum  which  had  been  stipulated  for 
in  the  last  treaty  ;  they  also  did  not  insist  on  the  payment  of 
the  sums  which  Henry  VIII.  had  required,  as  it  were,  as  an 
acknowledgment  of  his  claims  on  the  crown  of  France. 

In  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  especially  in  ascertaining 
the  boundaries,  there  arose  so  much  contention  and  ill-will, 
that  we  are  informed  the  French  seriously  entertained  the 
idea  of  renewing  the  war,  and,  after  having  experienced  so 
many  invasions,  to  make  an  attempt  from  their  side  upon  the 
island.  They  had  a  correspondence  with  Ireland,  and  the 
Scots  were  only  waiting  for  the  signal  to  cross  the  border ;  * 
the  plans  of  the  fortifications  erected  in  England  by  the  late 
king,  were  in  their  hands,  and  they  had  already  caused  the 

*  Contarini :  "  Di  Scotia  ha  piu  volte  mandato  persone  in  Hibernia, 
e  fra  li  altri  vi  ando  due  anni  sono  M.  di  Monluc." 

F 


122  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

channel  of  the  Thames  to  be  examined.  The  intelligence 
which  they  received  from  a  Florentine,  who  had  been  long 
in  the  service  of  Henry  VIIT.,  but  who  was  dismissed  by  the 
then  existing  government,  confirmed  them  strongly  in  their 
purpose.  * 

Meanwhile  a  prospect  began  to  appear  of  victory  over  him 
who  must  ever  have  been  viewed  as  their  most  formidable 
and  dangerous  enemy.  The  power  which  Charles  V.  then 
exercised  in  Germany  and  Italy — in  the  latter  political  vio- 
lence, and  in  the  former  anti-national  despotism  associated 
with  religious  oppression — had  aroused  throughout  these 
extensive  territories  a  universal  fermentation  against  him. 
Multitudes  of  refugee  German  officers  and  Italian  exiles 
crowded  the  French  court.  There  were  Neapolitans  of  the 
Angevin  faction,  to  whom  the  King  caused  to  be  paid  consid- 
erable pensions,  to  indemnify  them  for  the  estates  they  had 
lost ;  Milanese,  some  of  whom  were  excellent  soldiers,  others 
learned  scholars  ;  Florentines  of  the  party  of  the  eldest  branch 
of  the  Medici,  who  still  reckoned  upon  being  able  to  overturn 
the  government  of  Duke  Cosmo.  On  the  occasion  of  his  mar- 
riage with  Catharine  de'  Medici,  Henry  had  determined  to 
found  a  great  principality  ;  and  now,  when  the  Farnesi  ap- 
pealed to  him  for  aid,  the  time  appeared  to  have  arrived  when 
the  King  could  execute  what  was  denied  to  the  Prince.  But 
the  decisive  circumstances  of  the  case  were,  that  even  those 
German  princes  who  had  made  common  cause  with  the  Em- 
peror against  the  champions  of  Protestantism,  had  now,  on 
both  religious  and  political  grounds,  separated  from  him,  and 
felt  no  scruples  in  entering  into  alliance  with  the  Crown  of 
France. 

Thus  strengthened  with  more  powerful  allies  than  ever  his 
father  had  been  able  to  make,  Henry  II.  prepared  for  another 
attempt  against  the  ancient  antagonist  of  his  house,  who 
apprehending  nothing  of  the  kind,  was  totally  unprepared  for 
it  at  the   moment.      The  enterprise    succeeded  completely. 

*  The  Venetian  Justinian  is  explicit  on  this  point :  he  names  the 
Florentine  "  II  Portinaro."  This  word  appears  in  the  English  dis- 
patches as  a  proper  name,  Portinary  ;  and  he  is  spoken  of  as  having 
been  in  the  service  of  Henry  VIII. 


HENRY  THE  SECOND.  123 

The  power  which  seemed  to  be  established  in  its  strength  for 
ever  was  dispersed  with  one  blow,  and  their  independence 
restored  to  the  German  Protestants  on  the  one  hand,  while  on 
the  other  the  possibility  of  a  political  existence  was  secured 
for  the  Italian  states  ;  France  amidst  them  rose  once  more  to 
the  position  of  a  powerful  nation. 

Notwithstanding  his  declaration  that  he  desired  to  protect 
German  liberty,  the  King  at  the  very  outset  of  the  campaign 
took  possession  of  the  German  cities  Metz,  Toul,  and  Verdun, 
which  lay  nearest  to  France.  The  pretext  was  that  the 
Emperor  intended  to  have  made  them  subservient  in  a  special 
manner  to  the  advantage  of  his  house,  and  that  therefore 
Henry  was  compelled  by  necessity  to  take  them  under  the 
protection  of  his  power.  This  protection  was  little  less,  how- 
ever, than  complete  subjection.  Distracted  by  internal  con- 
tention, the  German  Empire  had  allowed  these  places  to  fall, 
without  defense,  into  the  hands  of  its  most  formidable  neigh- 
bor ;  it  was  unable  by  any  efforts  it  could  make  to  recover 
them. 

Siena  also,  in  the  general  agitation,  having  seized  the 
favorable  moment,  cast  off  the  authority  of  the  Emperor,  and 
was  protected  by  the  French  troops  which  had  been  sent  to 
assist  the  Farnesi,  and  were  immediately  at  hand.  They 
were  not  able  to  defend  it,  however,  against  the  arms  and 
intrigues  of  Duke  Cosmo  of  Florence  and  the  Spaniards  ;  but 
they  maintained  the  name  of  the  Sienese  Republic  in  Monte 
Alcino,  and,  with  many  other  positions  in  Italy,  they  retained 
possession  of  the  Maremme.  As  Genoa  did  not  cast  off  its 
connection  with  the  Emperor,  it  furnished  the  French  with  a 
pretext  for  attacking  Corsica,  which  then  belonged  to  Genoa  ; 
they  took  possession  of  Ajaccio,  and  of  the  whole  island,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  places.  They  still  ruled  in  Piedmont ; 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  Ottomans,  and.  especially  of  the 
Dey  of  Algiers,  obtained,  the  ascendency  in  the  Mediterranean 
over  the  Spaniards,  and  at  the  same  time  over  the  English  in 
the  Channel ;  they  also  sent  out  a  colony  to  Brazil. 

It  appeared  as  if  the  superiority  which  the  French  Crown 
possessed  in  its  most  flourishing  period  had  returned  to  it 
again  :   and  that  the  proud  growth  of  the  Burgundo-Spanish 


124  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

power  bowed  before  it.  A  prelate,  animated  with  the  fiercest 
hostility  against  the  house  of  Austria,  ascended  the  Papal 
chair,  and  planned  an  attempt  to  expel  the  Austrians  from 
Italy,  with  the  assistance  of  the  French,  to  whom  Naples  was 
to  be  restored.* 

Soon  after,  however,  it  became  apparent  that  there  was  on 
the  side  of  the  opposite  party  a  military  power,  which  a 
young  prince  had  brought  together  with  infinite  exertion. 

Fortune,  which  had  become  untrue  to  the  old  Emperor, 
inclined  once  more  to  his  son  Philip  II.  He  saved  Naples, 
and  established  his  power  in  Upper  Italy  ;  he  gained  repeated 
victories  in  the  Netherlands ;  and  the  conductor  of  the  war 
and  first  minister  of  the  French — the  Constable  Montmorency 
— himself  fell  into  his  hands. 

In  the  year  1558  the  aspect  of  affairs  had  become  so  com- 
pletely altered,  that  the  question  was  forced  upon  the  consid- 
eration of  the  French  whether  they  were  capable  of  continu- 
ing the  war  any  longer.  For,  as  we  have  seen,  the  military 
establishment  of  Francis  I.  was  only  possible  when  sustained 
by  imposts,  which  shook  that  internal  order  upon  which  the 
nation  rested ;  but  the  campaigns  of  Henry  II.  had  been  still 
more  expensive,  for  he  did  not  possess  his  father's  disposition 
for  a  regular  system  of  finance  :  it  has  been  calculated  that 
each  year  of  the  war  under  Henry  II.  cost  as  much  as  four 
years  of  war  under  Francis  I.  In  the  year  1558  the  debt 
was  already  thirty-six  millions,  and  the  deficit  in  the  annual 
balance  amounted  to  two  millions  and  a  half.  The  King 
called  an  assembly  of  the  Notables,  which  is  described  as  one 
of  the  Estates,  and  they  resolved  to  cover  the  deficiency. 
Of  the  three  millions  which  Henry  asked,  the  clergy  under- 
took to  provide  one,  and  the  third  Estate  the  two  others  ;  but 
the  usual  taxes  could  not  now  be  collected  without  violent 
measures  and  the  hardest  oppression.  How  much  more 
severe  therefore  would  be  the  pressure  of  these  extraordinary 
imposts  !     The  nobility  were  exhausted  by  the  services  of  the 

*  That  these  considerations  did  not  occupy  the  principal  point  of 
view,  as  Thuanus  and  those  who  follow  him  observe,  has  been  already 
remarked  by  Walkenaer  on  Henault,  Abrege  Chronologique  de  l'His- 
toire  de  France,  p.  565. 


HENRY  THE  SECOND.  125 

war  and  the  money  which,  in  their  private  capacity,  they 
paid  for  ransoms,  as  those  of  the  lesser  gentry  were  set  at  ten 
thousand,  and  of  the  greater  lords  at  from  one  hundred  thou- 
sand to  two  hundred  thousand  golden  crowns.  The  whole 
burden  fell  upon  the  rural  population,  who  in  many  cases,  it 
has  been  said,  forsook  their  villages  in  order  to  escape  from 
the  intolerable  oppression. 

The  distress  of  the  Netherlands  and  of  Spain,  however,  was 
not  much  less.  The  Spaniards  had  made  prodigious  efibrts 
in  the  year  1558,  and  brought  into  the  field  a  larger  force 
than  at  any  previous  period,  without  doing  any  serious  dam- 
age to  the  French.  On  both  sides  there  must  have  been  a 
consciousness  that,  under  such  circumstances,  they  had  no 
further  advantage  to  expect  from  each  other.  France  had 
not  allowed  herself  to  be  oppressed,  nor  Burgundy  to  be  sep- 
arated. The  two  powers  must  co-exist,  and  conclude  a 
peace. 

The  equally-balanced  power  and  fortune  of  the  negotiating 
parties  made  it  exceedingly  difficult  to  come  to  an  agreement. 
The  Spaniards  demanded  the  surrender  of  all  the  towns  and 
provinces  which  had  been  taken  by  the  French,  and  especially 
of  Savoy  and  Piedmont ;  the  French,  on  the  other  hand,  al- 
ready grown  used  to  the  possession  of  them,  would  not  listen 
to  the  proposal,  but  offered  an  indemnification  to  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  in  the  interior  of  France.  The  Spaniards,  on  their 
part,  could  not  consent  that  the  claims  of  a  prince  who  had 
united  his  fortune  with  theirs  should  be  superseded  by  the 
donative  of  a  possession  which  did  not  guarantee  his  independ- 
ence, nor  could  they  bring  themselves  to  suffer  the  presence 
of  the  French  in  Italy.  They  went  on  the  principle  that  the 
peace  was  to  be  perpetual,  but  if  the  French  should  insist 
upon  retaining  Piedmont,  it  would  be  a  proof  that  they  con- 
templated the  renewal  of  the  war  in  Italy.  They  asserted 
that  mountain-ranges  are  the  true  boundaries  between  great 
countries,  which,  although  they  may  be  occasionally  over- 
stepped, yet  the  invaders  can  not  maintain  themselves  on  the 
other  side.  They  desired  to  see  the  Alps  as  well  as  the 
Pyrenees  recognized  in  the  treaty  as  the  frontier  divisions 


126  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

between  both  nations.  The  French  hesitated  to  make  so 
great  a  concession,  and  even  in  March,  1559,  it  was  feared 
that  the  whole  negotiation  would  come  to  nothing  ;  they 
would  have  consented,  if  at  all,  with  great  difficulty,  had 
not  a  corresponding  compensation  been  offered  on  the  other 
side.* 

England  had  again  made  common  cause  with  Spain  in  the 
war,  and  the  destiny  of  both  countries  appeared  to  be  united 
in  the  most  intimate  manner,  as  the  King  of  Spain  was  at 
the  same  time  the  consort  of  the  Queen  of  England  ;  this, 
however,  gave  the  French  an  opportunity  of  making  them- 
selves masters  by  a  sudden  attack  of  Calais  and  Guines,  the 
last  relics  of  the  ancient  English  conquests.  The  English 
were  compelled  to  abandon  these  towns  and  the  districts  be- 
longing to  them,  which  were  peopled  anew  by  the  French — 
now  for  the  first  time  lords  and  masters  of  the  entire  territory 
and  soil  of  the  kingdom,  and  determined  never  again  to  give 
up  so  much  as  a  foot's  breadth  of  it  to  strangers.  In  this 
resolution  all  the  estates  of  the  realm  were  at  one  with  the 
sovereign. 

Philip  II.  would  not  have  it  said  of  him  that  he  had  given 
up  an  ancient  possession  of  one  of  his  allies  to  the  French,  and 
among  the  places  whose  surrender  he  demanded  Calais  was 
numbered.  The  aspect  of  affairs  had  altered,  however  :  Mary, 
the  consort  of  Philip  II.,  was  dead,  and  her  successor,  Elizabeth, 
could  not  flatter  herself  that  the  King  of  Spain  would  hence- 
forth regard  the  affairs  of  England  so  completely  as  his  own. 
The  Duke  of  Alva  agreed  to  all  the  English  had  stated  con- 
cerning the  advantages  the  Netherlands  derived  from  their 
possession  of  Calais,  but  he  remarked  that,  in  order  to  retake 
it  from  the  French,  it  would  require  a  war  of  from  six  to  seven 
campaigns,  the  resources  for  which  they  hardly  possessed. 
Elizabeth  was  apprehensive  that  the  Spaniards  would  con- 

*  Granvella  mentions,  in  a  letter  to  the  Conde  da  Feria,  Quesnoy, 
April  3,  1559  (v.  585):  "El  desconcierto  que  hubo  el  jueves  santo  en 
la  negociation  de  la  paz,  y  como  los  Franceses  fingieron  de  quererse 
partir  y  lo  que  succediö  el  biernes  que  viendo  nos  firmes  los  dichos 
Franceses  volvieron  al  negotio." 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  127 

elude  a  separate  peace,  and,  lest  she  should  have  to  hear  the 
burden  of  the  war  alone,  she  so  far  controlled  herself  as  to  give 
up  Calais  to  the  French,*  she  agreed  to  this  for  a  certain  time 
only,  but  the  nature  of  things  was  stronger  than  treaties,  and 
Calais  was  never  afterward  recovered.  As  the  mountain- 
ranges  on  the  one  side,  so  should  the  waters  of  the  sea  on  this 
side,  divide  the  nations. 

The  King  of  Spain  overcame  the  difficulties  connected  with 
the  conquest  of  the  three  bishoprics  more  easily.  After  he 
had  in  vain  given  himself  so  much  pains  to  obtain  the  imperial 
diadem,  he  had  no  desire  to  come  forth  as  the  champion  of 
the  Empire  and  of  its  claims,  be  they  ever  so  just ;  he  said, 
simply,  that  the  affair  did  not  concern  him.  It  is  impossible 
to  deny  that  the  possession  of  Calais  and  the  three  bishoprics 
was  of  greater  importance  to  France  than  that  of  Piedmont. 
As  Calais  was  a  defense  against  the  English  by  sea,  so  was 
Metz  by  land  an  impregnable  bulwark  against  Germany. 

The  peace  of  Cäteau  Cambresis  was  concluded  on  the  12th 
of  April,  1559,  and,  although  it  secured  to  France  most  es- 
sential advantages,  it  awakened  throughout  the  kingdom  dis- 
satisfaction and  complaints  of  a  vivid  character  ;  but  this  was 
occasioned  by  the  fact,  that  the  rival  power  which  they  had 
had  a  prospect  of  dissolving  still  continued  to  maintain  itself 
in  its  full  strength. 

The  losses  caused  by  cession  on  the  part  of  Spain  affected 
those  powers  only  which  had  been  its  allies  but  were  so  no 
longer  ;  the  Spanish  monarchy  itself  obtained  a  firmer  footing 
than  ever  by  the  agreement.  It  was  an  incalculable  gain  for 
its  position  before  the  world,  to  have  attained  the  object 
toward  which  it  had  continually  striven — the  exclusion  of 
the  French  from  Italy — which  if  not  literally  effected,  for 
they  still  retained  Saluzzo,  was  accomplished  in  its  essence 

*  Elizabeth's  instructions,  Feb.  19,  1559.  The  declarations  of  the 
Spaniards  give  her  reason  "  to  take  it  for  a  lykelyhod  of  a  great  dispo- 
sition in  them  to  peace."  The  embassadors  were  to  conclude  defini- 
tively if  they  remarked  that  the  Spaniards  "  might  be  tempted  to  con- 
clude their  peace  without  our  satisfaction."  Forbes,  Public  Transac- 
tions, 59. 


128  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

and  intention.  The  most  glittering  prize  of  the  contest — 
the  superiority  in  Italy — remained  with  the  house  of  Bur- 
gundy. 

That  the  great  struggle  was  not  thus  brought  to  a  close, 
that  it  would  again  set  the  world  in  commotion,  was  mani- 
fest ;  but  now  other  interests,  connected  with  the  interior 
policy  of  states,  and  in  an  especial  manner  with  religion, 
were  to  occupy  men's  minds. 


BOOK  III. 

APPEARANCE  OF  EFFORTS  FOR  ECCLESI- 
ASTICAL REFORM  IN  FRANCE. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Among  men  who  had  carefully  studied  the  past,  there 
could  be  no  doubt  as  to  whether  the  rise  of  Protestantism  was 
or  was  not,  a  necessary  event.  Modern  Catholicism  itself  is 
indebted  to  it  for  its  improvement,  and  without  this  opposition 
would  not  be  possible.  As  the  royalty  of  modern  ages  was 
established  in  the  conflict  between  the  German  and  Romanic 
systems,  the  hierarchy  in  the  storms  of  popular  movements 
and  amidst  the  formation  of  peoples,  and  the  system  of  govern- 
ment by  estates  and  civic  companies  amidst  the  dangers  of 
general  violence  and  arbitrary  power  ;  so,  when  the  time  was 
oome  (for  all  things  on  earth  have  their  times  and  seasons 
divinely  appointed),  Protestantism  arose  from  the  inner  im- 
pulses of  European  life.  Far  from  involving  a  principle  con- 
tradictory to  religion,  Protestantism  sought  to  comprehend  it 
in  a  more  spiritual  and  unselfish  disposition,  in  opposition  to 
a  worldly  priesthood.  It  endeavored  to  bring  back  the  doc- 
trines of  the  faith  from  the  accidental  formations  of  the  hier- 
archic epoch  to  their  essential  intent  and  their  universal  ap- 
plication. Still  in  its  very  existence  it  included  the  moving 
causes  of  a  most  exasperating  and  formidable  struggle,  for  the 
questions  it  affected  were  not  merely  ecclesiastical,  but,  on 
aocount  of  the  intimate  connection  between  the  Church  and 
State,  upon  which  the  whole  system  rested,  in  the  highest 
degree  political  also. 

If  in  Germany,  under  the  conduct  of  profound  and  enlight- 
ened spirits,  and  sustained  by  the  almost  universal  approba- 
tion of  the  nation,  the  Protestant  movement  only  partially 
succeeded,  and  even  that  not  without  a  perilous  and  bloody 


132  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

struggle,  how  much  more  inevitable  was  such  a  struggle  in 
France,  where  for  centuries  the  union  between  the  monarchy 
and  the  Church  was  of  the  most  intimate  description.  The 
difference  between  the  two  cases  may  be  comprehended  if  wc 
consider  that  among  the  Romanic  populations  the  Church, 
though  not  actually  older  the  State,  was  yet  older  than  the 
existing  form  of  the  State,  and  than  the  monarchy,  while  among 
the  Germans  the  Church  was  indebted  to  the  sympathy  of  the 
principalities  chiefly  for  her  establishment.  But  these  commo- 
tions were  unavoidable  even  there ;  they  sprang  from  the  com- 
mon soil  of  life  and  thought,  which  was  the  same  throughout 
Europe,  and  touched  a  living  chord  also  in  the  Romanic, 
especially  in  the  French,  mind. 


FIRST    MOVEMENTS    OF    ECCLESIASTICAL    INNOVATION. 

Master  Jacob  Lefevre,  of  Estaples,  may  be  regarded  as 
the  patriarch  of  the  Reformation  in  France.  While  the 
King  and  his  chivalry  were  carrying  on  the  war  in  Italy,  Le- 
fevre made  several  visits  to  that  country  for  the  purpose  of 
thoroughly  mastering  the  principles  of  the  newly-awaked 
learning.  The  study  of  the  classics  had  led  him,  as  it  had 
so  many  Germans,  to  revolt  against  the  doctrinal  system  of 
the  monks  and  the  scholastic  method ;  numerous  eager  scho- 
lars assembled  around  him.  Lefevre  was  a  man  of  insigni- 
ficant, almost  despicable  appearance,  but  the  extent  and  so- 
lidity of  his  acquirements,  his  moral  probity,  and  the  mild- 
ness and  gentleness  which  breathed  throughout  his  whole 
being,  invested  him  with  a  higher  dignity.  "When  he  looked 
round  upon  the  world,  it  appeared  to  him,  both  near  and  far, 
to  be  covered  with  the  deep  gloom  of  superstition,  but  that 
with  the  study  of  the  original  records  of  the  faith  there  was 
associated  a  hope  of  reformation,  which  he  told  his  most 
trusted  pupils  they  would  live  to  witness.  He  himself  pro- 
ceeded in  his  course  with  a  circumspection  amounting  almost 
to  hesitancy.  He  could  not  wean  himself  from  the  practice 
of  kneeling  before  the  figures  of  the  saints,  and  sought  for 
arguments  to  defend  the  doctrine  of  purgatory  ;  in  the  prov- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  INNOVATION.  133 

ince  of  learning  alone  had  he  courage  :  there,  in  a  critical 
dispute,  he  ventured  first  to  renounce  a  tradition  of  the  Latin 
Church  in  favor  of  the  opinions  of  the  Greek ;  he  afterward 
drew  from  the  Pauline  Epistles  certain  maxims  concerning  jus- 
tification and  faith,  which  were  in  unquestionable  antagon- 
ism with  the  prevailing  representations  of  the  objective  valuej 
of  good  works,*  and  suddenly  obtained  a  universal  import- 
ance through  the  appearance  and  efforts  of  Luther,  which 
took  place  at  the  same  time.  Lefevre  possessed,  in  connec- 
tion with  a  daily  attention  to  study,  an  undiminished  vivacity 
of  spirit ;  even  in  the  most  advanced  age  which  man  is  permit- 
ted to  attain,  he  commenced  a  translation  of  the  Bible,  which 
forms  the  basis  of  the  French  version  of  the  Scriptures :  t 
when  he  wrote  it  he  had  already  passed  his  eightieth  year. 

In  France  also  the  literary  deviation  became  speedily  asso- 
ciated with  the  mysti  co-practical  direction  of  the  intellect, 
which  urges  the  application  to  life  of  the  recognized  religion. 
The  episcopal  power  itself  seemed  desirous  of  promoting  the 
Reformation.  The  bishop  of  a  large  diocese,  William  Bricon- 
net,  of  Meaux,  an  old  friend  of  Lefevre's,  and  who  held  sim- 
ilar opinions  respecting  the  doctrine  of  justification,  and  went 
with  him  in  his  consequent  opposition  to  the  notion  of  exter- 
nal sanctification  by  works,  undertook  to  reform  his  diocese 
in  accordance  with  these  principles,  although  in  other  re- 
spects he  was  greatly  inclined  by  nature  to  a  life  of  peaceful 
contemplation.  It  appeared  to  him  intolerable  that  his 
parish  priests  should  speak  of  nothing  at  any  time  but  their 
own  dues,  while  they  neglected  their  duties,  and  that  the 
chattering  monks  who  supplied  their  places  never  promulgat- 
ed any  opinions  except  such  as  were  directed  to  their  own 
gain  and  advantage.  He  endeavored  to  disembarrass  himself 
of  both  the  one  and  the  other,  and,  in  close  association  with 

*  Compare  Count  Jacobus  Faber  Stapulensis,  in  Niedner's  Journal 
of  Historical  Theology,  iii.  1,  p.  41.  The  question  concerning  the 
priority  of  Lefevre's  Reformed  opinions,  raised  once  more  by  Merle 
d'Aubigne  (Histoire  de  la  Reformation,  tome  iii.  492),  can  be  answered 
only  when  his  earlier  writings,  and  especially  his  Commentary  on  the 
Pauline  Epistles,  have  been  considered  apart  from  his  later  works ;  as 
to  their  originality  there  is  no  doubt. 

f  Meyer,  "  History  of  the  Exposition  of  the  Scriptures,"  vol.  ii.  p.  312. 


134  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Lefevre,  and  his  disciples,  Farel,  Roussel,  and  Aranda,  to  give 
another  form  to  life  and  doctrine.  They  were  roused  to  this 
attempt  in  an  especial  manner  by  the  religious  treatises  of 
Luther,  which  were  finding  their  way  rapidly  into  France. 
Briconnet  was  desirous  of  being  a  bishop  in  the  right  and  an- 
cient intention  of  the  word,  and  he  ascended  the  pulpit  himself. 

These  efforts  were,  however,  destined  speedily  to  find  in 
France  the  most  stubborn  opposition.  In  Paris  was  the  great 
theological  university,  which  had  always  been  the  champion 
of  Latin  orthodoxy.  The  poor  masters,  for  whom  Louis  IX., 
had  originally  founded  the  College  of  the  Sorbonne,  constitut- 
ing as  they  did  at  the  same  time  the  theological  faculty,  had 
become  a  power  in  the  world.  On  one  occasion,  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  when  the  Romish  Church  had  canonized 
Thomas  Aquinas,  the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  renounced  all 
variation  from  the  Thomist  system,  and  submitted  themselves 
unconditionally  to  its  doctrines,  which,  they  declared,  enlight- 
ened the  Church  as  the  sun  illuminates  the  world.*  They 
clung  to  the  ancient  dogmata  with  irrefragable  obedience, 
and  declared  it  to  be  a  deed  offensive  to  God  only  to  read  a 
book  which  had  not  been  expressly  ordained  to  be  read  in 
the  schools.  Every  deviation  from  what  was  usual  found  in 
them  irreconcilable  antagonists :  they  condemned  Marsilius 
of  Padua,  the  doctrinal  novelties  of  the  Nominalists,  the  spir- 
itual ones  of  the  Flagellants,  WyclifF,  and  Huss  ;  Jerome  of 
Prague  fled  before  them. 

During  the  fifteenth  century,  and  the  first  part  of  the  six- 
teenth, they  maintained  a  supervision  over  the  doctrinal  opin- 
ions of  nearly  the  whole  Church,  and  assailed  every  innova- 
tion. When  Reuchlin,  in  his  dispute  with  the  Dominicans, 
at  Cologne,  reckoned  upon  a  certain  degree  of  respect  from  the 
Paris  University,  especially  as  he  had  studied  there,  and  done 
honor  to  the  high  school  by  his  writings,  he  found  himself  mis- 
taken :  they  disowned  their  son,  as  it  was  expressed,  in  order 
to  prevent  their  sister,  the  University  of  Cologne,  from  falling. 
It  was  then  to  be  expected  that  so  decided  an  attack  as  Lu- 

*  Decretum  pro  Doctrinä  M.  Thomse,  1325,  proceeding  from  the 
bishop,  "  vocatis  omnibus  sacrsc  theologiae  doctoribus,"  in  Argentre, 
Collectio  Judiciorum,  i.  222. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  INNOVATION.  135 

ther's  upon  the  ancient  system  would  most  completely  awak- 
en their  repugnance  and  wrath.  As  if  foreseeing  what  would 
arise  from  Luther's  movement,  when  his  controversial  writ- 
ings were  laid  hefore  the  faculty,  they  named  a  Delegation 
in  Matters  of  Faith,  similar  to  that  which  had  been  chosen  at 
the  time  of  the  Council  of  Constance,*  on  whose  official  report 
Martin  Luther,  because  he  despised  the  opinions  of  the  Doc- 
tors and  the  decrees  of  the  Councils,  was  condemned,  and 
designated  as  a  rebel,  whose  pretensions  should  be  combated 
with  chains  and  bonds,  and  even  with  fire  and  sword.  This 
delegation  continued,  with  many  renewals,  for  more  than  half 
a  century,  and  offered  to  Protestantism  an  opposition  little  less 
important  than  that  of  the  Papacy  at  Rome  itself.  Their  effi- 
ciency was  owing  to  the  fact  that  heresy  was  regarded  as  a 
civil  crime ;  and  that  the  Parliament,  which  exercised  the 
criminal  jurisdiction,  held  the  judgment  of  the  Sorbonne,  in 
relation  to  heretics  and  heretical  books,  as  decisive  and  final. t 
Lefevre,  already  suspected,  on  account  of  the  Greekish  tend- 
ency of  his  opinious,  was  now  in  addition  looked  upon  as  a 
Lutheran.  He  retired  to  Meaux,  in  order  to  escape  being 
treated  as  a  heretic ;  but  there  his  activity  and  that  of  his 
disciples  was  not  to  be  endured.  The  monks,  who  com- 
plained of  the  bishop,  found  attention  to  their  complaints  in 
the  Parliament.  The  Sorbonne  condemned  some  of  the  arti- 
cles as  connected  with  the  innovation,  which  had  been  adopt- 
ed there,  and  demanded  their  recall.  The  society  of  Reformers 
could  not  long  withstand  their  united  power — it  was  totally 
broken  up  and  dispersed.  The  bishop  now  bethought  himself 
that  it  was  time  for  him  in  some  measure  to  re-establish  his 
reputation  as  a  faithful  Catholic,  and  for  the  rest  he  took  shel- 
ter in  his  mystic  obscurity. 

The  organ  of  ancient  orthodoxy  exercised  an  almost  inde- 
pendent power.  Was  there  not,  however,  an  able  and  ener- 
getic king  in  the  land  ?  What  position,  it  may  be  asked,  did 
he  assume  in  the  contest  ? 

Francis  I.  loved  neither  the  Parliament  nor  the  Sorbonne, 

*  Compare  Argentre,  Collectio,  ii.  1. 

t  Roussel  to  Farel.  "  Senatus  a  parte  theologorum  stat,  et  quod  ii 
decreverunt  cunctis  comprobat  calculis." 


136  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

with  which  he  had  a  fierce  dispute  on  account  of  his  Con- 
cordat. The  monks,  however,  he  liked  least  of  all,  and  had 
long  entertained  the  project  of  founding  a  philosophical  insti- 
tution, and  placing  at  its  head  Erasmus,  the  most  distin- 
guished opponent  of  their  method  of  thinking  and  their  man- 
ner of  teaching.  The  religious  spirit  of  the  time  did  not  leave 
the  king  untouched.  With  his  mother  and  sister  he  frequently 
read  the  Scriptures,  and  they  were  heard  to  remark  that  the 
divine  truth — which  seemed  to  them  to  be  there — ought  not 
to  be  designated  as  heresy.  Dr.  Luther  and  his  writings  were 
spoken  of  in  terms  of  praise  at  the  court,  and  the  Sorbonne 
lamented  that  the  persecution  of  the  followers  of  the  heretic, 
and  the  destruction  of  his  books,  met  with  obstructions  from 
that  quarter.  The  supervision  of  the  press,  which  belonged 
to  the  Sorbonne,  was  to  have  been  restricted,  but,  by  their 
intelligence  with  the  Parliament,  they  held  out  all  the  more 
vigorously  on  that  point.  As  the  faculty  was  about  to  con- 
demn a  writing  of  Lefevre's,  the  King  removed  the  case  to  his 
own  court ;  but  the  Sorbonne  was  not  deterred  from  placing 
the  writing  in  the  index  of  forbidden  books.  The  dispersion 
of  the  Reforming  association  at  Meaux  was  not  acceptable  to 
the  King.  His  sister  still  carried  on  a  mystic  religious  corre- 
spondence with  the  bishop,  and  he  himself  saw  no  reason  why 
Roussel  or  Aranda  should  not  preach  at  the  court. 

Louis  de  Berquin  enjoyed  the  special  favor  of  the  king. 
He  was,  of  all  then  living,  perhaps,  the  man  who  united  in 
himself  most  vividly  the  notions  of  Erasmus  with  those  of 
Luther.  With  a  taunting  ridicule,  like  the  former,  he  at- 
tacked the  disorders  of  the  cloister  and  the  evils  of  celibacy, 
regarding  them  from  a  religious  and  moral  point  of  view,  and 
fully  exposing  their  corruptions ;  but  he  also  showed  a  great 
esteem  for  the  depth  of  the  latter — for  the  maxim  that  all 
Christians  were  priests,  and  an  almost  enthusiastic  concep- 
tion of  the  doctrines  of  grace  and  faith,  and  of  the  true  church 
communion.  The  King,  one  time,  soon  after  his  return  from 
Spain,  liberated  Berquin  from  the  ecclesiastic  prison  ;  but  he 
made  it  a  point  of  honor  not  to  retreat  before  such  enemies, 
and  considered  himself  able  to  convict  Beda,  the  Syndic  of 
the  Sorbonne,  and  the  leader  of  the  delegation,  of  holding 


ECCLESIASTICAL  INNOVATION.  137 

heretical  opinions.  "What  Francis  I.  might  have  done  had 
the  contest  he  undertook  in  Italy  ended  in  victory  on  his  side, 
we  can  not  say ;  hut,  as  Erasmus  once  remarked,  in  a  warn- 
ing to  Berquin,  the  defeat  which  the  king  suffered  had  weak- 
ened his  authority  even  in  domestic  affairs ;  and  when  Ber- 
quin was  once  more  charged  with  heresy,  the  royal  influence 
was  insufficient  to  save  him  a  second  time,  and  he  was  burned 
on  the  Place  de  Greve  in  the  year  1529.  The  people,  over 
whom  the  preachers  of  the  Sorbonne  had  always  preserved 
the  greatest  influence,  showed  less  sympathy  for  the  unhappy 
victim  than  at  other  times  for  the  most  abandoned  criminal.* 

After  that  the  Sorbonne  proceeded  in  a  course  of  systematic 
opposition  to  the  King.  They  endeavored  to  cramp  the  ac- 
tivity of  his  college  for  the  cultivation  of  the  ancient  lan- 
guages, when  it  was  established.  They  made  loud  com- 
plaints that  the  Lent  sermons  preached  at  the  Louvre  were 
not  altogether  orthodox.  Their  pupils  in  a  scholastic  com- 
edy ridiculed  the  evangelical  tendencies  of  the  King's  sister, 
and  even  himself  was  charged  not  indistinctly  with  heresy. 
Francis  I.  on  one  occasion  commanded  Beda  and  his  most 
distinguished  colleagues  to  quit  the  city  ;  but  we  soon  find 
them  returned  back  again,  and  engaged  in  their  old  occupa- 
tions. On  the  next  occasion  the  King  was  induced  by  them 
to  take  part  himself  in  the  work  of  suppression.  Although 
he  suffered  a  certain  variation,  yet  it  was  within  very  narrow 
limits :  neither  the  principle  of  the  hierarchical  orders,  nor 
the  mystery  of  the  Eucharist,  must  be  trenched  upon.  The 
King  frequently  boasted,  in  his  negotiations  with  the  Imperi- 
alists, that  there  was  not  a  single  heretic  in  his  kingdom. 

Now,  however,  a  public  attack  was  made  through  the 
overweening  zeal  of  some  innovators,  who  formed  too  high 
an  estimate  of  the  favor  they  enjoyed,  as  well  as  of  their  own 
power  and  numbers,  upon  the  adoration  of  the  Sacrament — 
a  practice  consecrated  by  the  usage  of  ages.  It  appears  even 
as  if  the  Anabaptist  fanaticism,  which  then  aimed  at  a  uni- 
versal change,  and  prevailed  to  some  extent  throughout  the 

*  Erasmus  ad  Carolum  Utenhofium,  cal.  Jul.,  1529:  "Sic  omnium 

animos  in  ilium  excitarant  qui nihil  non  possunt  apud  simplicea 

et  imperitos." 


138  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

whole  of  Germany,  had  arisen  in  Paris  also.*  Not  only  the 
clergy  and  the  populace,  but  the  King  himself,  were  thrown 
into  a  state  of  violent  agitation :  he  came  in  person  to  the 
city,  in  order  to  propitiate  the  Deity,  offended  by  these  crimes, 
by  a  solemn  procession,  in  which  the  whole  pomp  of  the 
Catholic  ceremonies  was  displayed.  The  persecution  com- 
menced again,  and  eighteen  of  the  accused — they  were  called 
insurgents — suffered  death  by  fire. 

This,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  King  from  carrying  on 
negotiations  concerning  a  religious  union  with  the  German 
Protestants,  with  whom  he  was  anxious  to  establish  a  politi- 
cal connection.  He  was  surrounded  by  churchmen  of  insight 
and  moderation,  who  filled  the  highest  offices  of  the  court,  and, 
like  a  contemporary  school  in  Italy,  thought  they  might  be  able 
to  control  the  abuses  of  the  times,  and  to  establish  peace. 
They  reckoned  also  upon  the  co-operation  of  the  most  peace- 
fully disposed  of  the  Protestant  party.  The  King  had  even 
an  intention  of  calling  together  a  great  free  congress  of  theo- 
logians on  both  sides,  and  had  already  invited  Melancthon  to 
take  part  in  it ;  but  the  Sorbonne  opposed  every  attempt  at 
approximation,  whatever  might  be  its  character,  and  held 
firmly  by  the  maxim  that  the  corrupt  members  must  be  cut 
off  from  the  Church,  and  that  any  community  with  heretics 
was  dangerous. f  What  could  be  expected  from  a  conference 
with  persons  who  denied  "the  principles"?  The  principles 
were  the  traditions  of  the  Church,  the  Decretals  of  the  Popes, 
and  the  decrees  of  the  Councils.  So  long  as  this  high  school 
possessed  its  authority,  a  free  conference  upon  matters  of  re- 
ligion, such  as  had  taken  place  in  Germany,  was  not  to  be 
thought  of  in  France,  much  less  an  understanding  of  any  kind 
between  the  opposed  parties. 

*  Compare  a  letter  of  Granvella  (Papiers  d'Etat,  ii.  283).  The 
churches  were  to  have  been  fired,  and  the  Louvre  plundered.  Sturm's 
letter  to  Melancthon  is  more  impressive  :  he  describes  the  innovators 
as  "  homines  furiosi,  qui  metuerunt  parum  multos  fore  suarum  partium, 
nisi  astutis,  ut  ipsis  videbatur,  sed  utres  indicavit  stultissimis  et  se- 
ditiosissimis  rationibus  regna  et  gentes  perturbarent." 

t  Instructio  data  magistro  nostro  Balue  et  Bauchigni :  Argentre,  i., 
ii.  386.  Codicillus  quo  ostenditur  non  esse  disputandum  cum  hsereti- 
cis,  lb.  384. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  INNOVATION.  139 

In  the  immediate  circle  of  the  King  sympathy  for  the  Prot- 
estants was  excited — in  part  indeed  of  a  kind  calculated  to 
do  them  little  credit.*  He  himself  did  not  possess  that  deep 
and  persistent  earnestness  which  the  accomplishment  of  an 
ecclesiastical  enterprise  would  have  required.  He  regarded 
the  preservation  of  the  French  territory,  the  maintenance  of 
his  own  great  political  position,  and  the  contest  with  the 
Emperor,  as  constituting  the  problem  of  his  life.  It  could 
not  have  been  expected  of  him  that  he  would  resolutely 
oppose  the  Pope,  and  by  that  means  compel  him  to  take 
part  with  his  antogonist,  nor  that,  while  he  was  uniting  all 
the  power  of  the  kingdom  to  resist  the  Emperor,  he  would 
favor  a  movement  which  would  have  divided  the  nation. 

In  the  year  1543  the  Sorbonne  issued  an  instruction  to  the 
preachers,  which  contained  a  declaration  concerning  the  dis- 
puted dogmata,  the  scope  of  which  was  in  the  most  direct 
and  complete  opposition  to  Protestantism  ;  and  this  the  King 
was  forced  to  confirm,  for  he  must  by  all  means  avoid  a 
schism  in  doctrine,  which  would  have  resulted  in  an  insur- 
rection. 

In  the  time  of  Francis  I.  variations  of  an  extensive  charac- 
ter were  overlooked,  but  still  nothing  had  been  done  to  mod- 
erate the  rigor  of  the  canon  law  for  the  future.  Even  un- 
der him — the  king  of  civilization,  who  looked  upon  it  as  an 
honor  not  to  shed  the  blood  of  his  subjects — the  most  revolt- 
ing executions  took  place  :  whole  congregations  of  innocent 
Waldenses  were  massacred.  Francis  I.  had  long  resisted 
these  proceedings,  and  when  at  last  he  consented  to  them, 
he  was,  as  his  successor  asserted,  deceived  by  false  intelli- 
gence.! 

It  is  remarkable  that  what  the  potent  monarch  could  not 
even  think  of  undertaking,  was  attempted,  and  to  a  certain 
degree  accomplished,  by  his  incomparably  less  powerful  sister, 
Q,ueen  Margaret  of  Navarre,  in  her  narrow  dominions. 

*  The  Spanish  embassador  says,  November.  15,  1546,  Madama  de 
Tampes  (Estampes)  se  tiene  en  gran  manera  de  la  disciplina  Luther- 
ana." 

t  Proclamation  of  Henry  II.,  March  17,  1549 :  "  Sur  ce  que  Ton 
auroit  fait  entendre  au  dit  seigneur  Roi  qu'ils  etoient  en  arme«,"  etc. 


140  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

We  have  already  mentioned  Queen  Margaret,  and  noticed 
the  boldness  and  grace  of  her  literary  talent,  as  well  as  the 
part  which  her  brother  permitted  her  to  take  in  state  affairs. 
To  the  Venetian  embassador,  Dandolo,  she  appeared  as  the 
ablest  person  he  had  ever  met  with  in  France.  He  admires 
her  observations  on  political  matters,  as  well  as  upon  the 
complicated  religious  questions  of  the  time.^  She  looked  upon 
her  brother  as  almost  the  beau  ideal  of  a  man,  and  accom- 
panied him  through  life  with  that  enthusiastic  admiration 
and  sympathy  which  finds  the  satisfaction  of  its  own  ambi- 
tion in  the  good  fortune  of  another,  and  often  probably  came 
to  his  assistance  in  the  transactions  of  government  with  the 
superiority  of  her  calm,  clear,  feminine  intellect,  which  was 
untroubled  by  any  passion.  Her  sympathy  with  religion  was 
still  more  independent ;  she  wrote  upon  the  subject :  a  book 
of  hers  is  remarkable  from  the  circumstance  that  it  says  no- 
thing of  purgatory  or  of  the  intercession  of  the  saints,  but 
speaks  simply  of  the  merits  of  Christ.  Her  religious  poetry 
has  something  of  an  enthusiastic,  we  might  almost  say  Zin- 
zendorfish  character — referring  to  what  appeared  at  a  later 
period — but  at  the  same  time  a  right  feeling  of  the  relation 
which,  amid  the  temptations  of  the  world,  erring  creatures 
have  with  the  Divine  Being,  from  whom  they  derive  their 
portion  of  the  fullness  and  consciousness  of  universal  life ;  but 
she  also  confined  her  deviations  within  narrow  limits,  and  took 
care  not  to  touch  the  mystery  of  the  Eucharist. f  Roussel, 
whom  she  had  made  Bishop  of  Oleron,  proceeded  in  his  epis- 
copal labors  in  entire  accordance  with  her  views.  He 
preached  twice,  sometimes  three  times  a  day ;  he  founded 
schools,  and  taught  in  them  himself,  for  the  hopes  of  the 
world  appeared  to  him  to  depend  upon  the  young ;  his  income 

*  Questa  credo  sii  la  piü  savia,  non  dico  delle  donne  di  Franza,  ma 
forse  anco  delli  huomini ;  in  cose  di  stado  non  credo  che  li  si  trai  li 
miglior  discorsi,  et  nella  dottrina  Christiana  cosi  ben  intelligente  e  dotta 
che  io  credo  pochi  ne  sappiano  parlar  nieglio.     (Dandolo,  1542.) 

t  "  Sire,  Nuls  de  nous  n'ont  ete  trouve  sacramentaires,"  Nouv.  Let- 
tres  de  la  Reine  de  Navarre,  15,  ed.  Genin.  Those  times  may  have 
been  very  corrupt,  but  still  in  later  days  also  we  have  seen  crimes  which 
were  foreign  to  their  nature  imputed  to  the  purest  characters.  Schmid 
and  Roussel  were  well  informed  concerning  Margaret. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  INNOVATION.  141 

he  divided  among  the  poor.  His  religion  rested  entirely  upon 
a  lively  conception  of  justification  by  faith,  and  of  the  invis- 
ible church.  Thus  the  work  which  commenced  at  Meaux 
was  carried  on  in  the  territory  of  Beam,  which  was  unaffected 
by  the  immediate  influence  of  the  Sorbonne.  The  Queen  gave 
refuge  to  other  exiles  also,  and  Lefevre  himself  died  in  her 
neighborhood.  It  was  at  last  one  of  the  greatest  pleasures  of 
her  retirement  to  search  the  Scriptures,  and  endeavor  to  com- 
prehend their  meaning,  in  the  society  of  friends  like-minded 
with  herself;  and  this  practice  she  continued  till  she  felt  the 
approaches  of  death.  She  believed  that  she  had  been  fore- 
warned of  her  dissolution  by  an  apparition,  which  showed  hei 
a  bunch  of  flowers,  with  the  word  Soon. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

GLANCE  AT  THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA. 

There  were  still  other  peoples  who  spoke  the  French 
tongue,  but  were  independent  on  either  the  religious  or  polit- 
ical power  of  France,  among  whom  the  same  seed  ripened  to 
even  a  more  important  and  nourishing  harvest. 

In  the  territory  of  ancient  Burgundy,  which  was  unsubdued 
by  the  French  crown,  and  which,  although  acknowledging 
the  Emperor,  enjoyed  in  fact  complete  independency,  the 
dukedom  of  Savoy  and  a  few  of  the  towns  of  the  Helvetic 
Confederacy  came  into  collision  as  they  sought  to  extend  their 
limits,  the  one  in  a  monarchical  and  Catholic  sense,  and  the 
other  in  a  popular  and,  although  not  exclusively,  yet  chiefly 
Protestant  sense.  The  spirit  of  the  Reformation  had  taken 
invincible  hold  of  German  Switzerland  ;  but,  though  pro- 
ceeding from  the  same  principles  as  those  from  which  it  had 
arisen  in  the  German  Empire,  and  agreeing  with  the  Lutheran 
movement  on  the  whole,  it  varied  decidedly  in  the  compre- 
hension of  doctrine  and  in  practical  forms. 

At  this  time  William  Farel,  of  Gap,  in  Dauphine,  the  most 
energetic  of  the  disciples  of  Lefevre,  and  one  of  his  coadjutors 
at  Meaux,  after  the  society  there  had  been  dispersed,  retired 
to  Switzerland,  and  joined  the  leaders  of  the  Reformation, 
who  were  there  engaged  in  the  heat  of  the  contest,  and  by 
whose  experience  his  original  convictions  were  deepened  and 
confirmed.  These  Reformers  were  just  then  in  much  embar- 
rassment. A  difficulty  presented  itself  to  the  further  exten- 
sion of  their  doctrines  in  the  Romanic  border-lands,  which 
they  knew  not  how  to  overcome — the  difference  of  language. 
It  appeared  to  them  then  an  inestimable  acquisition — and  it 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  143 

was  so  in  fact — to  obtain  a  man  like  Farel,  whose  return  into 
France  was  forbidden,  and  who  was  qualified  to  undertake 
the  mission  in  the  Romanic  border-lands. 

Farel,  whose  zeal  was  thoroughly  steeled  by  his  second  exile, 
was  just  the  man  for  such  an  enterprise.  It  was  his  delight 
to  come  forth  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  his  opponents,  to  pro- 
voke their  anger,  to  hold  forth  in  the  midst  of  the  wildest 
tumult,  and  to  endure  the  rage  of  the  excited  multitude. 
When  the  churches  were  closed  against  him  he  preached  in 
the  open  air,  in  the  church-yards,  the  market-places,  and  the 
fields.  But  sometimes  also  he  forced  his  way  into  the  churches, 
and  while  the  priest  was  reading  the  mass,  ascended  the  pulpit. 
His  followers  at  times  interrupted  the  consecration  of  the  host ; 
on  one  occasion  he  himself  is  said  to  have  snatched  the  relics, 
which  a  priest  was  carrying,  out  of  his  hands  and  flung  them 
into  the  water.  *  For  this  he  was  waylaid,  in  his  wander- 
ings, by  armed  enemies,  under  whose  blows  his  blood  gushed 
out  and  reddened  the  wall  against  which  he  stood  ;  but  even 
in  this  condition  he  could  not  be  brought  to  offer  the  custom- 
ary reverence  to  the  image  of  a  saint,  considering  it  to  be  idol- 
atry ;  even  while  their  blows  descended  upon  him  he  raised 
his  voice  against  the  practice.  Men  like  this  can  not,  it  is 
true,  be  compared  with  the  Apostles,  but  it  may  be  said  of  them 
that  in  their  devotedness,  the  zeal  of  later  converters  of  the 
heathen,  such  as  St.  Martin,  was  revived  in  another  form. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  Farel  would  have 
succeeded  in  his  enterprise  had  not  the  Helvetic  Confederacy 
encouraged  it,  and  the  council  as  well  as  the  community  of 
Berne  both  stimulated  and  sustained  him.  They  saw  their 
own  interests  promoted  by  the  success  of  his  labors  :  with  the 
word  of  the  preacher,  the  authority  of  the  powerful  commu- 
nities which  favored  him  gained  ground  every  where,  and  at 
the  same  time  the  free  movement  of  the  civic  population, 
under  the  protection  of  the  first  general  peace  of  Capel. 
Farel  reformed,  by  degrees,  Aigle,  Morat,  Neufchatel,  Valan- 
gin,  and  Moutiers,  and  was  the  first  who  carried  the  doctrines 

*  Kirchhofer's  doubt  concerning  this,  in  his  life  of  Farel,  must  give 
way  before  the  fact  that  the  circumstance  is  mentioned  in  the  most  an- 
cient manuscript  records  of  the  time.     (MS.  Genev.  14). 


144  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  the  Reformation  to  Geneva,  where  it  came  into  opposition 
with  kindred,  yet  still  peculiar  relations. 

The  constitution  of  Geneva  was  of  a  very  peculiar  charac- 
ter. It  was  formed  of  three  distinct  powers,  interpenetrating 
one  another  :  the  power  of  the  Bishop,  to  whom  the  princely 
authority  belonged  ;  that  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  who  had  ac- 
quired the  vicegerency ;  and  that  of  the  Burghers,  who,  al- 
though not  very  numerous,  yet  insisted  on  their  rights  with 
coolness,  determination,  and  energy.  In  the  sixteenth  century 
the  Dukes  of  Savoy  sought  to  increase  their  authority  by  unit- 
ing with  the  bishopric,  as  had  been  done  in  many  other  places, 
hoping  thus  to  obtain  the  actual  sovereignty  ;  the  citizens,  on 
the  other  hand,  united  with  the  potent  Confederacy,  which 
was  advancing  its  influence  in  their  neighborhood,  from  which 
the  republican  party  in  the  city  took  its  name  of  Eidgenots. 
They  entered  into  civic  relations  with  Freiburg  and  Berne, 
and,  with  their  assistance,  had  already  frustrated  several  at- 
tempts of  the  Duke.  In  the  year  1534  they  were  once  more 
threatened  in  a  most  formidable  manner. 

The  nobility  of  Savoy  and  Vaud  cut  off  their  supplies,  and, 
from  time  to  time,  beleaguered  the  town.  The  adherents  of 
the  Bishop,  who  had  been  expelled,  took  possession  of  a  castle 
in  the  neighborhood,  which  gave  them  a  strong  position,  from 
which  they  could  harass  the  citizens ;  and  woe  to  the  Gene- 
vese  who  happened  to  fall  into  their  hands  !  After  this  the 
entrance  of  Protestantism  aroused  fresh  contentions.  The  re- 
ligious parties  within  the  walls  rose  against  one  another,  and 
sanguinary  brawls  took  place  between  them  at  their  public 
banquets.  Their  patron  states  themselves  were  divided : 
Freiburg,  which  remained  Catholic,  relying  upon  the  power 
which  Catholicism  had  again  obtained  in  the  Confederacy  by 
the  revolution  of  affairs  after  the  battle  of  Capel,  was  on  the 
side  of  the  Romish  party  ;  while  Berne  declared  itself,  though 
not  without  hesitation,  on  the  side  of  the  Protestants. 

If  we  look  away  from  single  events  and  their  incidents,  it 
will  appear  plainly  that  the  Protestant  tendency  must,  from 
the  very  nature  of  things,  attain  a  predominating  influence. 
Thus  it  necessarily  brought  with  it  the  character  of  a  struggle 
of  the  towns,  directed  chiefly  against  the  spiritual  power.    The 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  145 

Bishop,  in  close  alliance  with  the  Duke,  had  pronounced  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  against  the  city,  which  was  repeated 
by  the  Metropolitan,  and  even  by  the  Pope.  Within  the  pale 
of  Catholicism  there  was  no  right  to  resist  such  a  sentence ; 
if  the  city,  therefore,  desired  to  maintain  its  freedom,  and  to 
continue  the  contest,  there  remained  for  it  no  other  resource 
than  to  embrace  the  Protestant  doctrine,  which  was  chiefly 
opposed  to  these  sentences  of  excommunication.  The  intimate 
union  between  the  spiritual  and  temporal  power,  which  had 
chiefly  aroused  the  resistance  of  the  citizens,  impelled  them 
also  toward  Protestantism. 

The  little  congregation  which  had  formed  itself  round  Farel 
when  he  first  appeared,  although  compelled  to  yield  in  the 
beginning,  was  able  to  maintain  itself,  and  even  without  any 
clerical  leaders  it  increased,  and  exhibited  a  permanent  vital 
power.  When  Farel  visited  it  again  some  time  after,  he  pro- 
duced an  indescribable  effect  by  his  preaching ;  priests  were 
seen  to  throw  off  their  vestments  before  the  altar,  and  to  pro- 
nounce the  confession  of  the  new  doctrine.  A  religious  con- 
ference, which  was  appointed  to  consider,  not  whether  preach- 
ing should  be  tolerated,  but  whether  it  should  not  prevail  alone, 
had  the  effect  of  bringing  over  to  the  Protestant  cause  even 
those  who  contended  on  behalf  of  the  Romish  system.  All 
the  adherents  of  the  old  ritual  were  looked  upon  as,  at  the 
same  time,  partisans  of  the  external  enemies  of  the  city.  An 
attempt  to  poison  the  most  distinguished  preachers  having 
been  discovered,  the  community,  in  a  state  of  high  excite- 
ment, laid  before  the  chapter  and  the  religious  synods  the 
simple  question,  whether  they  could  still  say  any  thing  in 
defense  of  the  Mass  ;  and  when  these  felt  neither  called  upon 
nor  inclined  to  take  up  the  dispute  afresh,  the  Council  and 
the  citizens  held  themselves  justified  in  issuing  a  formal  edict, 
by  which  the  further  celebration  of  the  Mass  was  strictly  for- 
bidden :  *  whoever  did  not  accede  to  this  was  compelled  to 
leave  the  city  ;  among  others,  the  Sisters  of  St.  Clare  passed  the 

*  Compare  the  notes  to  Spon's  Hist,  de  Geneve,  i.  260  ;  here  near- 
ly identical  with  Ruchat,  v.  300,  according  to  Vulliemin  (continuation 
by  Müller,  i.  260)  there  is  no  mention  of  this  decisive  edict  in  the  Coun- 
cil's books. 

G 


146  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

gates,  conducted  by  the  magistracy,  and  scarcely  recognizing 
again  the  world,  from  which  they  had  been  so  long  separated. 

As  these  proceedings  necessarily  aroused  the  hostility  of 
the  neighboring  powers  to  twofold  animosity,  the  position  of 
the  Genevese  became  more  urgently  perilous  than  ever  ;  but 
Berne  at  length  resolved  not  to  allow  them  to  be  destroyed, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  bring  her  own  ancient  quarrel  with 
Savoy  to  the  decision  of  arms.  Berne  took  possession  of  the 
Canton  de  Vaud,  and  by  this  act  not  only  saved  the  inde- 
pendence and  the  Protestantism  of  Geneva,  but  gave  them 
permanence.  A  general  council  of  the  Genevese  citizens  was 
held  on  the  21st  of  May,  1536,  at  which  the  first  Syndic  put 
the  question  to  the  Assembly,  whether  any  of  them  had  any 
objection  to  offer  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Gospel  was 
preached  among  them.  They  declared  unanimously  that  they 
regarded  the  evangelical  ritual  as  the  proper  form  of  worship, 
and  that  it  was  their  resolution  to  renounce  the  Romish  Church 
for  ever. 

It  is  an  event-in  the  history  of  the  world,  that  here,  in  the 
centre  of  Europe,  and  among  a  Romanic  population,  a  system 
of  doctrine  should  take  root  which  forbade  and  denounced  the 
very  ceremonies  that  had  hitherto  constituted  the  strength  of 
their  faith  and  worship.  In  its  first  progress  it  was  incor- 
porated with  the  efforts  of  a  community  struggling  to  emanci- 
pate itself  from  the  double  yoke  of  ecclesiastical  and  temporal 
power,  to  which  it  had  been  previously  subject.  With  these 
it  triumphed,  though  it  had  not  originated  in  them  ;  but  it 
gave  them  a  foundation  and  a  deeper  impulse  in  the  principle 
of  Protestantism,  without  which  Geneva  could  not  have  ex- 
pected any  assistance  from  Berne. 

To  maintain  in  their  purity  the  principles  of  Protestantism 
among  men  habituated  to  a  totally  different  method  of  think- 
ing, and  who  had  adopted  them  amidst  the  pressure  of  stormy 
events,  was  almost  a  more  difficult  task  than  that  of  planting 
them  originally.  The  pupils  of  Farel,  continually  engaged  in 
spreading  the  new  doctrines,  and  in  storming  the  strongholds 
of  Catholicism,  were  not  qualified  for  the  quiet  cultivation  of 
the  growing  opinions,  and  were  moreover  fully  occupied  with 
their  missionary  labors  in  Vaud. 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  U7 

Just  at  this  juncture  appeared  in  Geneva  John  Calvin,  of 
Noyon,  a  Picard,  as  was  Lefevre. 

Calvin  belonged  to  the  second  generation  of  Reformers.  It 
-was  not  necessary  for  him,  in  mastering  languages,  first  to  ac- 
quire skill  by  a  painful  application  of  rules — in  a  short  time  he 
attained  such  proficiency  in  Latin,  the  language  of  the  learn- 
ed world,  that  he  could  perfectly  express  his  thoughts  in  it ; 
he  learned  Greek  and  afterward  Hebrew  under  good  masters. 
Neither  was  it  necessary  in  his  case  to  fight  through  the  bat- 
tle with  the  principles  of  the  hierarchy  from  the  beginning  : 
his  attention  had  been  directed  by  a  friend  to  the  new  system 
of  doctrine,  which  was  already  established,  and  which  appear- 
ed to  him  to  contain  the  truth.  He  did  not  adopt  it,  however, 
as  something  in  itself  complete  and  indisputable,  he  endeavor- 
ed to  form  a  fresh  and  thorough  comprehension  of  it  for  him- 
self, through  the  study  of  the  sacred  Scriptures. 

He  was  disgusted  with  persons  who,  when  they  had  conned 
a  few  positions  out  of  Melancthon's  Manual,  held  themselves 
to  be  thoroughly  learned  divines ;  for  his  own  part,  he  was 
accustomed  to  study  till  late  at  night,  and,  when  he  awoke 
in  the  morning,  to  review,  in  quietness  and  retirement,  all 
that  he  had  read  :  these  undisturbed  habits  of  feeling  and 
thinking  contributed  greatly  to  his  success.  He  often  said 
that  he  had  no  higher  wish  than  to  continue  these  practices 
throughout  life,  for  he  was  timid  by  nature,  and  disposed  to 
avoid  strife.  But  in  those  times  a  learned  or  religious  life, 
entirely  devoted  to  its  own  peculiar  objects*and  at  the  same 
time  tranquil,  was  not  conceivable.  In  the  persecution  of  the 
year  1534  Calvin  was  compelled  to  depart  from  France.  The 
storm  carried  him  to  Geneva,  where  he  arrived  just  at  the 
period  of  the  decision  ;  his  intention  was  merely  to  pay  Farel 
a  visit,  and  then  to  continue  his  journey,  in  order  to  see  and 
to  learn  still  more  than  he  knew  already.  Farel,  however, 
who  immediately  perceived  his  vast  ability,  was  resolved  not 
to  allow  him  to  depart,  and,  when  Calvin  refused  his  entreaty 
to  remain,  he  announced  the  wrath  of  Almighty  God  upon 
him  should  he  follow  out  his  design,  for  God,  he  said,  would 
make  the  quietness  of  study  a  curse  to  him.  Such  was  the 
manner  in  which  these  men  dealt  with  one  another.     Calvin 


148  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

said  it  appeared  to  him  as  if  he  had  seen  the  hand  of  God 
stretched  forth  from  above  to  hold  him  back — he  dared  not 
resist  it. 

Even  in  that  century  the  different  epochs  of  the  Reforma- 
tion have  been  distinguished  from  one  another.  In  Luther 
men  have  recognized  the  great  emancipator,  and  seen  in  the 
subsequent  epoch  the  introduction  of  the  Christian  life  as  the 
principal  problem  of  the  later  Reformers.  For  Farel  and 
Calvin  the  latter  was  the  course  enjoined  by  existing  circum- 
stances ;  but  while  they  were  proceeding  in  their  duty,  they 
met  unexpectedly  an  invincible  opposition. 

One  of  the  articles  of  the  Confession  which  had  been  adopted 
by  the  citizens  in  their  various  circles,  and  which  confirmed 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  for  gross  immorality,  found 
in  its  execution  an  obstinate  resistance.  Many  had  adopted 
the  Reformed  system  in  the  expectation  that  it  would  allow 
them  greater  freedom  in  their  personal  habits  :  how  could 
they  then  submit  themselves  to  the  strict  and,  in  fact,  petty 
discipline  of  the  new  preachers  ?  Whether  there  were  also 
Anabaptist  movements  in  the  city,  I  can  not  positively  say, 
yet  such  an  opinion  has  been  maintained.*  After  a  few 
years  of  hard  struggling,  the  inflexible  preachers  were  ex- 
pelled, and  obliged  to  leave  the  city  unheard. 

Calvin  was  far  from  caring  too  anxiously  for  his  person. 
He  had  been  obliged  to  endure  opposition,  combined  with 
agonies  of  conscience,  which  he  declared  were  more  bitter  than 
death,  and  the  mfte  remembrance  of  which  made  him  afraid. 
He  began  now  again  in  fact  to  wander  and  to  learn  ;  in  par- 
ticular he  commenced  a  correspondence,  in  writing,  with  the 
German  Reformers,  and  formed  a  closer  acquaintance  with 

*  Vie  de  Farel,  MS.  at  Geneva  :  "  lis  eurent  rudement  ä  combattre 
contre  les  vices  et  les  vicieux,  et  surtout  contre  une  faction  d'Anabap- 
tistes."  One  of  the  chief  causes  of  contention  was  the  adorning  of 
brides,  the  "plicatura  capillorum,"  which  the  preachers,  according  to  1 
Peter  iii.  3,  would  not  permit.  In  the  Registries  of  the  Republic,  May 
20,  1537,  we  find  that  the  mother  and  female  friends  who  were  present 
when  a  bride  appeared  "  avec  les  cheveux  plus  abattus  qu'il  en  se  doit 
faire,"  were  also  subjected  to  punishment.  The  new  preachers  placed 
themselves  under  an  obligation  to  permit  the  benediction  of  the  bride 
"on  cheveux  pendans." 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  149 

them  at  the  Diet.  It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  he  could 
not  be  dispensed  with  at  Geneva.  The  independence  of  the 
city  was  threatened  in  two  directions  by  his  enemies  :  one 
party,  which  was  inclined  to  Catholicism,  were  disposed  to 
re-establish  the  old  constitution  ;  the  other  showed  a  spirit  of 
compliance  with  Berne,  which  imperiled  that  free  position  of 
the  city,  the  prize  of  the  recent  struggle,  and  which  even  then 
called  forth  a  warning  from  the  Imperial  court.  Both  the 
one  and  the  other  were  subdued,  after  a  new  series  of  san- 
guinary domestic  conflicts,  and  those  remained  triumphant 
who  regarded  the  maintenance  of  the  strict  Protestant  system 
of  discipline  as  the  salvation  of  the  city.  Deeply  penetrated 
with  this  conviction,  they  looked  upon  all  they  had  suffered 
and  experienced  as  a  punishment  for  the  expulsion  of  their 
preachers,  and  resolved  to  recall  them.  Although  it  was  un- 
speakably painful  to  Calvin,  yet  this  time  also  he  gave  up  his 
own  inclination  to  the  solemn  adjurations  of  Farel,  who  had 
himself  engaged  to  go  to  Neufchatel.  He  considered  that 
human  life  was  appointed  to  be  a  contest,  and  returned  to 
Geneva  in  the  autumn  of  1541. 

The  condition  of  his  return,  although  not  distinctly  stated, 
was  tacitly  understood  to  be  the  carrying  out  of  his  ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline.  Twelve  of  the  oldest  men  in  the  three  Councils 
were  selected,  who,  together  with  the  preachers,  formed  the 
Consistory,  to  which  was  intrusted  the  oversight  of  the  relig- 
ious and  moral  life  of  the  congregation,  and  who  had  authority 
to  pronounce  the  sentence  of  excommunication. 

The  perception  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  Christianity 
which  prevailed  among  the  awakened  French  of  this  period 
was  that  of  the  most  complete  communion  of  men  with  God, 
through  Divine  grace,  and  of  God  with  his  believing  people, 
through  the  Church.  Calvin,  without  drawing  back  before 
the  possible  inferences  deducible  from  such  a  doctrine,  laid  it 
down  as  an  essential  position — which  he  himself  describes  as 
a  terrific  one — that  every  individual  is  predestined  from  the 
beginning  to  belong  either  to  the  elect  or  the  reprobate  ;  and 
that  the  former,  though  they  might  err,  and  even  fall,  could 
not  thereby  forfeit  salvation.  According  to  this  dogma,  the 
true  Church  could  consist  of  the  elect  only  ;  but  Calvin  satis- 


150  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

fied  himself  Math  the  consideration  that,  since  the  elect  could 
not  be  distinguished  from  the  reprobate  in  the  visible  Church, 
every  ont  who  adhered  to  it  must  be  recognized  as  one  of  its 
members  ;  but  all  who  denied  it,  either  in  word  or  deed,  he 
would  the  more  sternly  cut  off.  From  the  depths  of  his  relig- 
ious perception  arose  to  his  mind  the  necessity  of  church  dis- 
discipline,  and  especially  of  exclusion  from  the  Eucharist. 
When  he  rejected  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and  the 
views  connected  with  it,  it  was  far  from  his  intention  to  lessen 
the  significancy  of  the  sacrament ;  he  regarded  its  spiritual 
enjoyment  as  the  central  point,  not  alone  of  ecclesiastical  ex- 
istence, but  of  collective  individual  and  social  life. 

His  deviation  from  Catholicism  did  not  consist  by  any 
means  in  a  desire  to  render  life  independent  of  the  authority 
of  the  Church  ;  on  the  contrary,  while  he  rejected  the  decrees 
of  the  Latin  Church,  he  adopted  it  the  more  strongly  as 
taught  in  the  original  records  of  Christianity,  the  harmony  of 
whose  doctrines  he  was  eminently  qualified  to  comprehend. 
While  with  a  powerful  congregation  he  separated  from  the 
hierarchical  corporation  which  dominated  Europe,  he  sought 
to  realize  the  most  perfect  communion,  which  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  the  idea  of  the  Church. 

Under  his  guidance — for  he  also  took  part  in  the  temporal 
legislation — the  strongest  fetters  of  discipline  were  laid  upon 
outward  conduct ;  the  expenses  of  clothing  and  of  the  table 
were  confined  within  certain  limits  ;  dancing  was  prohibited, 
and  the  reading  of  certain  books,  such  as  "  Amadis,"  forbid- 
den ;  gamblers  were  seen  in  the  pillory  with  the  cards  in 
their  hands.  Once  a  year  an  examination  took  place  in 
every  house,  to  ascertain  whether  the  religious  precepts  were 
known  and  observed  ;  mutual  imputations  of  failings  which 
the  members  of  the  Council  observed  in  one  another  were 
permitted  at  their  sittings.  No  indulgence  was  known  for 
transgression  :  a  woman  was  burned  for  having  sung  im- 
modest songs  ;  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  citizens 
was  compelled  to  kneel  in  the  great  square  with  an  inverted 
torch  in  his  hand,  and  publicly  to  entreat  forgiveness,  because 
he  had  mocked  the  doctrine  of  salvation  and  personally  iu- 
ßulted  the  great  preacher.      In  accordance  with  a  requisition 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  151 

of  an  assembly  of  the  people,  adultery  was  made  punishable 
with  death  ;  and  the  man  who  suffered  for  it,  praised  God,  in 
dying,  for  the  strict  laws  of  his  native  cit)r. 

The  fundamental  principle  of  these  proceedings  was  that 
vice  and  sin  must  be  destroyed,  because  to  tolerate  them 
would  draw  down  the  vengeance  of  God. 

It  is  astonishing  how  Michael  Servetus  could  have  so 
grossly  misunderstood  the  things  of  the  world,  when,  with 
views  which  since  indeed,  in  the  conflict  of  opinions,  have 
prevailed  widely,  but  which  then  had  no  footing  whatever, 
he  ventured  himself  into  this  stronghold  of  a  new  orthodoxy, 
which  was  bound  together  by  the  most  severe  discipline.  It 
is  probable  that  he  was  deceived  with  false  hopes  by  the  ene- 
mies of  Calvin,  who,  though  subdued  in  the  city,  were  not 
comjrietely  annihilated.  Otherwise,  it  is  inconceivable  how 
so  able  a  man  could  allow  himself  to  be  led  astray  so  far  as 
formally  to  undertake  the  contest  with  Calvin,  to  accuse  him 
of  being  a  follower  of  Simon  Magus,  and  even  to  demand 
tbat  his  poor  estate  should  be  given  to  himself  as  an  indem- 
nity.* The  opinions  of  Servetus  were  unanimously  con- 
demned by  the  Swiss,  German,  and  English  theologians  ;  for 
the  Reformation,  when  once  accomplished,  was  under  the 
necessity  of  setting  bounds  to  itself,  that  it  might  be  seen 
where  its  action  ceased  ;  it  would  fain  know  its  own  limits. 
Calvin  held  it  to  be  his  duty  to  secure  the  world  from  the 
seductions  and  infection  with  which  it  was  threatened  by  this 
man,  and  urged  his  execution — a  fate  which  would  have  be- 
fallen the  Socinian,  Valentine  Gentilis,  subsequently,  if  he 
had  not  saved  himself  by  a  penitential  recantation. 

It  will  be  asked,  how  it  was  possible  that  such  fanatical 
severity  could  have  pervaded  the  joyous  city  of  Geneva.  As 
from  the  court  of  the  Dukes  and  the  houses  of  the  wealthy 
prebendaries  dissipation  and  sensual  enjoyments  were  pre- 
viously promoted,  so  did  this  stern  moral  restraint  include  in 
it  a  republican  element,  closely  resembling  what  had  taken 
place  a  short  time  previously  among  the  adherents  of  Savon- 

*  Rilliez,  Relation  du  Proces  intente  contre  Mich.  Servet :  "  Comme 
magicien  qu'il  est  doyt  etre  extermine  et  dechace  de  vostre  ville,  et  son 
tien  adjuge  a  moi,  en  recompense  du  mien,  qu'il  m'a  fait  perdre ." 


152  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

arola  in  Florence.  The  independence  of  the  city  was  now 
identified  in  the  closest  manner  with  the  positive  Protestant 
principle,  and  appeared  to  be  secured  in  the  best  manner  by 
its  strictest  practical  application. 

With  the  intimate  union  of  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal 
power,  which  was  now  again  effected,  arose  the  inevitable 
question,  in  what  degree  the  former  was  dependent  upon  the 
latter,  or  whether  it  were  dependent  at  all.  The  faction  of 
the  Libertines,  who  appear  in  other  respects  to  have  adopted 
very  extraordinary  doctrines,  which  were  hardly  Christian  at 
all,  opposed  the  autonomy  of  the  spiritual  power  :  they  de- 
manded that  from  the  sentences  of  the  Consistory,  which,  al- 
though composed  of  laymen  as  well  as  clergymen,  yet  bore  a 
decidedly  clerical  character,  there  should  lie  an  appeal  to  the 
Council  of  the  Two  Hundred,  in  which  resided  the  sover- 
eignty. Calvin  would  not  concede  so  much.  He  maintained 
that  as  the  clergy  were  the  subjects  of  the  Council,  they  were 
therefore  amenable  to  it,  but  that  the  Council  itself  was  sub- 
ject, in  spiritual  things,  to  the  word  of  Christ,  as  whose  in- 
terpreters he  regarded  the  spiritual  synod.*  He  preserved 
the  Consistory  in  the  full  possession  of  the  discipline  of  the 
Church  and  the  power  of  excommunication,  yet  not  without 
various  struggles. 

Calvin  lived  in  a  very  straitened  condition,  upon  an  incon- 
ceivably small  income  ;  yet  he  always  proudly  declined  to 
accept  any  support,  not  even  so  much  as  would  enable  him 
to  have  his  chamber  warmed.  Strangers  were  astonished 
when  he  opened  the  door  of  his  dwelling  to  them  himself. 
But  with  this  primitive  simplicity  in  private  life,  he  main- 
tained a  lofty  authority  in  public  :  in  the  Consistory  he  took 
possession  of  the  presidential  chair  without  having  been 
elected  to  it,  and  no  one  regarded  it  as  presumption  ;  by  his 
personal  superiority  he  ruled  both  his  colleagues  and  the 
Church.  He  did  not  take  an  official  part  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Republic,  and  in  difficult  conjunctures  only  was 

*  As  the  clergy  express  it,  according  to  the  Ordonnances  Ecclesias- 
tiques,  "Je  promets  servir  tellement  a  la  seigneurie  et  au  peuple  que 
par  cela  je  ne  sois  aucunement  empeche  de  rcndre  ä  Dieu  le  service  que 
je  lui  dois  en  ma  vocation." 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  153 

he  invited  to  the  Council ;  hut  it  is  undeniable  that,  whether 
he  sought  it  or  not,  he  lived  as  the  head  of  the  civic  party. 
It  was  intolerable  to  him  to  be  carried  hither  and  thither  by 
the  fluctuations  of  the  Republican  dissensions;  so  that,  when 
he  felt  himself  in  a  situation  to  do  it,  he  seized  the  first  op- 
portunity of  bringing  the  contest  to  an  open  rupture,  in  order 
that  it  might  be  at  once  decided,  and  for  him  at  least  finally ; 
had  his  friends  been  in  the  minority  he  could  not  long  have 
maintained  his  position.  It  was  of  the  greatest  advantage  to 
him,  in  his  contest  with  the  Libertines  and  their  party  among 
the  people,  that  he  had  obtained  the  freedom  of  the  city  and 
seats  in  the  Council  for  the  French  who  had  fled  from  their 
country  on  account  of  their  religion  and  gathered  round  him 
in  Geneva ;  they  were  thenceforth  his  stanchest  supporters. 
Calvin  knew  the  value  of  a  peaceable  existence,  and  possessed 
a  strong  inclination  to  domestic  retirement  and  the  pleasures 
of  friendship,  yet  we  find  him  unceasingly  engaged  in  a  pas- 
sionate struggle.  He  had  a  perfect  conception  of  the  tone  of 
moderation  which  became  literary  composition,  and  complain- 
ed of  its  absence  in  others,  yet  his  own  controversial  writings 
are  among  the  fiercest  that  have  ever  appeared  ;  in  a  cause 
for  which  he  was  always  prepared  to  contend,  he  did  not  take 
it  ill  if,  as  he  said,  he  was  himself  caught  by  the  whirlwind 
— it  had  happened  thus  with  the  prophets  and  the  apostles, 
and  even  Christ  himself  had  been  wroth.  His  temperament 
and  manner  do  not  remind  us  of  the  soft  grace  for  which  the 
scenery  amid  which  he  lived  is  so  renowned,  but  rather  of 
those  rough  days  sometimes  experienced  there,  when  the  bil- 
lows of  the  lake,  boiling  up  like  those  of  the  ocean,  dash 
against  the  beach,  and  the  Rhone  drives  its  green-blue  waters 
past  the  city  in  a  fierce  billowy  chase,  toward  the  rough  pre- 
cipices of  the  mountains  between  which  it  has  to  seek  its 
way. 

Thus  did  these  two  Frenchmen,  exiled  from  their  native 
land,  conquer,  as  it  were,  a  new  world  for  the  principle  on  ac- 
count of  which  they  were  compelled  to  flee.  Farel  took  pos- 
session of  it ;  Calvin  maintained  it  in  the  most  important  and 
furthest-advanced  positions,  and  organized  it  against  the  ene- 
my.    Geneva  still  continued  to  be  the  great  commercial  city 

G* 


154  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

it  always  had  been,  but  the  bustle  of  trade  and  manufactures 
was  no  longer  interrupted  by  alarms  of  civic  tumult,  nor  by 
ecclesiastic  pomp  and  extravagant  enjoyments — even  among 
the  higher  classes  all  was  order,  discipline,  and  industry.  It 
was  still,  as  it  always  had  been,  a  principal  point  of  commu- 
nication for  central  Europe,  but  it  was  especially  so  for  the 
refugees  on  account  of  religion,  who  assembled  here,  and, 
having  been  instructed  in  the  churches  or  in  the  newly  erected 
schools,  went  forth  thence  once  more  into  the  world.  Thus 
destroying  all  that  was  heterogeneous  within  itself,  and  at- 
tracting all  that  was  in  affinity  with  it — cherishing  those 
who  sought  its  shelter,  and  at  a  proper  moment  sending 
them  forth  again — Geneva  appears  like  a  warlike  religious 
march  on  the  confines  of  a  hostile  world  for  attack  and  for 
defense. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Geneva  was  principally  indebt- 
ed for  its  preservation  to  the  political  system  of  the  French 
kings.  When  Francis  I.  attacked  and  expelled  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  he  removed  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  the  city, 
and  secured  its  independence.  Even  Henry  II.  once  warned 
the  citizens  to  be  upon  their  guard  against  the  Emperor, 
and  promised  them  his  assistance.*  The  alliance  with 
Switzerland,  and  especially  that  with  Geneva,  was  of  es- 
sential moment  to  the  French  Kings  in  their  contest  with 
Spain. 

But  this  same  Geneva  stood  now  in  deadly  hostility  against 
the  religious  system  which  prevailed  in  France.  The  Gene- 
vese  Church  had  advanced  far  beyond  the  notions  with  which 
the  Church  at  Meaux,  and  Roussel  at  Beam,  had  been  satis- 
fied ;  nay  it  had  outstripped  even  the  tendencies  of  the 
Lutheran  reformation  itself,  and  bore  the  manifest  impres- 
sion of  the  republican  tempest  amid  which  it  had  arisen. 
The  expanding  spontaneity  of  the  collective  congregation  and 
of  each  of  its  members,  the  co-operation  of  the  laity  in  the 

*  Calvin's  Letter  to  Viret,  January  15,  1548  :  "  Venit  a  rege  nun- 
cius  cum  fiduciariis  Uteris,  et  amice  hortatus  est,  ut  bono  essemus  ani- 
mo,  et  tarnen  vigilantia  opus  esse  monuit ;  Crosarem  enim  magnas 
habere  copias.  .  .  .  Regem  quoque  suis  partibus  non  defuturum  pro- 
misit."    (MS.  Genev.  106.) 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  GENEVA.  155 

creation  of  the  spiritual  authority,  the  logical  rigor  of  the 
doctrine  and  severe  discipline  of  life,  gave  to  the  whole  sys- 
tem a  character  in  the  highest  degree  peculiar,  possessing 
an  infinite  power  of  attraction  for  the  temper  of  the  French, 
from  which  it  had  sprung,  while  it  was  in  an  equal  degree 
repulsive  to  others. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  U. 

We  have  remarked  in  Francis  I.  a  secret  sympathy  with 
the  first  tendencies  of  the  Reformation  ;  there  was  nothing  of 
this  in  Henry  II.  :  he  remained  constant  to  the  religious  no- 
tions which  he  had  been  taught ;  he  considered  the  Church 
militant  adequately  armed,  to  prevent  every  deviation  from 
its  doctrines  within  his  kingdom. 

The  Sorbonne  was  incessantly  occupied  in  censuring  the  sus- 
pected books  imported  from  foreign  countries,  or  those  for  the 
publication  of  which  means  had  been  found  even  in  France. 
So  early  as  the  year  1544  it  promulgated  an  index  of  forbid- 
den books,  from  which  men  were  to  abstain  as  from  poison- 
ous plants,  and  the  number  of  which  was  afterward  increased 
from  year  to  year.  When  we  inspect  this  register  we  are  sur- 
prised to  see  how  much  trouble  the  Sorbonne  had  on  account 
of  the  varying  opinions  of  the  monastic  fraternities.  A  num- 
ber of  Augustinians  were  condemned  for  denying  that  the  saints 
work  miracles  ;  a  Carmelite,  because  he  omitted  the  Ave 
Maria  in  a  sermon  he  preached  on  the  festival  of  the  Mother 
of  God  ;  others,  because  they  administered  the  Lord's  Supper 
according  to  the  Lutheran  ritual,  or  acknowledged  Luther's 
doctrine  of  justification.  Cistercians,  Minorities,  Dominicans 
themselves  were  condemned  The  Sorbonne  had  much  to 
do  also  with  the  translations  of  the  Bible,  which  were  con- 
demned simply  because  they  varied  from  the  Vulgate.  They 
desl  .  d  to  uphold  in  its  integrity  the  ancient  doctrinal  system 
of  the  Latin  Church  exactly  as  it  had  been  formed  by  St. 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.        157 

Thomas — in  the  same  unconditional  dominion  as  it  possessed 
during  the  hierarchical  ages — without  any  deviation,  small  or 
great,  without  any  obscuration  ;  the  rising  order  of  the  Jesuits 
awoke  their  suspicions. 

From  the  close  of  the  twelfth  and  the  commencement  of 
the  thirteenth  centuiy  the  punishment  of  heretics,  as  ap- 
pointed by  the  Church,  was  execution  and  the  confiscation 
of  goods.  "If,"  says  a  bull  of  Innocent  III.,  "  this  punish- 
ment is  appointed  by  the  laws  for  those  guilty  of  high-treason, 
how  much  more  ought  it  to  be  inflicted  upon  those  who  are 
guilty  of  rebellion  against  the  Majesty  of  Heaven  ;"  but  we 
know  that  Godhead  and  Church  were  identical  ideas,  and  all 
who  taught  differently  from  the  Romish  Church,  concerning 
the  seven  sacraments,  incurred  the  guilt  of  rebellion  against 
the  Divine  Majesty ;  even  their  defenders  and  abettors  were 
pronounced  infamous  and  incapable  of  any  office.*  All  tem- 
poral powers  were  to  be  bound  to  destroy  such  heretics  as 
the  Church  should  point  out  within  the  limits  of  their  juris- 
diction :  to  be  sworn  to  this  on  their  accession  to  power,  and 
if  they  neglected  it,  to  be  compelled  to  its  observance  and  ex- 
ecution by  the  censures  of  the  Church.  These  views  had 
then  been  incorporated  in  the  legal  codes,  and,  among  the 
French  as  well  as  among  the  English,  divergence  from  the 
faith  was  likened  to  the  crime  against  nature,  and  punish- 
able, in  a  similar  manner,  with  death  by  fire  and  confisca- 
tion, f 

The  rise  of  German  Protestantism  was  possible  only  be- 
cause a  number  of  the  princes  and  cities  had  been  permitted, 
by  resolutions  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  to  refuse  the  aid  of  the 
secular  arm  to  ecclesiastical  laws  ;  but  in  France  these  laws 
were  still  in  full  force.  Throughout  the  entire  circuit  of  the 
kingdom  the  Inquisitors  of  heretical  wickedness  searched  after 
the  professors  of  doctrines  varying  from  the  stand  ard  of  the 
Church  ;  they  settled  the  nature  and  degrees  of  error,  and 
brought  those  who  fell  under  them  before  the  inferior  tribu- 
nals, which  almost  always  condemned  them  to  the  severest 

*  Compare  Decrees,  Lucius  III.,  of  1185;  Innocent  III.,  of  1199 
and  of  1215:  Decretale  Gregorii  XI.  lib.  5.  cc.  7,  9,  12. 
+  Beaumanoir,  ed.  Beugnot,  c.  xxx.  p.  413. 


158  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

punishments.  The  poor  people  appealed  to  the  Parliaments, 
which  generally  ordained  some  commutation  within  certain 
limits,  leaving  the  punishment,  however,  still  terrific  ;  royal 
edicts  appeared  from  time  to  time,  for  the  better  regulation 
or  for  the  alteration  of  the  proceedings,  but  they  were  very 
far  from  moderating  them  in  the  main  point.  Death  by  fire, 
and  confiscation  of  goods,  was  the  universal  punishment  for 
all  who  felt  scruples  concerning  the  sacrament  or  the  worship 
of  the  saints  ;  according  to  the  edict  of  Compiegne,  those  also 
were  to  be  put  to  death  who  brought  forbidden  books  into  the 
kingdom,  or  even  circulated  them.* 

While  all  contradiction  was  thus  punished  with  fire  and 
sword,  the  abuses  of  the  Church,  by  which  that  contradic- 
tion had  been  called  forth  and  animated,  increased  daily. 

The  Concordat,  which  placed  the  presentation  of  ecclesias- 
tical benefices  so  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  King,  produced 
the  most  ruinous  and  corrupt  effects.  The  King  rewarded 
with  them  services  rendered  him  in  his  own  house,  and  in 
court  or  in  war,  and  gave  them  to  the  younger  children  of 
the  nobility  as  means  of  living  ;  many  persons  received  them 
in  the  name  of  their  children  ;  an  Italian  is  mentioned  who 
drew  from  the  property  of  the  Church  an  annual  income  of 
10,000  ducats  in  the  name  of  his  little  son,  and  after  his 
death  his  right  passed  to  his  wife.  All,  however,  did  not 
think  it  necessary  to  inscribe  under  another  name  the  bene- 
fices they  received :  there  were  soldiers  who  possessed  rich 
abbacies  in  their  own  name,  and  at  the  same  time  were  lead- 
ing their  companies  of  foot.  Many,  too,  who  were  totally 
uncnaalified,  undertook  themselves  the  administration  of  the 
offices  they  had  obtained.  Men  who  yesterday  were  engaged 
in  mercantile  affairs,  or  who  were  courtiers  or  soldiers,  were 
seen  to-day  in  the  episcopal  stole  and  ornaments,  or  officiat- 
ing as  abbots.  Personal  merit,  a  good  moral  reputation,  even 
mere  scholarship,  were  not  required  or  looked  for  :  all  de- 
pended upon  the  relation  in  which  men  stood  to  the  court. 
What  was  to  be  said  when  even  the  mistress  of  the  King,  the 

*  Derived  from  an  extract  from  the  Parliamentary  registers  of  Don- 
gois  (t  1717),  by  Tallandier,  Memoires  sur  les  Registres  du  Parlement 
sous  Henri  II.     (Memoires  des  Antiquaires  de  France,  xvi.  386.) 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.  159 

Duchess  of  Valentinois,  had  in  her  hands  the  distribution  of 
the  ecclesiastical  benefices  ?* 

In  proportion  as  the  general  moral  susceptibility  was 
awakened  to  deeper  sensitiveness,  a  state  of  things  like  this 
must  have  appeared  horrible :  no  respect  was  paid  to  any 
thing  that  might  be  said  in  its  excuse,  and  the  worst  tales 
told  of  the  corruptions  of  ancient  times  were  readily  believed. 

The  Constable  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  were  regarded 
as  equally  selfish  and  avaricious  with  the  Duchess.  The 
Constable  saw  so  little  injustice  in  the  multitude  of  offices 
and  dignities  which  were  accumulated  upon  him,  and  which 
produced  him  a  surprisingly  large  income,  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, he  was  proud  of  it ;  he  formed  a  device  out  of  their 
insignia,  with  the  motto  "God  and  my  Service."  But  they 
were  all  like-minded.  The  divisions  which  we  have  ob- 
served between  them  were  caused  less  by  any  expressed  and 
significant  opposition,  than  by  their  personal  interests ;  each 
party  and  family  desired  to  get  the  King  into  their  hands 
exclusively.  Henry  II.  did  not  possess  sufficient  native 
energy — or,  if  we  may  use  the  phrase,  was  not  in  reality  suf- 
ficiently King — to  break  through  the  circle  which  his  nobles 
and  courtiers  had  drawn  around  him  :  he  granted  them  all 
that  they  desired.  It  was  universally  asserted  that  the  Mar- 
shal St.  Andre,  whose  personal  intercourse  was  particularly 
agreeable  to  the  King,  used  to  urge  the  persecutions  on,  sim- 
ply because  he  wished  to  enrich  himself  by  the  confiscations. 
This  is  so  far  not  impossible,  as  the  confiscations  formed  a 
part  of  the  royal  income, — the  "parties  castielles,"  which  it 
was  customary  to  bestow  in  presents  But  what  an  impres- 
sion must  it  have  made,  when  men  perceived  that  perse- 
cution was  an  ally  and  a  promoter  of  the  avarice  of  the  no- 
bility, under  a  king  who  did  not  look  after  matters  himself. 

Whoever  desires  to  understand  the  ideas  and  opinions  of 
those  times  fully,  must  read  Rabelais.  In  the  picture  of  licen- 
tiousness, full  of  repulsive  nudities,  which  he  unfolds,  lies  con- 
cealed a  profound  seriousness.  Rabelais  is  one  of  the  few 
masters  of  satire  who  has  depicted  the  failings  of  a  whole 
*  Soranzo  .  "  Particolarmente  la  dispensatione  delli  benefici  ecclesi- 
astici  e  in  man  soa." 


160  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

epoch  in  great  and  truthful  outlines.  He  cites  the  errors  of 
all  classes  before  the  tribunal  of  sound  human  understanding 
— the  extravagance  of  the  chiefs  of  the  land,  permitted  by 
over-indulgent  kings;  the  disorders  of  the  capital,  which  the 
King,  to  the  astonishment  of  strangers,  did  not  better  suppress 
by  the  administration  of  justice  ;  the  abuses  of  justice  itself 
— its  forms  confusing  and  entangling  the  causes — its  multiplied 
documents  in  the  process — and  at  last  its  decisions  arrived  at 
as  if  by  the  chances  of  the  dice  ;  the  grinding  of  the  revenue 
chamber,  which  kneAV  how  to  draw  its  drink-money  from  all 
that  came  before  it.*  How  little  do  they  know  him  Avho 
think  that  his  allusions  are  chiefly  directed  to  the  trifling 
occurrences  which  took  place  at  court,  or  to  insignificant  per- 
sonages !  The  manifold  grievances  and  anxieties  of  the  nation, 
which  did  not  yet  venture  to  show  themselves  openly,  appear 
in  the  ingenious  fancy-pieces  of  the  patriot  in  the  fool:s-cap. 
His  most  important  aim,  however,  is  the  state  of  religious 
affairs.  The  adventurous  and  gigantic  heroes,  in  whose  edu- 
cation the  change  of  times  is  represented,  share  the  convic- 
tions of  the  Protestants  :  they  will  no  longer  endure  the  false 
prophets,  and,  in  gratitude  for  their  victory,  simply  cause  the 
true  Gospel  to  be  preached.  In  accordance  with  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  age,  he  mocks  in  the  bitterest  manner  the  hypo- 
critical monks  who  mark  their  abodes  by  disgusting  de- 
bauchery. But  the  satirist  leads  us  still  deeper  into  the  secrets 
of  the  clerical  condition.  He  depicts  the  Golden  Book  of  the 
Decretals,  with  its  marvelous  power  of  conferring  happiness 
upon  the  faithful,  and  of  destroying  the  unbelievers  ;  the 
prisons  in  which  the  new  heretics  were  pining,  and  the  pun- 
ishments they  endured  ;  until  at  last  we  see  the  monster  itself, 
from  which  all  these  torments  proceed — at  the  same  time  a 
ravening  wolf  and  a  fawning  dog,  whose  paws  are  full  of 
blood,  its  claws  like  the  claws  of  a  harpy,  and  above  its  lair 
the  image  of  Injustice.  There  is  something  sublime  in  the 
terrific  grotesques  of  this  description. 

While  such  opinions  and  notions  prevailed  in  the  nation, 

*  As  to  the  question  whether  the  fifth  book,  in  which  these  repre- 
sentations are  given,  was  written  by  Rabelais  himself,  the  most  learned 
of  his  early  editors,  our  Duchat,  holds  that  it  was,  and  with  him  I  agree. 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.  161 

and  forced  their  way  into  its  literature,  we  can  not  wonder 
that  the  number  of  Protestants  continued  to  increase  constant- 
ly. The  persecutions  they  suffered  gave  them  fresh  vital 
energy.  Even  in  the  time  of  Francis  I.  entire  towns,  such 
as  Caen,  Rochelle,  and  Poitiers,  showed  a  decided  inclination 
to  the  Reformation  ;*  it  was  not  openly  promulgated,  hut  the 
magistrates  did  not  think  it  expedient  to  inquire  after  private 
opinions. 

During  the  disturbances  caused  subsequently  by  war,  there 
was  necessarily  a  period  of  still  greater  relaxation.  In  the 
year  1555  a  congregation  at  Paris  ventured  to  perform  a  bap- 
tism. In  a  short  time  little  societies  were  formed  in  Nor- 
mandy, along  the  Loire,  in  Orleans,  Tours,  Blois,  and  Angers, 
in  Poitiers,  all  through  Saintonge,  and  among  the  seafaring 
population  of  the  neighboring  islands. 

It  has  been  maintained  that  the  influence  of  the  Waldenses 
was  favorable  to  the  Reformation  in  Dauphine  and  Provence, 
and  that  some  remains  of  the  Albigenses  entered  into  the  com- 
position of  the  new  church  of  Languedoc  ;  but  this  has  never 
been  pointed  out  with  that  accuracy  which  the  historian  could 
desire.  The  former  statement  is,  however,  exceedingly  prob- 
able, for  in  those  regions  the  new  doctrines  flourished  in  an 
especial  manner. 

In  the  year  1558  it  was  believed  that  there  were  already 
in  the  kingdom  400,000  persons  who  were  declared  adherents 
of  the  Reformation,  and  men  were  astonished  at  the  close 
union  that  subsisted  among  them.  In  fact  they  cherished 
the  intention  of  giving  themselves  a  common  organization, 
and  carried  it  out  shortly  after  at  Paris,  in  May,  1559,  in  the 
very  face  of  the  stake  and  scaffold.  The  principle  of  the 
Genevese  Consistory  was  now  introduced  into  the  French  con- 
gregations. No  congregation  was  to  have  the  right  of  inter- 
fering with  another  ;  for  the  care  of  the  general  interests, 
assemblies  of  delegates,  conferences  or  synods,  were  consti- 

*  Cavalli :  "  Li  maestri  di  Sorbonna  hanno  autorita  estrema  di  casti- 
gare  li  eretici,  il  che  fanno  con  il  fuoco,  brustolandoli  vivi  poco  a  poco. 
Ma  il  Luteranesimo  e  tanto  ampliato  ora  per  tutto,  che  non  solo  si  trova 
qualche  eretico,  ma  le  cittä  intiere  ;  che  vivono  non  gia  in  palese,  ma 
con  tacito  consenso  privatamente  tutti  a  costume  de'  Protestanti — Caen. 
Rochella,  Poictiers,  e  simili  assai  in  Provenza." 


162  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

tuted,  according  to  the  narrower  or  wider  extent  of  their  dis- 
tricts, and  a  general  confession  of  faith  was  adopted. 

We  may  easily  comprehend  that  the  Sorbonne  and  the 
clergy,  when  provoked  by  the  increasing  numbers  of  the  Sep- 
aratists, made  use  of  all  their  legal  resources,  and  of  their 
influence  upon  the  mass  of  the  people,  to  annihilate  them, 
for  that  was  the  object  of  their  enmity.  We  may  ask,  how- 
ever, whether  these  views  must  necessarily  have  prevailed 
with  the  legal  tribunals  and  with  the  government. 

Notwithstanding  their  intimate  union,  there  prevailed  a 
permanent  and  marked  difference  between  the  spiritual  and 
secular  powers,  in  consequence  of  which  the  former  was  not 
in  any  way  permitted  to  exercise  immediate  action.  When 
it  was  on  one  occasion  seriously  proposed  to  introduce  into 
France  the  regulations  of  the  ecclesiastical  inquisition,  which 
had  been  renovated  and  sharpened  at  Rome,  and  had  proved 
very  efficacious  in  Italy,  the  Parliament  opposed  it,  "  because 
the  subjects  of  the  King  ought  not  to  be  delivered  up  to  the 
arbitrary  will  of  the  bishop's  officials."*  It  retained  in  its 
own  hands  the  decision  of  spiritual  processes. 

But  if  the  independent  authority  of  the  secular  tribunal 
were  acknowledged,  it  must  have  an  effective  operation,  for 
otherwise  it  would  be  without  meaning.  The  members  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Justice  stood  a  grade  nearer  to  public 
opinion  than  the  members  of  the  Sorbonne.  In  contending  for 
strict  Catholicism,  they  were  not  so  completely  advancing 
their  own  cause  ;  neither  could  they  have  possibly  remained 
altogether  unaffected  by  the  religious  tendencies  of  the  time. 
Especially  must  it  have  been  apparent  to  them,  from  the  pro- 
gress of  the  secession,  which  was  already  organized  as  a  new 
Church,  that  its  repression  in  the  manner  hitherto  practiced 
could  never  be  effected. 

In  the  year  1559  there  appeared  in  the  Parliament  a  de- 
liberate intention  to  moderate  the  proceedings  against  heretics. 
Seguier  and  Harlai,  two  men  of  the  highest  judicial  authority, 

*  "  L'authorite  et  souverainete  tant  du  Roi  que  de  sa  couronne  seroit 
grandemcnt  diminuee  quand  les  sujets  naturels  du  Roi  seroient  pre- 
venus  et  entrepris  par  un  official  ou  Inqusiteur." — Crispin,  Histoire  des 
Martyrs,  463. 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.  163 

were  then  at  the  head  of  the  criminal  department,  called  La 
Tournelle,  and  a  few  young  men,  having  been  charged  be- 
fore them  with  heterodox  opinions  concerning  the  Mass,  which 
they  refused  to  renounce,  the  judges  ventured  to  condemn 
them,  not  to  death,  as  the  letter  of  the  law  required,  but 
merely  to  banishment.  This  affair  excited  the  greatest  atten- 
tion, not  only  on  account  of  its  own  importance,  but  also  be- 
cause of  the  men  engaged  in  it.  As  the  contrary  proceeding 
had  hitherto  been  always  followed,  it  was  considered  proper  to 
discuss  the  question  solemnly  in  an  assembly  of  all  the  Cham- 
bers of  Parliament.  It  is  possible  that  this  motion  proceeded 
chiefly  from  the  enemies  of  the  religious  innovation  ;  but  even 
its  friends  were  not  opposed  to  such  a  course  :  they  hoped  to 
see  the  moderation  of  the  proceedings  established  as  a  universal 
rule. 

Under  such  circumstances  the  sittings  commenced.  In  the 
early  ones  the  ancient  councilors,  who  had  hitherto  followed 
the  rigorous  mode  of  procedure  in  the  great  Chambers,  spoke 
and  declared  themselves  for  its  continuance.  In  the  follow- 
ing sittings  however,  the  younger  men  spoke,  and  uttered 
opinions  of  a  very  unexpected  character.  Some  thought  that 
the  accused  should  be  allowed  half  a  year  to  return  from 
their  errors,  and  if  after  that  time  they  refused  to  recant, 
that  they  should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  kingdom  with  their 
property  ;  others  insisted  that  it  was  necessary  to  await  the 
decision  of  the  Council  upon  the  doubts  which  had  been  raised 
before  taking  further  measures,  for  until  that  was  delivered 
no  persecution  of  the  new  opinions  ought  to  take  place,  since 
nobody  could  say  whether  or  not  they  were  heretical.*  We 
are  assured,  in  the  most  detailed  official  report  of  these  sit- 
tings, that  this  view  of  the  question  was  received  with  great 
applause. 

It  was  just  before  the  period  in  which  the  festivities  were 
to  be  held  in  solemnization  of  the  marriage  which  had  been 

*  La  Vraye  Histoire  de  la  fausse  procedure  contre  Anne  Du  Bourg, 
Memoires  de  Conde,  i.  220  :  "  Faire  sursoir  la  persecution  et  jugemens 
capitaux  contre  ceux  qui  tiennent  les  propositions  qui  n'ont  encore  este 
jugees  ny  determinees  heretiques  par  le  jugement  de  I'Egüse  Catho- 
lique." 


164  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

agreed  upon  in  concluding  the  peace.  The  Protestants  had 
already  among  them  men  of  such  great  authority  in  the  king- 
dom that  they  entertained  the  design  of  presenting,  during  the 
festivities,  a  petition  praying  for  toleration,  which,  concurring 
with  the  judgment  of  the  supreme  court  of  judicature,  might 
have  produced  an  extraordinary  result. 

It  appeared  all  the  more  urgent  to  the  champions  of  the 
rigorous  system  to  prevent  such  a  decision  ;  for  what  would 
be  the  consequence  if  the  supreme  tribunal  should  renounce 
the  ecclesiastic  doctrines  which  France  had  held  from  of  old 
time  ? — the  entire  religion  would  be  lost.  But  personal  mo- 
tives blended  with  their  zeal.  A  memorial  was  seen  in  the 
King's  hands,  presented  by  Guy  Le  Maistre,  the  First  Presi- 
dent, in  which  the  members  suspected  of  an  inclination  to 
Protestantism  were  named,  and  their  estates  and  benefices, 
which,  should  they  be  condemned,  could  be  distributed  anew, 
specified  ;*  and  there  were  persons  reckoning  upon  them  al- 
ready, either  on  their  own  account  or  of  that  of  their  relations. 
The  King's  attention  was  then  especially  directed  to  the  old 
edicts,  according  to  which  no  member  suspected  on  account 
of  his  religion  should  be  allowed  to  retain  his  place  in  the 
Parliament,  and  their  violation  pointed  out.  They  wished 
the  King  in  person  to  see  and  hear  that  such  was  the  case. 
The  question  itself,  whether  an  amelioration  in  the  laws  was 
necessary,  and  in  accordance  with  the  interests  of  the  State, 
was  not  investigated  ;  all  who  were  inclined  to  such  a  course 
were  described  to  the  King  as  guilty  of  disobedience  to  the 
edicts  he  had  issued.  Although  in  his  nature  far  from  being 
inclined  to  acts  of  violence,  Henry  II.  was  carried  away  by 
the  representations  which  had  been  made  to  him.  In  the 
Mercuriale — as  assemblies  of  this  kind  were  named — the 
youngest  councilors  who  were  most  inclined  to  the  new  opin- 
ions had  yet  to  speak,  and  it  was  concerted  that  the  King, 
who  had  been  always  considered  as  the  chief  President  of  the 
Parliament,  should  appear  there  unexpectedly  on  the  10th  of 
March,  1559. 

*  "  Quarum  pars  eaquc  opimior  vulturiis  aulicis  destinabatur,  partem 
illi  filiis  suis  poscebant." — Thuanus,  who  was  informed  of  it  by  his  fa- 
ther, Christopher  de  Thou,  lib.  xxii.  452. 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.  165 

All  that  had  been  anticipated  came  to  pass.  Tne  presence 
of  the  King  inflamed  the  professors  of  the  Protestant  doctrine, 
and  instead  of  reserving  their  opinions  they  advanced  them 
with  all  their  zeal.  Some  declared  against  the  defects  of  the 
Romish  Curia,  and  demanded  a  council ;  others  showed  in 
an  energetic  and  vivid  manner  the  contrast  between  the 
crime  and  infamy  which  were  tolerated,  and  the  innocent 
doctrines  which  were  so  fiercely  persecuted.  The  King,  who 
had  been  previously  prepossessed  against  such  opinions,  and 
particularly  enraged  by  certain  expressions  which  he  thought 
reflected  upon  his  personal  connections,  declared  that  he  per- 
ceived clearly  that  there  were  in  that  place  both  good  and 
bad — that  he  would  preserve  the  good,  but  the  bad  he  would 
remove.  He  immediately  ordered  the  two  who  had  expressed 
themselves  most  energetically,  Du  Four  and  Anne  Du  Bourg, 
to  be  seized  and  imprisoned  in  the  Bastille.  The  judgment 
of  the  Tournelle,  which  had  been  drawn  up  with  great  for- 
bearance, was  revoked  to  the  Royal  Court  for  the  purpose 
of  being  revised.  In  a  short  time  there  appeared  a  circu- 
lar from  the  King,  addressed  to  the  Parliaments  and  to 
the  judicial  tribunals,  in  which  they  were  urged  to  proceed 
against  the  Lutherans  with  the  greatest  severity,  and  the 
judges  informed  that  they  would  be  held  responsible  should 
they  neglect  these  orders,  and  in  which  he  declared  plainly 
that  as  soon  as  the  peace  with  Spain  was  concluded,  he 
was  determined  to  make  the  extirpation  of  the  heretics  his 
principal  business.* 

King  Henry  II.,  in  the  reasons  he  advanced  for  these  pro- 
ceedings, frequently  referred  to  the  ancient  and  intimate  con- 
nection between  the  Church  and  the  Crown,  to  the  example 
and  edicts  of  his  predecessors  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  to 
his  title,  "the  Most  Christian  King."  The  deductions  from 
these  views  are  sufficiently  clear ;  but  on  the  other  hand  it 
was  manifest  that  the  State  was  not  at  the  same  time  the 
Church,  and  that  it  had  duties  of  a  peculiar  nature,  different 
from  those  of  the  Church — that.  Henry  II.  had  acted  difler- 

*  Lettres  Patentes  of  Escouen,  cited  in  the  "  Histoire  des  Martyrs," 
liv.  vii.  506  b.  Tallandier,  456,  etc.,  asserts  that  the  registers  for  this 
year  are  lost. 


166  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ently  from  the  majority  of  his  predecessors,  and  even  from  his 
father,  to  whose  conduct  he  constantly  appealed.  Francis  I. 
had  left  the  law  to  take  its  course  as  administered  by  the 
tribunals  ;  but  the  conduct  of  Henry  II.  was  very  different, 
when  he  himself  interfered  with  and  quashed  the  judicial 
sentences  of  the  courts,  as  delivered  by  his  most  distinguished 
judges.  Moreover,  whatever  might  be  thought  of  the  young- 
er members,  neither  Seguier  nor  Harlai  could  be  regarded  as 
Protestants ;  and  what  shall  we  say  when  this  interference 
was  not  prompted  by  any  personal  feeling  on  the  part  of  the 
King,  but  induced  by  a  clique  which  looked  upon  the  affair 
from  a  personal  point  of  view,  and  merely  followed  their  own 
interests?  The  Protestants  never  believed  that  the  hostility 
against  them  proceeded  from  the  King  himself,  but  from  the 
faction  that  ruled  him — a  faction  in  close  alliance  with  the 
ancient  enemies  of  the  realm. 

It  was  said  at  the  time,  that  in  the  conclusion  of  peace  the 
suppression  of  the  Reformation  had  been  formally  agreed  to 
between  France,  Spain,  and  Savoy,  but  this  has  never  been 
demonstrated.  It  is  unquestionable,  however,  that  the  ex- 
tension of  Protestantism  was  mentioned  in  the  negotiations, 
as  a  proof  of  the  necessity  of  peace.  On  the  Spanish  side  it 
had  always  been  said  that  Spain  was  influenced  in  the  treaty 
by  a  desire  to  set  the  hands  of  the  King  of  France  at  liberty 
for  the  extermination  of  heresy  ;*  besides,  the  relinquishment 
of  the  policy  which  had  hitherto  been  of  service  to  Protestant- 
ism involved  a  corresponding  danger  to  it. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  most  anxious  appi'ehensions 
prevailed  among  the  adherents  of  the  Confession  ;  it  was  be- 
lieved that  the  King  would  make  a  progress  through  the 
kingdom,  and  enforce  the  suppression  of  Protestantism  with 
all  his  power,  and  that  in  concert  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy  he 
would  attack  Geneva,  the  metropolis  of  Calvinism,  and  de- 
stroy it  with  its  colonies,  when  the  intelligence  spread  abroad 
that  this  prince,  who  was  yet  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  bloom- 

*  The  Duke  of  Alva  reminded  the  French  afterward  that  Spain  had 
concluded  the  peace,  "para  que  le  (Henry  II.)  quedasse  la  mano  libre 
para  remediarlo  (lo  de  la  religion)." — July  7,  1571  ;  Gachard,  ii.  181. 
This  is  literally  correct. 


THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  II.  167 

ing  in  vigorous  health,  had  been  suddenly  killed  by  an  acci- 
dent of  a  most  extraordinary  character. 

At  one  of  the  fetes  given  in  celebration  of  the  marriages, 
Henry  II.,  as  was  his  custom,  took  part  in  a  tournament, 
in  the  colors  of  his  lady,  the  Duchess  of  Valentinois,  and, 
mounted  on  a  war-horse  of  his  new  brother-in-law,  the  Duke 
of  Savoy's,  which  he  rode  with  peculiar  pleasure.  As  after  a 
number  of  brilliant  courses  he  was  running  one  more,  which 
he  said  should  be  the  last  for  that  day,  his  opponent's  lance 
broke  upon  his  vizor,  and  the  splinters  entered  his  forehead ; 
he  was  carried  out  of  the  lists  in  a  state  of  unconscious- 
ness, and  expired  a  few  days  afterward,  on  the  26th  of  July, 
1559* 

The  Protestants  recognized  in  this  event  the  almost  visible 
judgment  of  God,  though  as  far  as  they  were  concerned,  they 
could  not  expect  that  its  consequences  would  be  favorable  to 
them.  The  successor  of  Henry,  Francis  II.,  who  was  still  a 
boy,  gave  his  entire  power  into  the  hands  of  a  man  whom 
they  regarded  as  their  fiercest  adversary — the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  of  the  house  of  Guise. 

We  must  here  say  something  of  his  extraction  and  personal 
character. 

*  In  the  "  Lettere  di  Principi,"  iii.  196,  there  is  an  accurate  descrip- 
tion of  the  accident :  "  Orges  (Montgommery)  roppe  la  lancia  nella  buffa 
del  Re  :  un  pezzo  sotto  la  visiera,  ove  il  tronco  sfugendo  in  suso,  ando 
a  trovar  la  visiera,  et  entratavi  dentro  una  scheggie,  fieri  la  fronte  sopra 
1'  occhio  destro.  et  trovato  1'  osso  durissimo  prese  la  volta  verso  la 
tempia  et  si  venne  a  cacciar  sotto  1'  occhio  assai  profondamente."  This 
narrative  as  little  corresponds  with  the  memoirs  of  VieiileviUe  and  of 
Carloix,  as  do  authentic  accounts  in  general.  I  have  departed  totally 
from  them. 


CHAPTER  X. 

ADMINISTRATION    OF    CHARLES,    CARDINAL    OF    LORRAINE. 

Rene  of  Lorraine,  who  fought  with  Charles  the  Bold,  and 
who  more  than  once  brought  the  claims  of  his  house  upon 
Provence,  Naples,  and  Jerusalem  to  remembrance,  ordained 
in  his  last  will  that  Antoine,  the  eldest  of  his  sons,  should 
succeed  him  in  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and  that  the  second,  Claude, 
should  inherit  his  possessions  lying  in  France  :  these  were 
estates  scattered  throughout  Normandy,  Picardy,  Flanders, 
and  the  Isle  of  France,  with  the  baronies  of  Joinville,  May- 
enne,  Elboeuf,  and  the  counties  of  Aumale  and  Guise. 

Among  the  chivalrous  military  leaders  of  Francis  I.  we 
find  this  Claude,  who  named  himself"  of  Guise,"  which  had 
been  raised  to  a  dukedom,  making  a  brilliant  figure.  His 
bravery  and  miraculous  preservation  at  the  battle  of  Marig- 
nano,  the  part  he  took  in  preserving  the  peace  of  the  king- 
dom during  the  King's  captivity  after  the  battle  of  Pavia,  and 
the  presence  of  mind  he  displayed  on  the  second  invasion  of 
Charles  V.,  made  him  a  great  name  in  the  realm.  Even 
Paris  felt  endangered  by  the  advance  of  the  Emperor,  and 
Lorraine  entered  into  immediate  connection  with  the  popu- 
lation of  the  capital.  He  had  married  a  princess  of  the  royal 
blood,  Antoinette  of  Bourbon  :  it  was  a  fortunate  marriage, 
from  which  sprang  six  sons,  filled  with  vital  energy ;  three 
of  whom  devoted  themselves  to  the  Church,  and  three  to  the 
military  service  ;  sometimes  he  appeared  at  Court  in  their 
company,  for  he  was  fond  of  showing  them,  considering  that 
in  them  his  own  life  was  multiplied  sixfold.  He  gave  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  James  V.  of  Scotland,  and  Mary 
Stuart,  was  his  grand-daughter.  Of  the  sons  we  have  already 
frequently  mentioned  Francis  Guise,  the  eldest,  who  was  the 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  169 

conqueror  of  Calais ;  the  next,  Charles  Guise,  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  played  a  part  not  less  important  during  the  whole 
reign  of  Henry  II. 

Charles  Guise  acquired  in  his  youth  the  scientific  knowl- 
edge which  accorded  with  the  requirements  of  the  clerical 
profession ;  he  spoke  the  majority  of  living  languages,  and 
the  Italians  remark  with  admiration  the  excellence  with 
which  he  expressed  himself  in  theirs.  Henry  II.  took  him 
into  his  confidence  at  the  age  of  three-and-twenty,  and  he 
showed  himself  fully  equal  to  the  management  of  affairs. 
While  the  Constable  gave  offense  by  his  severity  and  rude- 
ness, Charles  Guise  gained  favor  by  his  agreeable  and  flatter- 
ing address.  He  was  elevated  in  early  life  to  the  Archbish- 
opric of  Rheims,  and  omitted  nothing  which  a  great  prelate 
could  effect  to  establish  in  his  diocese  an  imperishable  remem- 
brance of  his  actions :  he  caused  unhealthy  morasses  to  be 
drained  and  turned  into  gardens  and  meadows  ;  he  caused 
the  wood  for  the  edifices  at  Rheims  to  be  felled  in  his  forest 
at  Joinville,  and  the  old  sentence  was  applied  to  him,  that 
he  had  found  a  city  of  clay  and  left  it  of  marble  ;  he  founded 
at  Rheims  a  university,  a  theological  college,  a  seminary,  and 
a  convent  for  a  lay  fraternity ;  for  in  no  respect  did  he  neg- 
lect his  clerical  and  episcopal  duties — he  provided  that  the 
parish  priests  should  discharge  the  duties  of  their  office,  he 
preached  himself  occasionally,  and  from  to  time  held  provin- 
cial councils.  Though  the  youngest  of  the  French  cardinals, 
he  put  them  all  to  shame  by  his  selfcontrol  and  his  zeal  in 
the  duties  of  his  position.  Hounds  and  falcons  were  never 
seen  in  his  house,  and  at  Easter  every  year  he  retired  to  some 
cloister  in  order  to  give  himself  up  to  spiritual  exercises.  He 
was  a  man  of  imposing  exterior  :  his  person  was  tall,  and  he 
was  particularly  distinguished  by  his  broad,  lofty,  and  intel- 
ligent forehead  ;  when  he  spoke  all  hung  upon  his  lips — his 
discourse,  sustained  by  a  never-failing  memory,  flowed  from 
him  intelligibly  and  gracefully.* 

*  The  Venetian  embassadors  depict  him  thus  unanimously.  I  can 
not  repeat  what  was  said  of  him  in  common  ;  the  indecencies  in 
Bräntome,  which  have  been  referred  to  him,  relate  to  his  uncle,  and 
to  the  times  of  Francis  I. 

H 


170  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

"With  all  these  various  and  splendid  endowments,  he  failed 
in  the  most  distinguishing  quality  of  great  men — moral  ele- 
vation and  forgetfulness  of  self.  To  obtain  power  all  means 
were  right  in  his  eyes,  and  when  he  possessed  it  he  gave  him- 
self no  concern  about  any  one  else  in  the  world.  He  was 
looked  upon  as  envious  and  unkind,  slow  in  the  bestowal 
of  favors,  but  always  prepared  to  do  an  injury — not  to  be 
depended  upon  by  his  friends,  and  revengeful  against  his 
enemies.* 

His  niece,  the  young  Q,ueen  of  Scotland,  having  been  mar- 
ried to  the  Dauphin,  the  Cardinal  and  he  became  united  in 
the  closest  connection.  The  Dauphin  was  adorned  with  the 
crowu  matrimonial,  and  regarded  with  ambitious  eagerness 
the  prospect  which  the  rights  of  his  consort  opened  to  him 
of  possessing  the  full  royalty.  Even  during  the  lifetime  of 
Henry  IL,  the  Cardinal  and  his  brother,  with  the  Dauphin 
and  Dauphiness,  used  all  their  influence  and  efforts  to  give  to 
the  French  policy  and  military  force  a  direction  hostile  to  En- 
gland ;  at  the  same  time  they  formed  the  closest  union 
among  themselves. 

On  the  change  of  sovereigns  the  conduct  of  affairs  fell,  as 
if  spontaneously,  into  the  hands  of  the  Cardinal  of  Guise  ;  nor 
is  it  necessary  to  repeat  the  smaller  causes  that  contributed 
to  that  event,  with  which  the  contemporary  narratives  are 
filled.  The  experienced  uncle,  by  the  side  of  the  young 
King,  his  nephew,  not  yet  quite  sixteen,  must  have  virtually 
possessed  the  royal  authority.  Montmorency,  who  had  at 
length  recovered  his  great  influence,  received  together  with 
all  his  friends,  marks  of  personal  disfavor,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  Court  ;  however,  he  had  opposed  the  de- 
signs against  England,  which  now  entirely  occupied  the 
thoughts  of  the  Court.  On  their  accession  to  the  throne, 
Francis  II.  and  his  young  consort  assumed  the  title  and 
arms  of  England,  and  at  their  solemn  reception  in  the  great 
cities  were  greeted  as  the  pair  through  whom  Gaul  and 
Britain  were  united. 

*  Chiefly  from  the  Venetian  official  reports.  Micheli  speaks  of  the 
"  odio  universale  conceputo  contro  di  lui  per  i  molti  effetti  d'  ofiesa  che 
moströ  verso  ognuno  mentre  nel  governo  ebbe  1'  autoritä." 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  171 

If  any  doubt  could  be  entertained  respecting  the  position 
which  a  Cardinal  of  the  Romish  Church  would  be  likely  to 
take  in  reference  to  the  religious  controversies  of  the  time,  it 
was  speedily  removed  by  these  circumstances.  "Within  this 
circle  Queen  Elizabeth  had  long  been  regarded  as  illegiti- 
mate, and  not  entitled  to  the  crown  ;*  an  alliance  with  the 
Romish  Court  was  naturally  formed,  which  claimed  anew 
the  right  of  decision  in  this  case,  and  through  that  an  alli- 
ance with  the  strictest  Catholic,  opinions  generally. 

The  question  which  at  that  time  chiefly  occupied  men's 
minds  had  reference  to  the  renewed  demand  of  some  members 
of  the  Parliament,  that  the  judicial  proceedings  against  the 
Protestants  should  be  moderated,  at  least  till  a  new  Council, 
to  be  called,  should  have  pronounced  authentically  concern- 
ing the  sacraments.  When  the  Cardinal  laid  these  questions 
once  more  before  the  Sorbonne,  it  is  difficult  to  see  in  his 
conduct  any  thing  like  concession  to  public  opinion  ;  for  what 
could  have  been  expected  from  the  faculty  except  a  judg- 
ment completely  rejecting  the  demand  ?  Their  sentence 
stated  that  such  a  view  could  not  even  be  taken  into  consid- 
eration— that  it  was  even  itself  sacramentarian,  heretical, 
and  thoroughly  corrupt  and  destructive,  calculated  to  break 
up  alike  both  the  State  and  the  Church.  Thus  completely 
was  all  idea  of  moderation  rejected.! 

After  the  delivery  of  this  judgment  it  was  impossible  for 
those  who  stood  accused  on  account  of  the  opinions  they  had 
uttered  in  the  Parliament,  to  reckon  further  upon  any  grace. 
Du  Bourg  applied  in  vain  to  all  the  courts  of  appellative  in- 
stance appointed  by  the  ecclesiastical  constitution  in  France ; 
he  was  rejected  every  where.  A  German  Prince,  the  Elector 
Palatine,  hoped  to  save  him  by  calling  him  to  the  Professor- 
ship of  Law  in  his  University  of  Heidelberg,  but  the  times 
were  past  when  intercessions  of  this  kind  would  have  been 
respected  on  account  of  political  relations.     Du  Bourg  suf- 

*  Killygrew  A  ;  Jones  to  the  Queen,  January  6,  1560,  in  Forbes,  293. 
The  Marshal  St.  Andre  told  him,  "  that  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Queen  Mary,  the  Queen  (Mary  Stuart)  did  take  the  title  (of  England) 
upon  her,  as  justly  aperteigning  to  her." 

t  Censura  sanctissimte  Facultatis,  August  29,  1559.  Argentre,  ii. 
279. 


172  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

fered  the  punishment  of  heresy,  by  the  halter  and  fire,  on  the 
square  before  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  in  December,  1559.  The 
Cardinal  rested  his  personal  authority  in  the  State  on  his 
severe  administration  of  the  ecclesiastical  law  :  he  knew  that 
his  popularity  among  the  masses  would  lose  nothing  by  such 
proceedings  ;  the  people  of  Paris,  imbued  with  anti-Calvin- 
istic  notions  by  the  preachers  of  the  Sorbonne,  took  delight  in 
the  executions.  All  secret  meetings  for  religious  purposes 
were  forbidden,  under  pain  of  death  to  their  promoters ; 
every  favor  shown  to  an  accused  person  was  set  down  as  a 
crime  in  itself ;  whoever  betrayed  the  hiding-place,  of  a  con- 
demned person  was  entitled  to  half  his  estate  as  a  reward, 
but  whoever  should  dare  to  protect  such  a  person,  or  to  con- 
ceal him  in  his  house  or  strong  place,  against  him  they 
threatened  to  march  with  arms,  and  to  raze  his  house  or 
castle  to  the  ground. 

In  the  affairs  of  the  interior  the  Cardinal  proceeded  in  the 
course  which  King  Henry,  not  without  his  influence,  had 
marked  out,  with  this  difference,  however,  that  what  the  King 
had  only  threatened,  the  Cardinal  undertook  to  carry  out : 
men  of  name  and  rank,  who  had  previously  been  passed  by, 
were  now  dragged  to  execution.  To  the  foreign  policy,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  gave  a  decided  tone  of  hostility  against 
England,  for  the  immediate  purpose  of  counteracting  the  in- 
fluence of  that  kingdom  upon  Scotland,  and  to  confirm  the 
Catholic  interests  of  the  Stuarts,  which  were  at  the  same 
time  those  of  the  Guises,  and  in  this  particular  conjuncture 
appeared  to  be  the  interests  of  France.  We  need  not  expati- 
ate upon  the  hostilities,  both  religious  and  political,  which  he 
aroused  by  these  proceedings.  Even  Spain  was  by  no  means 
favorable  to  him.  Besides  all  this,  however,  he  fell  into  in- 
superable difficulties  through  his  own  personal  position,  and 
the  financial  condition  of  the  kingdom. 

Even  in  1547  it  was  computed  that,  of  the  income  of  the 
country,  which  might  be  about  sixteen  million  francs,  three 
millions  were  assigned  to  creditors,  and  that  the  domains,  to 
the  value  of  perhaps  fifteen  millions  more,  were  mortgaged. 
The  deficit  which  occurred  in  the  income  by  these  means,  as 
well  as  the  continuous  expense  of  the  war,  it  was  sought  to 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  173 

cover  by  raising  the  taxes,  and  by  laying  on  fresh  imposts ; 
but  these,  for  the  greater  part,  could  not  be  collected,  and  the 
attempt  only  awakened  a  thorough  and  universal  discontent. 
What  shall  we  say  of  these  measures  when  we  read  the  credi- 
ble assurance,  given  from  various  quarters,  that  the  peasantry 
in  the  most  fruitful  provinces  forsook  their  villages  because 
they  could  no  longer  bear  the  grievous  burdens  laid  upon 
them  ?  But  even  in  the  towns  the  oppression  produced  agita- 
tions, and  here  and  there  the  idea  of  the  fifteenth  century  was 
revived,  that  the  King  had  no  right  to  lay  on  taxes  arbitrarily ; 
and  thereby  the  Government  found  itself  in  the  most  urgent 
embarrassment.  Henry  II.  had  left  an  unfunded  debt  of  con- 
siderable amount,  the  interest  of  which  could  not  be  obtained ; 
many  salaries  were  in  arrear,  and  much  service  which  had 
been  rendered  remained  uncompensated.  The  Cardinal  en- 
deavored to  obtain  some  relief  ibr  the  people,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  introduce  some  economical  measures.  He  succeeded 
in  reducing  the  expenses  of  the  royal  household  by  half  a  mill- 
ion, but  in  doing  so  he  caused  fresh  discontents  among  those 
who  were  affected  by  his  proceedings.  Meritorious  officers, 
who  had  served  in  the  war,  were  driven  from  the  Court  with 
harshness.  The  restoration  of  credit  was  not  to  be  thought 
of.  It  could  not  happen  otherwise  than  that  this  condition 
should  be  attributed  to  the  Cardinal,  even  though  not  with 
entire  justice  ;  especially  as  he  had  conducted  the  administra- 
tion of  the  finances  under  the  previous  reign.  It  was  re- 
garded as  indefensible  that  he  should  be  preparing  armaments 
for  the  purpose  of  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  which 
was  ascribed  to  his  personal  connection  with  that  country,  and 
nothing  else. 

To  this  was  added  a  second  cause,  of  universal  operation. 
It  was  asserted  that  the  existing  government  was  not  strictly 
according  to  law;  that  King  Francis  II.,  who  numbered 
barely  sixteen  years,  and  who,  weak  in  mind  and  body,  was 
incapable  of  forming  any  resolution  for  himself,  was,  in  point 
of  fact,  still  in  his  minority;  but  that  in  such  cases  the  Re- 
gency belonged  to  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  that  an  assem- 
bly of  the  Estates  should  be  called  ;  that  the  next  princes  of 
the  blood,  the  King  of  Navarre  and  the  Prince  of  Conde,  had 


174  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

been  excluded  from  the  government,  and  removed  from  the 
court  under  various  pretexts  ;  that  even  the  Constable  and 
his  nephew,  Coligny,  were  supplanted  ;  and  that  all  the 
power  of  the  state  lay  in  the  hands  of  two  strangers — for  the 
Guises  were,  strictly  speaking,  strangers,  and  in  opposition  to 
the  monarchy,  their  house  having  contended  against  the  Crown 
for  entire  provinces,  as  Provence  and  Anjou. 

Claude  Guise  and  Vendome  had  at  one  time  labored  to- 
gether for  the  protection  of  the  kingdom  ;  their  sons  now 
stood  at  the  head  of  two  hostile  parties.  The  sons  of  Guise 
were  in  possession  of  the  government,  and  exercised  it  as 
seemed  to  them  good,  while  round  the  sons  of  Vendome,  the 
Bourbons,  were  closely  united  all  who  were  in  opposition  to 
the  Cardinal.  A  peculiar  disposition  of  the  time  was  in  favor 
of  the  latter. 

Not  long  before;,  the  Scottish  nobility  had  put  a  cardinal  to 
death  who  sought  to  unite  the  political  power  with  the  eccle- 
siastical :  at  the  same  time,  in  the  Grumbach  Transactions, 
the  gentry  of  the  German  empire  rose,  in  order  to  recover 
their  independence  from  the  pen  and  the  crozier.  To  this 
impersonal  rule,  where  a  prince  resigned  his  authority  to  the 
clergy  and  legislature,  opposition  was  offered  even  in  places 
where  obedience  was  more  complete  than  in  either  Scotland 
or  Germany.  It  was  this  which  some  time  afterward  agitated 
the  Netherlands  from  their  foundation.  The  prince  was  re- 
garded less  as  a  ruler  than  a  leader ;  men  would  yield  obedi- 
ence when  the  command  was  personal,  and  especially  from 
personal  concession  ;  but  the  abstract  notion  of  the  State  was 
not  yet  fully  recognized. 

This  was  more  especially  the  feeling  of  the  French  nobility ; 
they  believed  themselves  justified  in  opposing  an  authority 
which  was  exercised  over  them  under  the  name  of  a  prince 
who  himself  possessed  no  power ;  it  was  their  duty  to  obey 
those  only  who  were  descended  from  the  royal  house  of  France ; 
the  great  King  Francis  had  maintained  the  distinction  between 
the  royal  princes  and  strangers,  which  it  was  now  sought  to 
abolish  ;  by  princes  of  the  true  blood  only  would  France  be 
governed.  From  such  various  motives  of  the  interior  and 
foreign  policy  of  the  State  and  of  religion,  of  the  general 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  175 

opinion,  and  of  momentary  embarrassment,  sprang  the  move- 
ments of  opposition  to  the  power  of  the  Guises.  It  could  not 
continue  long  in  France  without  coming  to  an  outbreak. 

The  Christaudins,  as  the  Protestants  were  at  first  called, 
who  expected  merely  toleration  in  their  secret  meetings  for 
worship,  but  for  that  were  dragged  before  the  tribunals  and 
mishandled,  suddenly  made  themselves  remarkable  for  their 
opposition  when  they  comprehended  that  the  authority  over 
them  was  not  legal.  Sometimes  the  prisoners,  who  were  con- 
ducted through  the  country  in  considerable  numbers,  were 
rescued  from  their  guards,  and  sometimes  those  who  were 
condemned  were  liberated  by  a  sudden  attack  as  they  were 
dragged  to  the  place  of  execution.  At  this  time  an  idea  was 
suggested  among  those  who  had  fled  to  Geneva  of  the  greatest 
political  and  religious  consequence :  they  held  it  possible  and 
lawful  to  overturn,  by  a  sudden  coup  de  main,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Guises,  which  weighed  so  heavily  on  the  realm. 
Calvin  had  been  spoken  to  on  the  subject,  but  he  was  totally 
opposed  to  it ;  if  he  were  to  concede  that,  because  the  author- 
ity the  Guises  exercised  was  unlawful,  an  attack  might  be 
lawfully  made  upon  them,  a  requisition  from  the  princes  of 
the  blood  must  first  be  laid  before  him — nay,  that  a  declara- 
tion of  the  Parliament  against  them  would  be  necessary.* 

The  most  distinguished  contriver  of  this  scheme  was  De  la 
Renaudie,  a  gentleman  of  Perigord,  who  had  fled  from  Bur- 
gundy, where  he  had  a  lawsuit,  and  now  obtained  leave  to 
return  to  France  for  the  revision  of  the  legal  proceedings — a 
man  who  sought  to  take  personal  vengeance  on  the  Guises 
who  had  caused  his  brother-in-law  to  be  executed  ;f  for  the 
rest  he  was  neither  to  be  relied  on  nor  of  a  blameless  charac- 
ter, but  he  possessed  uncommon  adroitness  both  in  conduct 
and  speech.  At  Nantes,  in  Brittany,  he  succeeded  in  gaining 
over  a  number  of  French  gentlemen  to  his  enterprise  ;  they 
were  persons  who  were  discontented  on  religious  and  political 
grounds,  who  thus  agreed  in  the  conviction  that  the  power 

*  "  Qu'il  valoit  mieux  que  nous  perissions  tous  cent  fois  que  d'estre 
cause  que  le  nom  des  Chrestiens  de  l'Evangile  fust  expose  a  tel  oppro- 
bre." — Letter  of  Calvin,  in  Henry's  'Life  of  Calvin,'  iii.  app.  154. 

+  Compare  Barthold,  '  Germany  and  the  Huguenots,'  i.  262. 


176  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  the  Guises  was  a  usurpation,  and  might  be  lawfully  over- 
turned. La  Renaudie  did  not  scruple  to  tell  some  that  the 
Prince  of  Conde  was  the  real  head  of  the  enterprise,  but  that 
he  wished  it  to  remain  a  secret,  or  to  assure  others  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  judgment  of  the  German  theologians  and  jurists, 
the  undertaking  was  perfectly  lawful.  Such  a  judgment  has 
never  come  to  light  authentically ;  and  it  is  impossible  that 
it  could  have  proceeded  from  Calvin  and  his  friends.  But  it 
can  not  even  be  said,  with  historical  accuracy,  whether  La 
Renaudie  ever  spoke  with  Conde  on  the  subject.  Historians 
of  the  time,  who  were  near  the  events,  have  related  it ;  the 
Prince  always  denied  it,  and  the  supreme  tribunal  subsequent- 
ly acquitted  him  of  all  blame  in  the  matter.  Over  the  entire 
case  there  remains  an  obscurity  which  has  never  been  cleared 
up.  Was  La  Renaudie  actually  in  correspondence  with  the 
Q/ueen  of  England,  who  regarded  the  Guises  as  her  personal 
enemies ;  and  who  ascribed  to  them  the  appearance  of  the 
French  in  Scotland,  and  who  could  not  but  wish  for  a  move- 
ment against  them  in  France  ?  Did  such  men  as  the  Chan- 
cellor L'Hopital  of  a  latter  period,  as  it  is  asserted  with  still 
greater  positiveness,  share  in  the  conspiracy  ?  It  is  assumed 
that  the  attempt  was  to  be  made  at  Blois,  and  that  the  sudden 
removal  of  the  Court  to  Amboise  frustrated  it ;  but  the 
removal  of  the  Court,  according  to  the  narrative  of  the  En- 
glish embassador,  was  determined  upon  on  the  28th  of  January, 
whereas  the  meeting  at  Nantes  did  not  take  place  until  the 
beginning  of  February.  We  therefore  renounce  the  attempt 
to  penetrate  the  secret  movements  of  the  conspirators,  and 
shall  merely  observe  the  course  of  affairs  in  Amboise,  concern- 
ing which  we  have  official  information  from  day  to  day. 

The  Court  without  any  apprehension,  proceeded  thither  by 
the  most  circuitous  route,  by  Vendome  and  Chateaurenaud ; 
but  when  there  it  soon  became  aware  of  certain  hostile  indi- 
cations around  it.  The  reason  why  the  Guises  had  not  yet 
seriously  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  Scotland  was,  because 
they  apprehended  that  the  beginning  of  the  war  would  occa- 
sion a  general  outbreak.  As  early  as  the  7th  of  March  there 
was  some  rumor  of  the  discovery  of  a  conspiracy.  Suspected 
persons  were  arrested ;  the  two  Guises  surrounded  themselves 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  177 

with  armed  guards,  and  fresh  troops  were  drawn  together. 
In  the  district  of  Tours,  horsemen  were  taken  up,  carrying 
pistols  and  ammunition,  and  in  Tours  itself  some  bloody  skir- 
mishes took  place  between  the  assembled  gentry  and  the 
royal  troops.  Here  the  name  of  Huguenots  originated,  which 
at  first  designated  a  tumultuous  crowd,  suddenly  appearing, 
and  which  may  have  some  connection  with  the  tradition  of 
the  place  of  the  wild-hunt  of  King  Hugo.*  The  Huguenots 
of  the  State  were  distinguished  from  the  Huguenots  of  the 
Church.  The  English  embassador  finds  it  difficult  to  de- 
scribe, with  sufficient  force,  the  confusion  and  bewilderment 
that  filled  the  Court  on  the  tidings  of  these  events.  No  one 
knew  whom  to  trust  or  whom  to  suspect ;  those  who  were 
dismissed  yesterday  were  recalled  to-day,  and  those  who  to- 
day enjoyed  the  most  entire  confidence  could  not  be  counted 
on  to-morrow  ;  seditious  persons,  chiefly  of  the  lower  classes, 
were  arrested,  and  immediately  afterward  dismissed  again 
with  small  presents.  A  number  of  gentlemen,  who  had  as- 
sembled in  a  neighboring  castle  for  the  purpose,  as  they  said, 
of  presenting  a  petition,  were  compelled  to  surrender,  but 
under  the  guarantee  of  good  treatment,  and  brought  into 
Amboise.  The  most  remarkable  incident  in  the  whole  affair 
occurred  on  the  17th  of  March,  though  even  that  was  of  lit- 
tle importance.  On  the  morning  of  that  day,  about  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  horsemen  marched  to  the  castle  of  Amboise, 
and,  having  arrived  at  its  gates,  they  fired  a  few  pistol-shots 
at  a  neighboring  church  ;  meanwhile  they  heard  the  drums 
rolling  in  the  court-yard  of  the  castle,  and  the  soldiers  calling 
for  their  horses  and  arms ;  the  horsemen  were  convinced  that 
they  were  the  weaker  party,  and  retreated  precipitately,  but 

*  As  in  all  countries  the  legend  of  the  Wild  Huntsman  has  been  con- 
nected with  the  most  renowned  names,  Arthur,  "Waldemar,  and  Charle- 
magne, so  in  France  it  was  associated  with  that  of  Hugh  Capet.  Com- 
pare Grimm,  German  Mythology,  p.  894.  Since  the  time  of  Mezeray, 
it  has  been  customary  to  derive  the  name  from  Eidgnos.  It  is  not  for 
me  to  deliver  a  definite  opinion  upon  the  question.  It  is  quite  true  that 
the  old  Genevese  song,  "  Tes  Aignos  sont  au-dessus;  tes  Mamonellus 
sont  ruez  jus,"  was  not  yet  forgotten ;  still  it  is  remarkable  that  in  a 
learned  work  (Memoires  de  Conde,  iii.  235),  the  author  of  which  knew 
that  this  song  was  remembered,  the  name  Huguenots  is  not  referred 
to  it. 

H* 


178  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  royal  troops  rushed  out,  pursued  and  dispersed  them  ; 
several  were  cut  down,  and  others  were  captured  and  brought 
back  to  the  castle.  The  previous  forbearance  was  now  ex- 
changed for  severity  :  some  were  hanged,  and  others  drown- 
ed in  the  river  ;  eighteen  military  officers  of  distinction  were 
decapitated  with  the  sword,  and  their  heads  set  upon  pales — 
among  them  was  seen  that  of  the  most  distinguished  leader 
of  the  party,  La  Renaudie,  who  had  fallen  fighting  bravely. 
But  the  Guises  considered  themselves  by  no  means  secure 
against  a  new  attack,  and  began  to  fortify  Amboise.* 

Calvin  compared  the  enterprise  to  an  adventure  of  knight- 
errantry,  and  as  he  had  condemned  the  scheme,  so  did  he 
the  school-boy  hesitation  with  which  its  execution  was  at- 
tempted, congratulating  himself  that  he  had  opposed  it  from 
the  beginning.  If  we  do  not  err  however,  though  the  act  it- 
self came  to  nothing,  yet  the  movement  of  which  it  appeared 
as  the  central  point  and  expression,  produced  the  most  pow- 
erful effects. 

In  the  prospect  of  the  coming  storm,  the  Cardinal  of  Lor- 
raine became  more  moderate  in  his  policy :  thus,  immediately 
after  the  first  disturbances,  and  before  the  attempt  upon  Am- 
boise,  he  issued  a  decree,  which  is  described  as  being  ready 
to  appear  on  the  8th  of  March,  by  which  the  prisons  were 
opened  and  the  Protestants  confined  in  them  set  at  liberty. 
He  offered  to  all  those  who  solemnized  the  Lord's  Supper  and 
baptism  according  to  the  Genevese  ritual,  or  who  had  at- 
tended the  services  of  the  Calvinistic  preachers,  pardon  and 
the  remission  of  punishment,  upon  condition  that  they  should 
henceforth  conduct  themselves  as  good  Catholics  and  true 
sons  of  the  Church. f  The  preachers  themselves  only,  and 
those  who  had  commenced  the  violent  proceedings,  or  had 
been  implicated  in  conspiracies  against  the  Crown  and  the 
State,  were  excepted  from  the  amnesty.     The  Cardinal  soon 

*  The  most  direct  description  of  the  occurrence  that  has  come  beforo 
me  is  given  in  the  dispatches  of  Throckmorton,  Forbes,  378.  The  ac- 
counts of  this  conspiracy,  given  by  La  Planche,  Beze,  and  La  Popeliniere, 
agree,  for  the  most  part,  literally,  and  are  in  fact  identical ;  only  occa- 
sionally are  there  traces  of  their  having  been  somewhat  elaborated. 

t  Edit  d'Abolition  en  faveur  des  Heretiques  :  Isambcrl,  xiv.  22. 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  179 

after,  under  increasing  apprehension,  promised  to  all  who  had 
showed  a  desire  to  advance  toward  Amboise  a  general  pardon 
if  they  would  return  to  their  homes.  The  effect  of  this  was 
incalculable.  For  the  first  time  the  Government  had  relin- 
quished the  severity  with  which  the  law  had  been  adminis- 
tered, and  declared  of  its  own  accord  that  the  carrying  out 
of  the  edicts  was  impossible  ;  that  the  King  must  not  mark 
the  first  year  of  his  reign  with  a  multitude  of  executions, 
which  would  amount  to  a  massacre.  The  prisons  were  open- 
ed every  where,  but  how  could  it  have  been  expected  that 
those  who  wrere  liberated  would  return  to  the  Catholic  rites  ? 
They  had  in  the  prosecutions  against  them  stood  upon  the 
justice  of  their  cause,  and  now  for  the  first  time  they  felt 
that  it  was  completely  secure.* 

In  the  new  edict  given  at  Romorantin,  in  May,  1560,  the 
assemblies  for  worship  were  forbidden  in  harsh  terms,  and  full 
power  given  to  the  inferior  courts  for  their  suppression ;  but 
even  in  this  the  Government  did  not  revive  the  entire  severity 
of  the  earlier  proceedings.  They  refrained  from  inquiring  into 
mere  profession,  for,  as  the  Chancellor  said,  the  weeds  had 
grown  so  strong  in  the  field  of  the  Church,  that  they  must 
abstain  from  attempting  to  eradicate  them  ;  but  it  was  impos- 
sible to  reconcile  this  remission  of  punishment  for  religious 
opinions  with  the  prohibition  of  meetings  for  worship,  for  it  is 
in  the  community  of  worship  only  that  religion  finds  its  full 
utterance.  The  Protestants  felt  aggrieved  that  their  meetings 
for  divine  worship  should  be  classed  with  rebellious  assemblies, 
and  the  revocation  of  the  new  edict  was  demanded  in  all  the 
provinces. 

An  opportunity  presented  itself  in  the  summer  of  1560  for 
bringing  forward  this  requisition  in  the  most  impressive  man- 
ner. In  the  midst  of  its  constantly  increasing  ecclesiastical, 
financial,  and  political  embarrassments,  the  Court  thought 
good  to  appoint  a  general  consultation  of  its  chief  advisers  at 

*  Micheli  :  "  Onde  ne  furono  liberati  et  cavati  di  prigione  di  Parigi  et 
di  tutte  le  altre  citta.  del  regno  un  grandissimo  numero,  che  rimasero 
poi  nel  regno,  praticando  (not  predicando,  as  it  is  printed  ;  the  MS.  in 
the  Archives  has  the  correct  reading)  liberamente  et  parlando  con  og- 
nuno  et  gloriandosi."  etc. 


180  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Fontainebleau.  The  marshals  of  France,  the  members  of  the 
Order,  and  the  councilors  of  the  Supreme  College  assembled  ac- 
cordingly. The  Constable  and  the  Admiral  were  also  present. 
Admiral  Coligny  had  been  long  decided  in  favor  of  the  new 
opinions,  although  he  had  not  yet  professed  them  publicly. 
He  had  just  acquired  fresh  merit  by  the  service  he  had  ren- 
dered in  the  pacification  of  Normandy,  and  now  undertook  to 
bring  the  great  questions  with  which  all  the  troubles  of  the 
kingdom  were  connected  to  a  decision.  In  the  very  first  sit- 
ting of  the  assembly  of  the  Notables  at  Fontainebleau  (August 
23,  1560),  after  the  King  had  opened  the  proceedings,  the 
Admiral  rose  and  presented  to  him  two  petitions  from  the 
faithful  dispersed  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom — for  the 
adherents  of  the  ecclesiastical  reformation  thus  designated 
themselves.  The  contents  of  these  petitions  were  very  re- 
markable. In  the  first  they  formally  renounced  any  partici- 
pation in  enterprises  like  the  recent  attempt  against  Amboise, 
as  such  could  be  approved  of  by  Libertines  and  atheists  only. 
In  the  second  they  set  forth  the  impossibility  of  renouncing 
their  meetings  for  worship  ;  and,  in  order  that  they  should 
not  be  compelled  to  hold  them  in  secret,  they  demanded  that 
the  King  should  grant  them  churches  for  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  and  for  the  solemnization  of  the  sacraments — a  requi- 
sition resting  completely  upon  the  principle  of  individual  relig- 
ion, but  which  had  also  not  only  an  ecclesiastical  but  a  high  po- 
litical significancy :  it  was  in  antagonism  with  the  idea  on  which 
the  entire  principle  of  the  accord  between  the  Crown  and  the 
decrees  of  the  Catholic  Church  was  founded.  This  idea  of 
the  inseparable  union  between  the  spiritual  and  the  secular 
power  was  that  which  had  given  their  character  to  the  Mid- 
dle Ages ;  the  modern  period  began  with  its  dissolution,  or 
with  opposition  to  it.  While  the  Protestants  in  France  again 
professed  themselves  obedient  to  the  secular  authority,  they 
pressed  for  this  concession,  without  which  they  could  not  exist ; 
but  their  demand  indicated  a  change  in  general  notions. 

It  constituted  in  itself  the  commencement  of  an  epoch,  that 
in  the  full  council  of  the  Most  Christian  King,  one  of  the  most 
noted  men  in  the  kingdom  should  bring  forward  and  recom- 
mend such  a  requisition,  although  he  was  not  able  to  attain 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  181 

his  object.  The  Cardinal  had  been  able  to  open  the  prisons, 
with  the  proviso  that  each  person  liberated  should  return  to 
the  ancient  faith  ;  to  allow  the  Protestants  to  have  churches 
lay  without  his  range  of  vision ;  he  said  that  the  King  by  do- 
ing so  would  ratify  their  idolatry  and  forfeit  his  own  everlast- 
ing salvation.  * 

In  this  assembly,  however,  there  were  other  proposals  made, 
to  which  he  could  not  give  such  decisive  opposition. 

Charles  de  Marillac,  Archbishop  of  Vienna,  the  same  who 
in  former  years  resided  as  embassador  at  the  court  of  Charles 
V.,  had  acquired  a  certain  degree  of  experience  in  the  nature 
of  the  ecclesiastico-political  troubles  of  the  time.  He  showed 
himself  penetrated  with  the  conviction  that  an  isolated  posi- 
tion, such  as  that  which  the  French  Government  had  assumed, 
could  not  be  maintained  in  opposition  to  a  universal  move- 
ment. He  found  that  a  government  by  Estates,  such  as  had 
been  formerly  in  full  operation  every  where,  was  indispensable 
for  France  also,  and  stated  that  in  several  of  the  provinces  it 
was  rumored  that  the  imposts  would  no  longer  be  paid  with- 
out the  grant  of  the  Estates.  He  also  proposed  the  immedi- 
ate calling  an  assembly  of  the  Estates  for  financial  purposes, 
and  a  national  council,  such  as  had  been  so  frequently  con- 
templated in  Germany,  for  settling  the  condition  of  the  Church ; 
he  spoke  on  this  subject  with  manly  emphasis,  and  at  the  same 
time  with  singular  adroitness,  placing  his  proposals  in  that 
light  which  made  them  most  evident,  and  which  secured 
to  them  the  assent  of  his  hearers.  The  young  King  him- 
self received  a  visible  impression.  The  Cardinal  had  not 
so  much  objected  to  an  assembly  of  the  Estates  as  he  had  to 
the  calling  of  a  council.  By  means  of  the  former  he  hoped 
to  pacify  the  nation  as  regarded  the  administration  of  the 
finances,  as  well  as  to  re-establish  the  public  credit ;  but  the 
latter,  he  said,  was  at  least  unnecessary,  as  the  Church  had 
long  since  decided  upon  all  the  questions.  At  length,  how- 
ever, he  acquiesced  in  both.  A  resolution  was  adopted,  to 
call  together  a  national  council  in  January,  1561,  and  an  as- 

*  "  Quant  ä  Ieur  bailler  temples,  ce  seroit  de  tout  approuver  leur 
idolatrie,  et  que  le  Roi  ne  le  sauroit  faire  sans  etre  prepetuellement 
damne." — Maier,  Discours  des  Etats  Generaux,  x.  299. 


182  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

sembly  of  the  States  General  the  month  previous,  that  is,  in 
December,  1560.  The  letters  of  summons  were  immediately 
issued. 

In  Spain  and  at  Rome  men  were  astonished  at  the  conces- 
sions of  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  The  Venetian  Soriano  as- 
serts that  he  was  never  at  any  time  sincere  in  making  these 
proposals — that  he  wished  merely  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of 
those  who  wei'e  desirous  of  innovations,  that  he  might  pacify 
them  first,  and  afterward  get  the  leaders  into  his  power,  by 
whose  chastisement  he  hoped  to  stifle  the  entire  movement.* 

I  do  not  altogether  rely  upon  the  Italians  when  they  speak 
of  guileful  calculations  for  the  future,  yet  it  is  obvious  that 
the  Cardinal  agreed  unwillingly,  and  partly  by  compulsion, 
to  the  calling  of  an  assembly  for  consultation  ;  he  could  not 
conceal  from  himself  that  it  must  expose  him  to  great  storms. 
The  foreign  affairs  of  the  kingdom  had  also  proceeded  unfor- 
tunately. The  party  of  the  Guises  and  of  the  French  in 
Scotland  had  been  compelled  to  come  to  an  agreement,  of  a 
disadvantageous  character,  which  confirmed  the  influence  of 
England,  and  was  followed  by  the  loss  of  that  of  France  , 
and  although  he  might  with  justice  have  attributed  this  to  the 
internal  agitations  of  the  kingdom,  yet  the  position  of  a  lead- 
ing minister  must  always  be  endangered  by  the  mere  fact 
that  he  has  been  unsuccessful.  If  violent  measures  formed 
part  of  the  Cardinal's  original  plan,  it  is  incomprehensible 
how  he  could  have  intrusted  the  Great  Seal  to  a  man  of  mild 
disposition  like  L'Hopital. 

The  prospect  of  a  free  expression  of  opinion  in  matters  of 
religion  and  concerning  the  State  was  hailed  generally  through- 
out the  country  as  one  of  the  happiest  and  most  promising  of 
all  the  innovations.  In  the  provincial  assemblies,  the  old  idea 
of  a  universal  reform,  which  had  been  so  often  before  brought 
forward,  and  as  often  rejected,  was  once  more  the  subject  of 
discussion.  Papers  were  distributed  from  house  to  house  and 
from  province  to  province,  in  which  the   fiercest  Avar  was 

*  Soriano,  Comruentarii  (relation  of  1562) :  "  Con  la  deliberatione  del 
concilio  si  venne  a  dar  pasto  a  chi  cercava  di  far  mutatione  nella  fede, 
e  con  quella  di  far  li  Stati  si  vcnne  a  dar  intentione  di  inettcre  nuovo 
crdine  nel  governo.'" 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  183 

declared  against  the  clergy  and  nobility,  who,  it  was  stated, 
had  forsaken  their  original  vocation — against  the  Parliaments, 
where  every  thing  was  done  for  money,  and  nothing  without 
money — and  against  the  abuses  of  the  administration  :  and  it 
was  asserted  that  these  were  the  opinions  of  ten  out  of  the 
thirteen  governments.  It  was  vain  to  seek  for  any  thing 
like  unity  of  design  or  certainty  of  execution  in  this  adminis- 
tration of  aflairs  ;  nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  unscrupulous 
severity  while  the  government  was  unopposed,  and  resiliency 
in  the  moment  of  danger — yielding  and  pliability  under  for- 
eign pressure — and  yet,  amidst  all  circumstances,  the  design 
of  retaining  and  confirming  its  power. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  Guises  hoped  to 
be  able  to  subdue  all  opposition  to  their  authority,  and  for 
this  purpose  they  concentrated  the  entire  power  of  the  State 
in  their  own  hands  and  those  of  their  friends.  During  the 
tumult  at  Amboise,  Francis,  Duke  of  Guise,  Avas  appointed 
the  King's  Lieutenant-General,  and  invested  Avith  the  com- 
mand of  the  military  force.  Notwithstanding  the  claims  also 
which  the  Prince  of  Conde  possessed,  according  to  the  French 
custom,  upon  the  government  of  Picardy,  which  had  been 
wrested  from  Coligny,  it  was  withheld  from  him,  and  given 
to  Marshal  Brissac,  who  immediately  united  with  the  ad- 
herents of  the  Guises.  With  the  other  members  of  the  house 
of  Bourbon,  who  were  in  possession  of  governments,  were 
associated  lieutenant-generals  chosen  by  the  Guises  ;  with  the 
Duke  of  Montpensier,  in  Anjou,  Touraine,  and  Maine,  Le 
Roy,  Lord  of  Chavigny,  who  a  short  time  previously  had 
fallen  off  from  the  Montmorency  party  ;  with  the  Prince  of 
Roche-sur-Yon,  in  Orleans,  Philibert  de  Marcilly,  Lord  of 
Cypierre.*  Smaller  governments  were  separated  from  the 
greater,  and  intrusted  to  hands  that  could  be  relied  on.  It 
was  a  period  when  the  power  of  these  provincial  rulers,  in 
which  were  united  the  military  and  civil  political  authorities, 
was  made  dependent  upon  party,  and  a  portion  of  its  ma- 
chinery. 

What  the  predominating  intentions  were,  is  discovered, 
among  others,  in  the  instructions  which  were  given  to  the 

*  Le  Laboureur:  Additions  to  the  Memoirs  of  Castelnau,  i.  508. 


184  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Marshal  Thermes  for  Perigord  and  Limousin,  in  which  it  is 
set  forth  that  people  in  these  provinces  lived  as  if  they  were 
in  Geneva,  which  was  contrary  to  God's  honor  and  the  King's  : 
the  Marshal  was  to  search  out  and  arrest  the  most  distinguish- 
ed preachers,  and  the  officials  who  should  give  them  any  com- 
fort or  assistance,  and  to  punish  both  in  a  proper  manner.* 
The  repression  of  the  new  faith  now  commenced  generally  : 
we  hear  everywhere  of  books  burned,  preachers  persecuted,  im- 
prisonments, condemnations,  and  executions.  The  old  knights 
who  had  served  in  the  previous  wars  were  excited  to  madness 
when  they  came  toward  Amboise,  and  saw  the  heads  of  their 
former  companions  in  arms  fixed  upon  the  pales  :  "  Ha  !"  said 
old  Aubigne,  "  they  have  beheaded  France,  the  hangmen  !" 

The  French  Protestants  have  been  sometimes  reproached 
for  having  joined  a  political  party,  but  how  was  it  to  be  avoid- 
ed under  these  circumstances  ?  The  Guises  directed  their 
most  determined  hostility  alike  against  the  Protestants  and 
the  princes  of  the  blood  ;  those  were  to  be  suppressed  and 
these  excluded  :  the  inevitable  consequence  was,  that  a  strict 
alliance  was  formed  between  the  two. 

Calvin  did  not  expect  much  from  the  Estates,  and  nothing 
from  the  promised  ecclesiastical  assembly,  which  was  sure  to 
refer  every  decision  to  a  General  Council ;  on  the  other  hand, 
he  hoped  for  great  things  from  the  quiet  opposition  of  the  King 
of  Navarre  and  the  Prince  of  Conde.  Meanwhile  he  exercised 
all  his  influence  to  prevent  violent  proceedings  on  the  part  of 
his  adherents,  such  as  taking  forcible  possession  of  churches 
in  the  provinces.  He  learned  with  pleasure  that  his  coadjutor 
Beza  had  reached  Bearne  in  the  midst  of  the  disturbances  that 
filled  the  provinces,  and  under  circumstances  of  great  danger, 
in  order  that  he  might  there  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  King  of  Navarre.  To  arouse  him  to  make  a  great  demon- 
stration, was  Calvin's  idea.  The  King  was  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  nobility  of  Provence,  Languedoc,  and  Nor- 
mandy, in  opposition  to  the  Guises ;  would  he  only  venture 
to  do  so,  he  could  break  the  power  of  these  violent  men  with- 
out shedding  a  drop  of  blood.     Calvin  was  convinced  that  it 

*  Le  Roi  au  Marechal  de  Termes,  October  1,  1560,  at  Paris,  Nego- 
tiations sous  Francois  II. 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  185 

required  simply  the  show  of  opposition  in  France  to  effect  an 
alteration  among  those  who  adhered  to  the  Guises,  for  they 
had  only  joined  them  as  the  possessors  of  the  supreme  power. 
He  believed  even  that  dueen  Catharine  might  have  been 
reckoned  upon,  as  she  was  one  who  would  well  know  her 
own  interest.* 

Beza's  mission  was  by  no  means  fruitless  ;  it  furnished  the 
first  opportunity  of  carrying  out  the  Reform  in  Beam,  though 
it  failed  in  accomplishing  its  immediate  object. 

King  Anthony  of  Navarre  was  an  amiable,  generous,  and 
well-educated  man,  and  heartily  inclined  to  Protestantism, 
but  yet  incapable  of  forming  a  bold  and  manly  resolution. 
When  he  was  summoned  to  the  Court,  in  spite  of  numerous 
warnings,  and  under  the  dangerous  circumstances  of  the  time, 
he  did  not  venture  to  decline  attending  :  he  flattered  himself 
that  no  one  would  dare  to  lay  hands  upon  him  or  his  brother 
Conde,  who  accompanied  him.  The  Court  was  then  at  Or- 
leans, making  preparations  for  the  assembling  of  the  Estates. 
The  suspected  magistrates  had  been  seized  and  imprisoned. 
The  old  bands  of  Piedmont  and  Picardy,  and  the  companies 
which  had  returned  from  Scotland,  were  all  drawn  together 
at  Orleans,  so  that  the  Cardinal  of  Guise  was  completely 
master  of  the  place  and  of  the  surrounding  country.  The 
two  Princes  had  not  long  arrived,  when  Conde  was  arrested,  and 
placed  in  strict  custody  till  the  examination  which  had  been 
commenced  respecting  the  attempt  upon  Amboise  should  be 
concluded.  It  was  seriously  contemplated  that  judgment  of 
death  should  be  pronounced  upon  him.  It  was  even  said  that 
Anthony  of  Navarre  would  have  been  killed  one  day  by  the 
young  King  of  France  with  his  own  hand,  had  not  his  courage 
failed  him  ;t  but  this  tale  appears  to  have  taken  its  rise  more 
from  the  apprehensions  and  timidity  of  Navarre,  than  from 
any  actual  fact.  However  this  may  be,  the  executions  that 
filled  the  realm  concurred  with  these  obscure  proceedings  and 

*  Calvin's  Letter,  Baum,  Life  of  Beza,  ii.  116,  124. 

t  Olhagaray,  '  Histoire  de  Foix, '  maintains  that  he  had  this  from  the 
mouth  of  Queen  Johanna,  and  had  taken  it  out  of  her  Memoirs  (1'original 
dont  j'ai  tire  mot  ä  mot  ces  paroles),  528.  The  words  agree  with  the 
narrative  of  La  Planche,  but  do  not  add  any  thing  to  its  credibility. 


186  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

occurrences  at  the  Court  to  fill  the  minds  of  men  generally 
with  anxiety ;  and  under  these  circumstances  the  delegates 
of  the  Estates  met  at  Orleans.  It  was  then  asserted  that  the 
Cardinal  wished  to  make  the  presence  of  the  Estates  sub- 
servient to  his  purposes,  first  in  authorizing  his  proceedings 
against  the  Princes,  and  then  in  condemning  the  Protestants 
by  a  solemn  determination.  The  members  of  the  assembly 
were  compelled  to  subscribe  a  Catholic  confession  of  faith, 
and  the  same  was  required,  throughout  the  kingdom,  from 
the  magistrates  and  private  persons  in  every  parish ;  who- 
ever refused  was  delivered  over  immediately  to  the  severity 
of  the  courts  of  heresy.  Columns  of  soldiers  marched  through 
the  land  in  all  directions  to  enforce  the  execution  of  these 
edicts,  and  to  secure  the  Catholic  power  of  the  Guises  upon  a 
permanent  foundation.* 

I  have  found  much  by  which  these  assertions  are  corrobor- 
ated, but  nothing  which  places  them  entirely  beyond  doubt. 
It  is  difficult  to  know  with  certainty  what  are  the  ultimate 
designs  of  parties  striving  for  power,  or  whose  possession  of  it 
is  endangered,  before  we  see  them  in  their  actual  results;  but 
these  did  not  now  at  least  proceed  so  far.  While  every  thing 
was  thus  expected  from  the  Cardinal,  and  the  apprehension 
he  caused  and  the  hatred  against  him  had  risen  to  the  highest 
degree,  his  power  was  already  at  an  end.  The  young  King, 
upon  whose  connection  with  the  Cardinal  depended  all  his 
power,  and  whom  he  had  never  allowed  to  take  an  active 
part  in  any  affairs,  died  suddenly,  December  5,  1560,  before 
the  opening  of  the  Estates. 

This  was  the  prince  whose  birth,  seventeen  years  before, 
was  hailed  as  the  greatest  and  happiest  event  that  could  have 
occurred  for  France ;  but  the  early  death  of  his  father,  and 
the  combination  of  circumstances  through  which  the  strict 
Catholic  notions  which  were  embraced  were  associated  with 
the  efforts  of  parties  before  he  had  attained  sufficient  expe- 

*  Memoires  de  Castelnau,  2.  ch.  12.  A.  C.  xlii.  79.  Mergey,  whose 
information  refers  to  the  Duchess  cTUsez,  "  qui  possedoit  fort  la  Reine 
Mere,"  Ibid."  41,  51.  The  Queen  said  afterward  to  the  Cardinal  Ip- 
polito  d'Este,  that  they  thought  "  far  fare  la  confessione  dclla  lor  fede 
a  tutti  i  consiglieri  e  a  tutti  gli  officiali  reggii,"  and  that  this  had  been 
already  spoken  of  during  the  time  of  Francis  II. ^ 


THE  CARDINAL  OF  LORRAINE.  187 

rience  to  interfere  in  them  independently,  made  the  short  time 
he  reigned  a  period  of  present  and  future  misfortune. 

The  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  entertained  the  idea  of  boldly  using 
for  his  own  purposes  the  influence  he  had  acquired  with  the 
clergy  and  upon  a  portion  of  the  Estates,  as  well  as  that  which 
he  might  draw  from  the  notion  of  Catholic  unity  and  the 
great  military  force  that  stood  at  his  disposal.  He  counted 
upon  the  enterprising  spirit  of  his  brother,  and  upon  the  sup- 
port of  the  Queen  Mother,  who  had  always  been  on  his  side, 
and  to  whom  he  said  that  she,  a  stranger  and  disliked,  would 
not  be  able  to  maintain  her  position  without  him  and  his 
friends.  But  his  brother  was  the  first  to  withdraw  from  him. 
The  Duke  of  Guise  knew  the  nobility,  and  shared  in  their  roy- 
alist feelings  ;  he  felt  that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  preserve 
a  form  of  government  not  legally  justified.  But  the  Cardinal 
had  miscalculated  still  more  upon  the  Queen  Mother.  She 
longed  for  the  moment  when  the  domination  of  the  Guises 
should  come  to  an  end  :  it  was  barely  tolerable  only  because 
it  was  in  accordance  with  the  wish  of  Francis  IL,  and  there- 
fore not  to  be  avoided.  She  intended  to  show  the  Guises  that 
the  public  hatred  excited  by  the  last  reign  was  directed,  not 
against  her,  but  against  themselves. 

"When  all  was  lost,"  said.  Beza,  "behold  the  Lord  our 
God  aroused  himself." 

An  alteration  followed  in  the  aspect  of  affairs,  not  suddenly, 
but  by  degrees,  and  on  that  account  the  more  decided.  The 
idea  of  Calvin  prevailed  over  that  of  the  Cardinal. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES  AND  PARLIAMENTS. 

The  difference  between  the  present  and  the  former  demise 
of  the  Crown  lay  in  the  circumstance  that  now  there  was  an 
unquestionable  minority,  and  all  the  rights  which  had  been 
previously  exposed  to  opposition  could  now  be  enforced  with 
full  authority. 

The  Q,ueen  Mother  herself  had  a  certain  claim,  although 
it  was  not  accurately  defined.  Catharine  de'  Medici  did  not 
spend  much  time  in  lamenting  her  lost  son.  She  appeared 
in  the  Council  leading  by  the  hand  the  eldest  of  her  surviving 
sons,  upon  whom  the  succession  to  the  throne  had  devolved  : 
this  was  Charles  IX.,  who  was  then  in  his  eleventh  year. 
The  boy,  at  the  command  of  his  mother,  appointed  those  as- 
sembled Chief  Councilors  of  the  Crown. 

The  claim  of  the  princes  of  the  blood  to  the  chief  conduct 
of  affairs  was,  however,  beyond  all  doubt,  in  accordance  with 
the  ancient  laws  and  customs  of  the  kingdom.  The  Council 
resolved  that  the  opinion  of  the  first  prince  of  the  blood,  the 
King  of  Navarre,  ought  to  be  heard  in  all  matters.  This  was 
exactly  what  Calvin  had  wished  for,  and  what  he  had  con- 
templated as  the  result  of  a  great  demonstration,  but  which 
now  came  to  pass  spontaneously.  The  French  nobility  saw 
now  actually  at  their  head  the  prince  in  whom  naturally,  as 
well  as  on  account  of  his  openness,  bravery,  and  affability,  they 
had  placed  their  confidence. 

The  Estates  were  opened  on  the  13th  of  December,  15G0. 
The  Cardinal  had  expressly  forbidden  them  to  utter  any  opin- 
ions on  religious  matters,  but  now  that  he  bad  lost  his  power 
these  formed  the  chief  subject  of  their  consultations. 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  189 

The  proposals  of  the  third  estate  aimed  at  nothing  less  than 
an  entire  alteration  in  the  constitution  of  the  Church.  The 
objectionable  personal  character  of  so  many  members  of  the 
higher  as  well  as  of  the  inferior  clergy,  suggested  the  design  of 
re-establishing  the  custom  of  election,  and  even  of  giving  it  a 
wider  extension  than  it  had  ever  had  previously.  The  pastors 
were  to  be  chosen  by  the  congregations,  and  the  selection 
simply  ratified  by  the  bishop  ;  the  examination  of  their  qual- 
fications  was  to  be  conducted  publicly  by  men  of  learning  and 
reputation.  In  the  election  of  the  bishops  the  pastors  of  the 
towns  were  to  take  part,  together  with  the  secular  notables. 
The  archbishops  were  to  be  chosen  by  their  suffragans,  with 
the  canons  and  parish  priests.  The  property  of  the  Church 
was  not  to  be  reserved  exclusively  for  the  enjoyment  of  the 
clergy  ;  a  third  part  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the 
poor,  and  another  third  to  the  building  of  churches  and  pious 
establishments,  hospitals,  and  schools.  We  perceive  that  the 
proposals  of  the  third  estate  would  have  given  the  Church  a 
civil  constitution. 

A  great  part  of  the  nobility  went  still  further  than  this,  and 
from  the  opinions  delivered  by  them  we  learn  in  how  large  a 
number  of  districts  the  Protestant  doctrines  had  obtained  the 
ascendency. 

The  nobility  of  Touraine  demanded,  in  the  language 
of  German  Protestantism,  that  the  Church  should  be  re- 
formed according  to  the  pure  Word  of  God,  without  any  thing 
being  taken  away  from  it  or  any  thing  added  to  it,  and  that 
for  this  purpose  a  free  ecclesiastical  assembly  should  be  called, 
in  which  every  one  should  be  at  liberty  to  express  his  opinions 
without  any  apprehension  of  being  called  to  account  for  them 
afterward.*'  There  exists  a  remonstrance  of  the  nobility 
from  fifty-two  districts  in  Normandy,  Guienne,  Poitiers,  Tou- 
louse, and  Brittany,  in  which  the  same  views  predominate. 
All  disorders  are  ascribed  to  the  conduct  of  the  clergy  in  not 

*  "  Pour  faire  un  bon  accord  sur  les  differends  qui  sont  aujourd'hui  en 
la  doctrine  de  la  religion,  et  que  toutes  les  disputes  y  soient  decidees 
par  la  Parole  de  Dieu,  contenue  aux  livres  canoniques  du  Vieux  et 
Nouveau  Testament." — Des  Etats  Generaux,  torn.  xi.  p.  189.  Cahier 
du  Tiers  Etat,  x.  279. 


190  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

preaching  God's  holy  word,  and  a  free  council  demanded,  in 
order,  as  it  states,  that  all  disputes  may  be  decided  according 
to  the  word  of  God  contained  in  the  canonical  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  Deputations  from  the  Reformed 
churches,  who  had  been  hitherto  deterred  from  approaching 
the  Court  by  the  Cardinal's  threats,  now  hastened  to  strengthen 
these  demands  by  requisitions  of  their  own.  They  also  de- 
sired a  free  consultation,  with  the  liberation  of  those  who 
had  been  again  imprisoned  under  the  last  administration, 
and,  above  all  things  else,  permission  for  their  religious  as- 
semblies for  the  solemnization  of  the  sacraments  as  well  as 
lor  preaching. 

Nothing,  however,  could  now  be  done  in  these  matters,  for 
all  commissions,  it  appears,  were  determined  and  dissolved 
by  the  death  of  the  late  King.  L'Hopital  considered  it  suffi- 
cient that  the  regency  of  Catharine  was  recognized  by  the 
majority — not,  as  he  asserts,  without  his  zealous  intercession.* 
While  he  dismissed  the  Estates,  he  announced  at  the  same 
time  that  a  new  Assembly  would  be  speedily  summoned,  to 
which,  in  order  to  diminish  expense,  each  of  the  thirteen 
governments  would  be  required  to  send  but  one  deputy  from 
each  estate;  he  also  required  that  a  preliminary  consultation 
should  be  held  in  every  province  and  official  district,  con- 
cerning the  instructions  which  they  should  give  to  their 
delegates. 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  how  profoundly  men's  minds  were 
impressed  and  agitated  by  this  revolution  of  affairs,  in  respect 
both  to  persons  and  measures. 

Four  principal  parties,  says  the  Venetian  embassador  Bar- 
bara,! now  acquired  consideration — the  GLueen  Mother,  eager 
to  govern  all,  and  jealous  of  every  rival  in  power  ;  the  King 
of  Navarre,  whom  she  suspected  of  a  design  to  deprive  her 
of  authority,  and  to  grasp  the  government  in  his  own  hands 

*  In  his  will  he  stated  :  "  Etant  done  iceuxs  induits,  ou  par  equite, 
ou  par  nostre  conlinucllc  poursuite,  donnerent  a  la  Reine  Mere  la  charge 
et  tutelle  du  Roi  et  de  ses  biens,  luy  associant  pour  ayde  et  conseil  le 
Roi  de  Navarre." — Duchesne,  Chanceliers,  645. 

t  Relatione  di  M.  Marc'  Antonio  Barbara,  27  Luglio,  1564.  MS.  in 
the  Venetian  Archives  to  be  carefully  distinguished  from  the  spurious 
copy  printed  in  Tommaseo's  collection. 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  191 

exclusively  ;  the  house  of  Guise,  which  had  acquired  import- 
ance through  the  last  administration  ;  and,  finally,  the  Con- 
stable, who,  as  supreme  chief  of  the  army,  and  on  account  of 
his  personal  abilities,  held  a  position  of  great  consequence. 
The  factions  which  had  joined  these  several  party  chiefs  were 
all  divided  between  themselves.  What  a  position  was  that 
of  France  at  this  moment ! — her  king  a  boy,  the  government 
in  the  hands  of  a  woman,  the  great  nobles  all  at  enmity  with 
one  another,  and  the  people  in  a  state  of  insurrection  on  ac- 
count of  religion. 

I  will  not  here  depict  the  antagonism  of  these  factions,  the 
movements  of  their  chiefs,  nor  the  fluctuations  in  their  influ- 
ence ;  the  oscillations  of  the  needle  in  the  balance  of  ascend- 
ency, which  now  inclined  to  one  side,  and  immediately  after- 
ward to  another — especially  since  the  accounts  of  them  which 
have  been  transmitted  to  us  are  both  defective  and  contra- 
dictory. All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that  such 
fluctuations  actually  took  place. 

The  Q,ueen  succeeded,  through  the  energy  of  her  character 
in  establishing  a  good  understanding  with  the  princes  of  the 
blood.  Anthony  of  Navarre  resigned  to  her  the  general  con- 
duct of  affairs,  content  that  he  should  be  acknowledged  as 
Lieutenant  General  and  representative  of  the  person  of  the 
King  in  all  the  territories  within  his  allegiance.  The  Estates 
in  which  Navarre  had  a  powerful  party,  were  forbidden  even 
to  consult  concerning  the  composition  of  the  government ; 
enough  seemed  to  have  been  done  to  satisfy  the  law,  when  in 
the  edicts  the  princes  of  the  blood  were  named  who  had 
taken  part  in  forming  them.*  Conde  was  acquited,  and  re- 
sumed his  place  in  the  Council.  The  Admiral  also  took  his 
seat  again,  and,  in  connection  with  the  Chancellor,  the  Bishop 
of  Valence,  and  occasionally  with  the  Bishop  of  Orleans, 
powerfully  represented  the  moderate  tendencies  of  the  time. 
Still,  however,  the  Guises  and  their  party  were  by  no  means 
entirely  subdued  ;  Brissac,  Thermes,  St.  Andre,  and  the  Car- 
dinal of  Tournon  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  these  tenden- 
cies, and  rendered  it  impossible  that  matters  could  be  arranged 

*  Lettres  au  Roi,  de  la  Reine  Mere  et  du  Roi  de  Navarre  ;  Fontaine- 
bleau,  30  Mai.     Mem.  de  Conde,  ii.  279. 


192  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

with  firmness  and  decision  by  the  will  of  those  in  supreme 
authority. 

Meanwhile  the  Protestants  were  bestirring  themselves  every 
where;  they  would  not  sutler  themselves  to  be  impeded  any 
longer  in  the  public  exercise  of  their  religion.  Calvin  him- 
self was  astonished  at  the  numbers,  from  all  parts  of  France, 
who  crowded  his  doors,  entreating  him  to  send  them  preach- 
ers, as  if  every  thing  had  been  already  decided.  The  proceed- 
ings aroused  the  populace,  and  tumults  were  created  against 
them  in  various  places,  but  the  Reformed  took  arms,  and  the 
attacks  of  the  one  party  and  defense  of  the  other  filled  the 
whole  kingdom  with  commotion  and  contention. 

The  Council,  influenced  by  the  newly-introduced  element, 
issued,  occasionally,  decrees  of  a  milder  character.  A  riot, 
which  had  been  raised  in  the  city  of  Beauvais,  and  which 
terminated  in  acts  of  sanguinary  violence  against  the  Protest- 
ants, occasioned  an  edict  by  which  they  were  formally  taken 
under  the  protection  of  the  State,  and  which  ordained  that 
individuals  should  enjoy  security  in  their  own  houses  or  among 
their  friends,  proclaiming  that  it  belonged  to  the  magistrates 
and  officials  alone  to  deal  with  recusants  according  to  law, 
but  that  no  others,  under  any  pretext  of  the  previous  edicts, 
should  disturb  the  religious  assemblies,  and  stating  that  it  was 
the  King's  wish,  on  the  contrary,  that  all  who  had  forsaken 
the  kingdom  on  account  of  their  religion,  should  return  to  their 
homes. 

This  declaration,  however,  awakened  the  liveliest  opposition 
among  both  the  French  and  foreign  Catholics;  the  Spanish 
embassador  looked  upon  it  as  a  formal  toleration  of  the  Prot- 
estant assemblies,  "to  the  scandal  of  all  Christendom."  * 

The  government  thought  it  right,  under  the  altered  circum- 
stances, to  lay  the  questions  once  more  before  the  Parliament 
of  Paris  (July,  1561).  All  the  members  and  the  peers  deliv- 
ered their  opinions ;  the  Duke  of  Guise  spoke  with  peculiar 
vehemence,  and  the  Admiral  with  not  much  less.  The  votes 
were  taken  down,  and  afforded  an  opportunity  of  seeing  that 
a  vast  change  had  taken  place  in  this  corporation  :  what  was 

*  Lettre  de  Chantonnay  ä  la  Reyne  More,  22  Avril :  Mem.  de  Conde, 
ii.  6 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  193 

regarded  two  years  before  as  an  unheard-of  mitigation,  name- 
ly, that  simple  heresy  should  not  be  punished  with  loss  of  life 
and  property,  but  merely  with  exile,  now  obtained  the  pre- 
ponderance of  opinion,  and  was  approved  of  by  a  formal  reso- 
lution. There  was  also  an  important  number  of  votes  in  favor 
of  allowing  the  Protestants  the  right  to  hold  religious  meet- 
ings, and  the  contrary  was  decided,  some  say  by  a  majority  of 
three,  according  to  others,  of  seven  votes,  in  an  assembly  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty.  A  new  edict,  named  the  Edict  of  July, 
was  issued,  forbidding  all  assemblies  of  the  Protestants,  espe- 
cially for  the  celebration  of  the  sacraments  in  any  other  but 
the  Catholic  form,  with  weapons  or  without  weapons,  under 
pain  of  death  and  confiscation.  * 

Meanwhile  the  Estates  assembled  once  more.  The  clergy 
were  summoned  to  a  special  consultation  at  Poissy  ;  the  dep- 
uties of  the  nobility  and  the  third  estate  met  at  Pontoise.  In 
accordance  with  the  regulation  of  Orleans,  a  small  number 
only  had  been  elected,  but  they  were  furnished  with  the  in- 
structions of  the  provinces.  Their  feelings  were  totally  op- 
posed to  the  tenor  of  the  new  edict,  and  the  demands  which 
they  made  were  altogether  unexpected. 

The  opinions  expressed  by  a  portion  of  the  nobility  at  Or- 
leans, appeared  at  Pontoise  as  the  universal  determination  of 
that  estate.  The  representatives  of  the  nobles  holding  gov- 
ernments made  a  collective  demand  that  the  decisions  of  the 
religions  disputes  should  be  in  accordance  with  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gospel,  and  of  the  word  of  God  contained  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  and  that  until  such  decision  took  place 
no  prosecution  should  be  allowed  against  any  one  who  held 
the  Apostles'  and  the  Athanasian  creeds. 

These  views  had  now  taken  a  powerful  hold  of  the  third 
estate  also.  In  a  memorial  which  they  presented  to  the  King, 
they  urged  him  to  call  a  free  national  council  within  three 
months,  and  to  preside  over  it  himself;  and  prayed  him  to 
take  measures  that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  vote  in  it  who 

*  Edit  sur  la  religion,  St.  Germain-en-Laye,  Juillet ;  in  Isambert,  14, 
109,  especially  art.  4,  6.  La  Place  (130)  and  Thuanus  contain  some 
notices.  Languet  is  particularly  instructive :  Epistt.  Arcanse,  ii. 
126 

I 


194  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

was  personally,  interested  in  the  affairs  to  be  discussed  ;  that 
he  would  cause  all  articles  considered  doubtful  to  be  decided 
according  to  the  word  of  God  alone;  and  that,  until  such  de- 
cision took  place,  he  would  order  a  stop  to  be  put  to  the  pros- 
ecutions ;  for,  they  added,  it  was  against  all  reason  to  compel 
any  one  to  take  a  course  which,  in  his  heart,  he  believed  to 
be  evil.  The  aspirations  of  this  estate  went  still  further :  they 
prayed  that  the  adherents  of  the  new  faith  might  have  a  church 
provided  for  them  in  every  town  by  the  King,  or  else  that 
license  should  be  given  them  to  build  one  for  themselves, 
where  every  one  could  see  and  hear  both  what  they  taught 
and  what  they  did,  and  that  a  royal  officer  should  be  charged 
to  take  care  that  no  popular  tumult  should  be  excited  either 
by  them  or  against  them. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive  the  import  of  these  resolutions.  The 
stipulations  of  the  nobility  and  of  the  third  estate  for  a  Coun- 
cil, contain  in  themselves  the  principles  of  Protestantism,  and, 
if  they  had  been  adopted,  would  have  led  in  France  as  far  as 
they  had  in  Germany,  and,  in  consequence  of  the  unity  of  that 
kingdom,  perhaps  still  further. 

It  strikes  me  as  very  remarkable,  that  these  resolutions,  the 
original  documents  containing  which,  are  preserved  in  the 
MSS.  of  the  Library  at  Paris,  should,  up  to  the  present  time, 
have  been  little,  if  ever  noticed.  *  They  and  all  that  remains 
of  the  proceedings  connected  with  the  movements,  are  of  great 
importance,  if  not  for  the  course  of  events,  yet  for  the  inform- 
ation they  give  us  of  the  age  and  its  tendencies. 

The  nobility  urged  a  reformation  of  the  judicial  system  and 
of  the  administration  of  the  law.  They  insisted  that  the  of- 
fice of  judge  ought  not  to  be  made  a  matter  of  gain,  but  one 
of  public  duty.     According  to  their  view  there  should  be  cho- 

*  "  Au  concile  national  vous  plaira  presider  avecq'  nos  seigneurs  les 
princes  du  sang,  gens  doctes  de  bonne  vie  et  mceurs  vous  assistans 
ainssy  que  soigneusement  les  empereurs  et  roys  l'ont  cy  devant  nrarde, 
ne  recevant  aucun  ä  donner  voix  deliberative  qui  ayt  aulcun  interest 
particulier  a  la  reforme,  et  ferez  ung  souverain  bien,  en  ordonnant  que 
tous  les  articles  pour  Taujourd'hui  revoquez  en  doubte  y  soient  decides 
et  resolus  par  la  seulle  parole  de  Dieu." — Etats  tenus  a  Pontoise,  Ca- 
hier  General  du  Tiers  Etat  du  Royaume  de  France  :  Library  at  Paris, 
8927 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  195 

sen  in  each  bailiwick,  every  three  years,  suitable  persons  from 
among  the  nobility  as  well  as  from  the  other  classes,  for  the 
purpose  not  only  of  administering  justice  in  the  inferior  tribu- 
nals, but  also  to  sit  in  the  Parliaments ;  and  this  they  looked 
upon  as  a  duty  from  the  discharge  of  which  no  one  had  a  right 
to  withdraw,  although  the  recompense  he  might  receive  should 
not  correspond  with  his  rank,  or  be  adequate  to  the  pains  of 
the  office.  They  held  that  an  office  conferred  in  perpetuity, 
tended  to  make  its  possessor  remiss  and  negligent  of  his  duties, 
but  that,  under  regulations  like  these,  one  would  endeavor  to 
excel  the  other. 

It  would  have  accorded  well  with  this  if  the  nobility  had 
been  willing  that  the  governors  also  should  be  appointed  every 
three  years.  The  third  estate  meanwhile  renewed  the  an- 
cient demand  of  the  Estates  which  had  been  heretofore  made 
at  Tours.  They  desired  a  regular  assembling  of  the  Estates 
every  second  year ;  that  no  new  imposts  should  be  laid  on, 
nor  any  war  undertaken  without  their  consent;  they  present- 
ed rules  for  the  composition  of  the  Council,  in  which,  among 
other  regulations,  they  recommended  that  no  priest  should 
have  a  seat,  being  a  person  bound  to  obey  the  Pope  by  a  spe- 
cial oath.  In  order  to  re-establish  his  finances,  they  said,  the 
young  King,  through  a  commission  of  the  Estates,  might  re- 
sume all  the  crown  property  which,  through  the  dishonorable 
avarice  of  the  finance  officers,  or  excessive  salaries  and  pen- 
sions, had  been  alienated  into  private  hands;  that  an  inquiry 
ought  to  take  place,  from  which  the  Queen  Mother  alone 
should  be  excepted.  They  pointed  out  to  him  that  this  was 
especially  necessary  as  regarded  the  property  of  the  clergy, 
with  respect  to  which  he  might  either  ordain  that  no  posses- 
sor of  a  benefice  should  be  permitted  to  receive  from  it  more 
than  5000  livres,  and  that  the  rest  should  go  to  the  royal 
coffers,  or  he  might  proceed  at  once  to  dispose  of  the  clerical 
estates  by  sale.  It  was  firmly  insisted  upon,  that  it  was  not 
necessary  that  the  whole  income  of  the  clergy  should  exceed 
four  millions,  while  the  interest  of  the  amount  which  the  sale  of 
the  property  would  realize,  would  be  very  much  higher ;  besides, 
as  every  one  was  endeavoring  to  obtain  freehold  possession  of 
the  land,  if  the  King  were  willing  to  erect  the  greater  estates 


196  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

into  complete  baronies,  he  would,  by  that  means,  be  able  to 
bring  to  light  all  the  treasures  which  had  been  so  long  kept 
buried  in  the  soil.  They  stated  that  there  was  no  doubt  the 
sales  would  fetch  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions,  while, 
according  to  the  usual  rate  of  interest,  forty-eight  millions 
capital  would  be  all  that  was  necessary  in  order  to  provide 
their  four  millions  for  the  clergy,  for  the  payment  of  which  they 
should  receive  security  ;  a  surplus  of  seventy-two  millions 
would  then  remain  to  the  King,  of  which,  forty-two  millions 
might  be  devoted  to  the  liquidation  of  his  debts,  and  to  the 
redemption  of  the  domains  ;  there  would  then  remain  thirty 
millions,  which  might,  with  the  greatest  advantage,  be  lent 
to  the  principal  cities  in  the  kingdom,  by  which  means  money 
would  be  circulated  among  the  people,  trade  would  increase, 
and  the  prosperity  and  power  of  the  kingdom  be  promoted  : 
the  interest  of  the  loan  could  be  applied  to  the  fortification  of 
the  frontiers  and  the  payment  of  the  troops,  while  the  pur- 
chasers of  the  clerical  estates,  being  raised  to  the  rank  of 
barons,  would  render  the  King  military  service  and  fulfill  the 
duties  of  true  vassals. 

In  seasons  of  great  agitation  all  designs  tend  to  those  ener- 
getic changes,  and  reforms,  the  notions  of  which  having  been 
long  nourished  in  secret,  by  the  contemplation  and  suffering 
of  prevailing  abuses,  now  burst  forth  suddenly.  The  signi- 
ficancy  of  proposals  like  those  made  at  Pontoise  by  the  third 
estate  is  obvious, — an  alternation  in  the  magistracy,  ground- 
ed upon  election  ;  the  sale  of  the  ecclesiastical  property  in  a 
mass,  for  the  advantage  of  the  nobility  and  the  estates,  as 
well  as  of  the  king  ;  a  clergy  paid  from  the  treasury  of  the 
State;  the  royal  power  limited,  through  the  periodical  assem- 
bly of  the  estates,  every  two  years.  All  this  together  would 
have  constituted  France  an  entirely  new  kingdom.  These 
projects  have  an  analogy  with  those  which  were  afterward 
effected  by  the  Revolution.  The  Parliaments  and  the  clergy 
would  have  been  overthrown  by  them  in  the  same  manner, 
and  the  third  estate  would  likewise  have  drawn  from  them 
the  chief  advantages  ;  but,  above  all,  the  nobility  would  not 
have  been  abolished,  but  strengthened.  The  movement  did 
not  spring  from  a  negative  philosophy,  but  from  Protestant 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  197 

principles  :  not  that  these  would  have  required  so  total  a 
change  in  the  form  of  the  State — the  example  of  England 
shows  how  little  this  is  the  case;  but  from  the  coincidence  of 
financial  disorders  and  of  a  universal  political  fermentation 
with  the  religious  tendencies  of  the  age,  and  the  absence  of 
authority  in  the  supreme  power,  a  more  radical  change  had 
been  inevitable  in  France  than  that  which  took  place  in  En- 
gland. 

At  the  first  view,  it  appears  as  if  Protestantism  must  have 
acquired  new  strength  through  this  union,  but,  looked  into 
more  closely,  we  must  acknowledge  that  the  political  ideas, 
though  in  themselves  powerful,  were  the  most  dangerous 
allies  of  the  religious  principles.  I  do  not  find  any  great 
Protestant  name  decidedly  associated  with  the  political  move- 
ments of  the  day,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  that  any  such  re- 
nounced them  with  resolution  and  judgment.  As  the  com- 
bination became  apparent,  the  religious  exertions  of  the  Prot- 
estants necessarily  aroused  hostilities,  which  alone  perhaps 
they  would  not  have  awakened.  It  excited  the  opposition 
of  the  corporate  power  of  the  clergy,  which  in  England  had 
even  shown  itself  favorable  to  such  efforts  ;  of  the  Parliament, 
whose  authority  was  so  deeply  founded  in  the  general  feel- 
ing; and,  more  than  all,  of  the  great  nobles,  who  would  have 
been  forced  to  surrender  the  possessions  which,  under  the 
old  constitution,  they  had,  as  they  said,  well  acquired 
through  their  own  services  and  the  royal  grace.  The  re- 
forms in  prospect  were  so  immeasurable,  that  they  terrified 
men's  minds,  and  caused  them  to  draw  back  from  their  con- 
templation. 

An  agreement  was  even  then  made  at  Poissy,  which  bore 
a  totally  opposite  character,  and  which  relieved  the  govern- 
ment from  the  most  painful  embarrassment.  Urged  by  the 
requisitions  of  the  Crown,  the  projects  of  the  third  estate,  and 
the  general  spirit  of  the  time,  the  clergy  offered  a  yearly  con- 
tribution of  1,600,000  livres  for  six  successive  years,  on  the 
condition  that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  possession  of 
their  estates   and  their   franchises.*      The  Gtueen  and   the 

*  "  Que  V.  M.  feroit  jouir  les  ecclesiastiques  des  biens  de  l'Eglise  ct 
de  leurs  liberies. " — Collection  des  Proces  Verbaux,  i. 


198  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Chancellor  did  not  consider  the  sum  offered  quite  sufficient, 
but  at  last  it  appeared  to  them  better  to  accept  a  means  of 
assistance  which  could  be  made  current  at  once,  than  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  proposed  alienation,  or  to  a  systematic  imposition 
of  taxes,  the  consequences  of  which  could  not  be  foreseen, 
and  which  would  necessarily  excite  against  them  the  entire 
Catholic  population.  A  contract  was  concluded,  which  be- 
came of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  constitution  of  France 
generally :  the  Crown,  already  closely  connected  with  the 
clergy  by  the  power  of  appointing  to  places,  acquired  a  new 
interest  in  the  possession  of  the  church  property  ;  the  clerical 
corporation  and  its  possessions,  a  new  right  to  the  protection 
of  the  Crown. 

There  was  yet  another  and  an  infinitely  more  difficult 
union  attempted  at  Poissy,  namely,  in  matters  of  faith  :  the 
government  opposed  to  the  assembled  p\-elates  the  most  dis- 
tinguished clergy  of  the  Reformed  Church,  among  whom 
were  men  who  had  worn  the  monk's  frock  or  received  the 
priestly  consecration.  At  the  head  of  the  preachers  appear- 
ed Theodore  Beza,  the  friend  of  Calvin  and  of  Conde,  a 
handsome  man,  of  dignified  appearance,  universal  scholar- 
ship, good  morals,  and  thoroughly  confident  in  his  cause  ;  the 
ladies  of  the  court  remarked,  with  pleasure,  that  he  knew 
how  to  maintain  his  position,  both  in  jest  and  earnest, 
against  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  I  will  not  say  that  an 
agreement  in  the  comprehension  of  doctrine  was  not  possible, 
if  they  had  earnestly  desired  it ;  for  they  came  very  near  one 
another  on  one  of  most  disputed  and  most  important  points 
in  the  controversy — the  Eucharist.  In  the  commission,  to 
which  the  most  learned  and  moderate  men  on  the  Catholic 
side  were  appointed,  they  actually  agreed  to  a  formula  con- 
cerning the  spiritual  reception  through  faith,  which  was  sat- 
isfactory to  both  parties.  This  formula,  however,  was  not  at 
all  approved  of  in  the  great  council  of  prelates  to  which  it 
was  referred,  and  with  respect  to  which  the  commission  oc- 
cupied now  a  difficult  position.  The  prelates  proposed  an- 
other formula,  which  the  Reformed  declared  they  could  never 
adopt.  They  had,  however,  only  left  for  the  moment  in 
abeyance  some  distinctive  opinions  ;  and  it  is  doubtful  if  the 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  199- 

agreement  would  have  continued,  particularly  if  Calvin 
would  have  declared  himself  satisfied  with  it.* 

In  short,  the  object  to  be  accomplished  here  was  not  the 
reconciliation  of  a  few  religious  dogmas,  but  of  two  great  sys- 
tems of  religious  conduct  and  opinion.  The  Sorbonne,  which 
also  assembled  in  strength  at  Poissy,  could  not  yield,  after 
having  but  recently  added  to  the  known  confession  made  in 
earlier  times  the  most  stringent  definitions  :  the  Sorbonne 
must  either  maintain  its  doctrines  or  be  annihilated. 

It  was  not  said,  with  all  this,  that  the  old  punishments 
appointed  for  religious  errors  could  now  be  revived  again. 
Queen  Johanna  of  Navarre  was  one  of  the  most  zealous  pro- 
fessors of  the  new  doctrine,  which  at  this  period,  through  the 
preaching  of  Beza,  and  the  social  conversation  he  Avas  in  the 
habit  of  holding,  had  found  its  way  into  the  Court  also.  But, 
besides  these  circumstances,  the  irresistible  extension  of  Prot- 
estantism throughout  the  country  obtained  for  it  the  most 
remarkable  respect.  In  the  autumn  of  1561,  it  is  computed 
that  there  were  more  more  than  two  thousand  Reformed  con- 
gregations in  the  kingdom  :  the  consciousness  of  this  vigorous 
growth  gave  them  boldness  and  confidence.  A  number  of 
the  Reformed  having  been  on  one  occasion  insulted  by  the 
mob  of  Paris,  on  their  return  from  a  religious  ceremony,  the 
gentry  of  the  neighboring  districts  resolved  to  come  to  the  next 
assembly  to  the  number  of  some  thousands,  and,  should  any 
injury  be  attempted  to  the  Protestants,  to  seize  the  churches 
and  chase  away  the  monks.  The  government  to  avoid  a  ca- 
tastrophe, persuaded  the  Protestants  to  postpone  their  meet- 
ing. But  there  was  another  reason  which  rended  it  impossi- 
ble to  return  the  ancient  system  of  persecution  :  the  people, 
it  was  said  were  now  attached  to  these  preachers,  and  would 
if  deprived  of  them,  go  over  to  Anabaptism,  which  aimed  at 

*  Compare  "  Histoire  Ecclesiastique,"  609  ;  De  la  Place,  199  ;  and 
especially  the  fragments  from  the  reports  of  Despence,  in  Rainaldus, 
1561,  n.  99.  The  motive  I  find  only  in  a  letter  of  Beza  to  Calvin, 
MSS.  Genev. :  "  Quod  mutaverant  tolerabile  non  erat ;  quoniam  verbo 
tribuebant  quod  fidei  erat :  i.  c.  suo  modo  volebant  prffisentiam  incul- 
care  qua  a  verbis  et  syllabis  penderet.  Tj}  ßao-iAiW»/,"  he  adds,  "  nihil 
mutabilius.  Et  nihil  hie  animadverto  nisi  ävap\lav.  Acres  diligentes 
imperterriti  sunt  hostes,  in  nostris  nihil  simile." 


200  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  ruin  of  the  State  itself.  Thus  in  France  also  Protestant- 
ism presented  itself  as  a  bulwark  against  the  anarchical  and 
destructive  movement  which  had  sprung  from  the  general  con- 
fusion of  all  conditions.* 

In  order  that  the  mitigation  of  the  laws  might  have  a  basis 
corresponding  with  the  constitution  of  the  kingdom,  it  was  re- 
solved to  call  an  assembly,  to  be  composed  of  members  from 
all  the  Parliaments,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  as  to  the 
measures  to  be  taken  for  this  object.  After  some  delay  the 
assembly  was  opened,  at  St.  Germain,  on  the  5th  of  January, 
1562.  There  were  present  some  who  still  thought  that  every 
thing  might  be  accomplished  by  strictness  and  severity.  The 
Chancellor  L'Höpital  asked  if  the  King  was  expected  to  de- 
stroy so  many  of  his  subjects,  who  were  in  every  relation 
worthy  and  estimable  people;  he  wished  to  be  informed  what 
fruits  the  severity  of  the  previous  edicts  had  produced,  and 
stated  that  the  question  there  was  not,  which  was  the  true 
religion,  but  how  men  could  live  together.  He  convinced  the 
largest  part  by  far  of  the  assembly  that  a  legal  position  must 
be  accorded  to  the  Protestants.  When  it  was  asked  after- 
ward, however,  whether  they  were  to  be  granted  possession  of 
churches,  or  simply  the  right  of  holding  assemblies,  the  same 
agreement  did  not  prevail.  It  is  not  without  interest  to  ob- 
serve the  proportion  of  the  votes  which  appeared  on  the  divi- 
sion at  either  side  :  of  the  forty-nine  members  present  there 
were  twenty-two  for  granting  the  churches,  and  sixteen  for 
merely  giving  the  right  of  assembly  :  with  the  latter,  the  se- 
vere Catholic  party,  who  originally  would  have  rejected  every 
idea  of  a  legalized  position  for  Protestantism,  now  associated 
themselves.! 

Upon  the  basis  of  this  resolution,  an  edict  was  promulgated 

*  Languet,  Epp.  ii.  150,  Sta.  Croce  al  CI.  Borromeo,  from  the  mouth 
of  the  King  of  Navarre,  14  :  "Una  gran  parte  del  popolo  crede  a  costoro 
talmente  che  col  mezzo  loro  si  potranno  ridurre  alia  via  buona,  come 
che  altrimente  siano  per  diventare  Anabatisti  o  peggio.'' 

t  It  is  easy  to  see,  from  the  letters  of  the  Cardinal-Legate  Ippolyto 
d'Este,  how  greatly  this  conclusion  exceeded  his  anticipations.  He 
said  that  it  was  brought  about  chiefly  through  the  members  of  the 
Council,  "  nonostante  che  la  maggior  parte  di  questi  huomini  di  robba 
lunga  havessero  tirati  nella  sinistra  parte  :"  he  tells  it  as  a  piece  of 
good  news. 


DELIBERATIONS  OF  THE  ESTATES.  201 

in  January,  1562,  by  which  all  the  punishments  ordained  up 
to  the  present  time  against  Protestants  assembling  for  worship, 
whether  within  or  without  the  towns,  were  abolished,  and 
their  preaching,  prayers,  and  religious  exercises  formally  al- 
lowed. They  were  to  bind  themselves,  however,  by  a  solemn 
oath  to  teach  no  other  doctrines  than  those  contained  in  the 
books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  and  in  the  Creed  of 
the  Council  of  Nicaea,  to  submit  to  the  municipal  law,  and 
not  to  hold  their  synods  without  permission  from  the  royal 
officers. 

The  preachers  accepted  it  with  joy,  and  published  it  with 
a  special  commentary  of  their  own,  in  which  they  confirmed 
it  from  point  to  point. 

It  was  not  all  they  desired  or  aimed  at,  but,  compared  with 
the  illegality  of  their  previous  condition,  it  was  an  incalcula- 
ble gain.  They  were  now  actually  received  into  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom,  under  certain  stipulations,  as  the  German  Prot- 
estants had  been  formerly :  they  were  not  excluded  from  any 
province  nor  from  any  place  in  the  kingdom. 

The  Parliament  of  Paris  refused  for  some  time  to  verify 
the  edict ;  but  it  could  discover  no  other  means  of  pacifying 
the  discontents  which  were  increasing  beibre  its  eyes,  and, 
upon  the  urgent  desire  of  the  Court,  consented  finally  to  reg- 
ister the  edict ;  several  members  absented  themselves  on  the 
occasion,  in  order  to  avoid  taking  part  in  the  act.  Thus, 
what  Henry  II.  had  but  two  years  and  a  half  before  prevented 
by  his  arbitrary  interference,  was  now  fully  accomplished. 
The  great  corporation,  which  formed  the  bulwark  of  legal 
order,  even  then  held  a  mitigation  of  the  canonical  decrees 
against  heretics  to  be  necessary,  and,  although  pui'ged  of  all 
elements  having  an  affinity  with  Protestantism,  it  had  shown 
a  strong  disposition  to  pursue  a  similar  course  six  months  pre- 
viously, and  was  restrained  from  it  by  only  a  small  majority  ; 
now  it  proceeded  in  that  course  after  the  judgment  of  all  the 
other  cognate  corporate  bodies  had  been  delivered  in  its  favor. 
A  license  was  thus  granted  to  the  Protestants,  before  which 
they  deemed  that  the  Papacy  would  hardly  be  able  to  main- 
tain its  ground — so  much  did  they  expect  (doubtless  too  much) 
from  the  resistless  power  of  the  Confession,  if  allowed  freedom 


202  HIETOEY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  operation.  But,  even  leaving  this  out  of  view,  the  results 
of  this  measure  were  of  immense  importance. 

The  religious  dissent  which  was  at  first  totally  rejected  and 
disallowed,  and  then  arbitrarily  suppressed,  which  was  com- 
bated the  more  vehemently  within  the  kingdom  because  it 
it  had  been  excited  from  without,  obtained  by  this  measure  a 
legal  and  recognized  existence. 

An  edict  demanded  by  the  Estates,  consented  to  by  the 
Government,  and  adopted  by  the  Parliaments,  did  not,  it  is 
true,  secure  to  the  Reformed  all  they  wished  for,  nor  even  all 
that  was  necessary  to  their  religious  exercises,  but  it  gave 
them  certainty  of  existence,  and  deprived  their  enemies  of  the 
weapons  which  were  intended  for  their  destruction. 

A  new  element,  in  congruity  with  the  universal  spirit  of 
effort  and  enterprise  which  was  especially  characteristic  of 
the  German  people,  was  thus  adopted  into  the  French  nation, 
and,  whether  pressing  forward  or  driven  back,  whether  rec- 
ognized or  subdued,  was  calculated  to  exercise  a  boundless  in- 
fluence upon  its  destinies. 


BOOK  IV. 
FIFTEEN  YEARS  OF  RELIGIOUS  CIVIL  WAR. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

RELIGIOUS    CIVIL    WAR. 

The  rise  of  the  religious  reform  in  France  involved  not 
only  an  alteration  in  the  Church,  but,  as  has  been  indicated, 
a  great  political  innovation.  It  had  always  been  regarded  as 
the  duty  of  the  Crown  to  maintain  the  hierarchical  decrees 
as  if  they  were  divine  commands,  and  to  execute  them  with 
the  sword.  This  unity  of  the  Church  and  the  State  was 
now  broken  through.  The  recognition  of  an  ecclesiastical 
form  differing  from  that  of  the  old  Church  included,  if  not  a 
conscious,  yet  an  actual  modification  in  the  idea  of  the 
supreme  power.  Let  us  not  mistake,  however  :  according  to 
the  very  nature  of  the  transaction  it  could  not  have  been 
accomplished  without  the  greatest  difficulty. 

The  Protestant  opinions  had  a  reference  almost  innate  to 
the  privileges  of  the  secular  power,  and  a  near  relation  to 
French  policy.  Francis  I.  well  understood  this  in  his  time  ; 
but,  engaged  as  he  was  in  a  formidable  struggle  for  the 
integrity  of  his  kingdom,  he  could  not  venture  to  break  with 
either  the  national  or  the  universal  hierarchical  power.  Hen- 
ry II.  was  indebted  to  his  connection  with  the  Protestant 
element  for  one  of  the  greatest  positions  ever  occupied  by  a 
French  monarch.  But  the  contrary  principles  also  rendered 
him  great  service,  and  surrounded  him  with  a  powerful 
defense.  At  length  he  allowed  himself  to  be  swayed  to  give 
new  authority  and  force  to  the  hierarchical  decrees  which 
were  intended  to  extirpate  dissent. 

The  Reformed  had  secured  themselves  from  the  perse- 
cuting laws  of  the  State,  but  still  there  were  mighty  pow- 
ers independent  on  the  government  which  set  themselves 


206  HISTORY  OF  PRANCE. 

against  the  Protestant  position,  and  sought  to  make  it  retro- 
gressive. 

The  old  system  still  prevailed  with  the  great  majority  of 
the  population ;  it  was  connected  with  all  that  possessed 
recognized  authority  in  the  kingdom,  and  during  the  last 
storm  had,  through  its  financial  concessions,  entered  into  a 
new  and  strong  relation  with  the  Crown.  It  had  never  ac- 
knowledged even  the  most  general  quality  of  a  religion  or  a 
church  in  the  intruded  element,  the  adoption  of  which  it 
regarded  as  an  offense  against  the  Godhead  ;  naturally  then 
it  directed  the  whole  energy  of  its  collective  power  to  the 
purpose  of  disembarrassing  itself  of  so  hated  an  enemy. 

The  essence  of  the  matter  is  misapprehended  by  those  who 
attribute  the  success  of  the  Protestant  movement  to  the  polit- 
ical faction,  though  it  is  undeniable  that  the  former  had 
formed  a  union  with  the  latter,  and  was  encouraged  by  it, 
and  wore,  so  to  speak,  its  colors.  This  was  seen  in  the  sup- 
port which  the  Prince  of  Conde,  the  most  distinguished  lead- 
er of  the  Reformers,  received  at  this  time  in  the  capital. 
The  citizens  were  disarmed  because  a  tumultary  outbreak 
was  apprehended.  The  Prince  was  surrounded  with  armed 
troops  of  his  co-religionists,  who  accompanied  him  through 
the  streets  in  rank  and  file  as  he  went  to  a  preaching  or  re- 
turned from  one.*  It  was  computed  that  there  were  twenty 
thousand  Huguenots  in  the  city,  and  it  was  feared  that  in 
union  with  them  he  would  endeavor,  by  a  sudden  coup  de 
mam,  to  make  himself  master  of  it,  and  that  the  same  would 
be  attempted  in  other  cities  also.  In  all  probability  he  did 
not  think  of  such  a  scheme,  yet  the  jealousy  of  his  antagonists 
was  so  powerfully  excited  that  it  was  believed  and  asserted 
that  religious  zeal  and  political  antipathy  had  united  them- 
selves for  a  common  hostility. 

The  blame  is  not  always  to  be  laid  on  an  evil  disposition 
when  elementary  powers  fall  into  contention  with  one  another ; 

*  M.  A.  Barbaro,  Relatione,  1564:  "  Avendo  egli  gia,  col  mezzo  che 
teneva  nel  consiglio  del  Re,  quale  la  maggior  parte  favoriva  questa 
nuova  religion,  ottenuto  di  levar  Y  arme  al  popolo  di  Parigi,  e  poi,  sotto 
pretesto  che  non  avrebbe  a  seguir  qualche  seditione,  ottenuto  che  gli 
Ugonotti  la  portassero  per  sicurta  sua." 


RELIGIOUS  CIVIL  WAR.  207 

but  the  dispositions  of  men  show  themselves  in  the  manner  in 
which  that  contention  is  carried  on. 

"When  Calvin  from  Geneva  surveyed  the  condition  of  affairs 
he  was  not  satisfied  with  it ;  he  admonished  his  followers  to 
beware  of  the  first  act  of  bloodshed,  for  it  would  draw  streams 
of  blood  after  it — France  and  Europe  would  be  overflowed 
with  blood.  But  events  different  from  any  he  could  have 
foreseen  were  concealed  in  the  bosom  of  the  future — events 
which  it  lay  not  in  his  power  to  prevent.  He  and  his  fol- 
lowers might  have  wished  for  peace ;  their  antagonists  needed, 
demanded,  and  began  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND  1563. 

The  leading  men  who  had  held  the  supreme  power  under 
Henry  II.  were  profoundly  conscious  of  the  common  danger 
to  which  their  disunion  exposed  them  ;  the  decrees  of  the 
Estates  at  Pontoise  were  equally  threatening  to  each  of  them. 
The  progress  made  by  the  Huguenots,  and  their  haughty 
bearing,  were  not  less  distasteful  to  the  Constable  Montmo- 
rency than  they  were  to  the  Guises,  and  the  old  understand- 
ing between  them  and  the  Marshal  St.  Andre  was  easily  re- 
established. 

At  one  time  it  was  thought  that  these  powerful  chiefs  in- 
tended to  attempt  the  suppression  of  the  new  opinions  with- 
out the  participation  of  the  royal  authority,  and  even  in  oppo- 
sition to  it  ;*  but  in  general  it  forms  no  part  of  the  character 
of  French  parties  to  establish  a  definite  right  apart  from  the 
ruling  power — they  seek  rather  to  form  a  union  with  it,  or  in 
one  way  or  other  to  bring  it  under  their  influence  and  get  it 
into  their  own  hands.  How  much  easier  would  all  have  been 
had  they  now  succeeded  in  such  a  course  ! 

The  most  important  means  of  giving  the  government  a 
Catholic  tendency  were  furnished  by  the  co-operation  of  Spain. 

Philip  II.  neither  could  nor  would  for  any  consideration 
approve  of  the  rise  of  Protestant  opinions  in  France.  Besides 
his  position  before  the  world  generally,  and  the  reaction  on 
the  Netherlands  to  be  apprehended  from  it,  his  relations  with 
Navarre  formed  another  powerful  motive.  This  territory 
having  been  in  former  times  conferred  upon  his  predecessors 

*  This  is  asserted  by  the  Cardinal-Legate  Ippolyto  d'Este,  who  was 
against  it,  in  one  of  his  unpublished  letters. 


COMMOTIONS  OF   1562  AND   1563.  209 

by  a  papal  sentence,  the  fact  that  the  Protestant  principle 
recognized  the  hereditary  right  only,  and  refused  to  acknowl- 
edge the  authority  of  the  Papal  power  to  abolish  that  right, 
urged  and  at  the  same  time  authorized  him  to  resume  the 
dispute,  and  to  attempt  the  seizure  of  the  province.  A  Prot- 
estant prince,  who  possessed  claims  upon  Navarre,  Lieuten- 
ant-General of  the  King  of  France,  and  impelled  onward  by 
a  multitude  of  persons  of  his  own  way  of  thinking,  was  in 
every  respect  formidable  to  the  King  of  Spain.  His  councilors 
did  not  deny  this,  but  they  saw  clearly  that  an  open  inter- 
ference in  French  affairs,  even  in  connection  with  the  mag- 
nates of  that  kingdom,  involved  the  most  imminent  political 
and  even  religious  dangers.  In  this  embarrassment  Gran- 
vella  adopted  the  design  of  applying  to  King  Anthony  of  Na- 
varre himself.  What  a  vast  advantage  would  be  gained  if 
the  very  man  from  whom  Spain  had  most  to  fear,  who  might 
be  regarded  as  standing  so  near  the  throne,  and  was  the  head 
of  the  Protestants  in  France,  could  be  induced  to  renounce 
them  and  be  brought  to  the  Catholic  party  !  It  is  worthy 
of  notice  that  Granvella  did  not  advise  any  guarantee  of 
an  indemnification  to  Anthony  for  the  loss  of  Navarre,  but 
merely  to  excite  the  hope  of  one  in  order  to  amuse  him  ;*  he 
would  thus  allow  himself  to  be  brought  over  to  measures 
through  which  both  himself  and  his  adherents  must  be  ruin- 
ed. Anthony  of  Navarre  was  known  throughout  his  whole 
life  as  a  man  who,  although  he  adopted  his  opinions  with 
vivacity,  did  not  hold  them  with  firmness.  He  was  then  in 
a  state  of  unwonted  vacillation  between  the  two  contradictory 
views  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  having  a  predilection 
for  that  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  ;  he  was  told,  however, 
that,  as  regarded  that  subject,  the  difficulties  would  be  re- 
moved and  every  thing  reconciled  by  the  Council  of  Trent, 
which  had  just  been  revived.  In  a  short  time  we  find  him 
in  full  negotiation  with  the  Papal  legate  and  the  Spanish  en- 
voy, concerning  the  indemnification  to  be  guaranteed  to  him 
for  the  loss  of  Navarre.  They  gave  him  reason  to  hope  that 
he  would  be  put  in  possession  of  Sardinia,  or  of  a  conquered 

*  "  Entretenerlo  cou  esperancas."— Granvella  to  Philip,  Dec.  15, 
1561  :  Pap.  d'Etat,  vi.  461. 


210  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

territory  on  the  African  coast,  but  stated  that,  in  order  to 
obtain  either,  he  must  incline  toward  the  Catholic  movement. 
The  embassadors  of  the  Catholic  courts  unitedly  urged  it 
upon  him  ;  the  Constable  and  St.  Andre  carried  him  away 
with  them,  almost  against  his  will,*  and  he  conceded  that 
the  edict  just  promulgated  should  be  once  more  altered. 

This  was  indeed  far  from  being  a  legal  authorization,  but 
it  was  sufficient  for  persons  who  without  it  were  bent  upon 
a  decided  course  of  action. 

On  one  occasion,  during  the  previous  parliamentary  debates, 
when  the  renewal  of  the  penal  edicts  was  carried  by  a  small 
majority,  Francis  Duke  of  Guise  exclaimed  that  this  resolu- 
tion must  not  be  neglected,  and  that  his  sword  should  not  re- 
main in  the  sheath  if  it  were  required  to  carry  the  decree 
into  execution.     He  now  offered  to  fulfill  this  promise.! 

In  himself,  this  gallant  soldier  was  not  disposed  to  deeds 
of  violence  ;  he  is  represented  as  rather  of  a  quiet,  and  even 
phlegmatic  temperament ;  he  was  praised  for  the  mildness 
he  exhibited  toward  conquered  enemies,  and  for  the  self-con- 
trol with  which  he  endeavored  to  rectify  any  injustice  that 
might  have  been  committed,  and  was  thought  to  know,  in 
a  superior  degree,  the  duties  of  man  to  man,  and  what  be- 
came them.  Still  there  had  been  always  observed  in  him  a 
certain  dependency  upon  others  ;  he  appears  to  have  had  an 
arm  to  execute,  rather  than  a  head  to  design.  The  universal 
rage  which  the  carrying  out  of  the  edict  excited  in  the  Catho- 
lic world  now  seized  him  ;  an  unusual  refractoriness  displayed 
itself  even  in  his  own  government ;  he  may  also  have  be- 
lieved that  his  honor  was  pledged  through  the  words  he  had 
spoken. 

However  this  may  be,  his  first  proceeding  led  to  a  fatal 
event.  As  he  was  returning  from  Joinville  to  the  neighbor- 
ing town  of  Vassy,  he  found  a  Calvinistic  congregation, 
who,  under  the  protection  of  the  edict,  were  just  beginning- 
their  Sunday's  worship  in  a  barn,  and  among  whom  were 
many  of  his  subjects.     Guise  told  them  that  he  wished  to 

*  "  Era  persuaso  da  essi,  contro  pero  la  sua  natural  volonta." — M.  A. 
Barbaro  :   he  himself  had  negotiated  in  the  affair  with  Anthony. 
+  Lettres  de  Pasquier,  iv.  10. 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND  1563.  211 

speak  with  such  of  the  Joinville  people  only  as  were  pres- 
ent ;  but  while  he,  with  his  followers,  filled  Avith  hate,  and 
with  swords  by  their  sides,  rushed  upon  the  congregation, 
and  they  endeavored  to  shut  the  doors  against  their  assail- 
ants, a  collision  took  place,  which  ended  in  a  bloody  mas- 
sacre of  the  helpless  people.*  Whether  the  Duke  intended 
it  or  not,  it  is  enough  that  he  did  not  prevent  it  :  the  deed 
was  his,  and  upon  his  head  must  rest  the  applause  and 
blame  of  it,  with  its  consequences.  Public  morality  was  still 
so  low,  that  this  sanguinary  incident  was  hailed  by  the  zeal- 
ous Catholics  as  a  great  transaction  ;  and  when  Guise  appear- 
ed at  Paris,  where  the  civic  mob  had  been  prevented  from 
perpetrating  similar  deeds  by  the  precautions  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  they  looked  upon  as  almost  an  encroachment 
upon  their  municipal  freedom,  he  was  received,  according  to 
the  statement  of  the  Venetian  embassador,  almost  as  if  he 
were  the  King  himself.  Conde,  with  his  preachers  and  his 
armed  followers,  conscious  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  de- 
fend themselves  against  this  alliance,  left  the  city,  and  im- 
mediately a  complete  alteration  took  place,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  civic  authorities.  All  who  professed  an  inclina- 
tion to  the  new  opinions  were  compelled  to  leave  the  city. 
The  constable  caused  the  pulpits  of  the  preachers,  and  the 
benches  of  their  hearers,  to  be  burned,  for  the  satisfaction  of 
the  populace,  while  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  on  the  other 
hand,  commenced  preaching  in  the  old  Catholic  style,  and 
was  once  more  esteemed  as  surpassing  all  other  men  in  elo- 
quence and  philosophy;  numerous  processions  traversed  the 
streets ;  the  members  of  the  parliament  swore  to  the  confession 
of  faith  which  had  been  drawn  up  a  few  years  before  by 
the  Sorbonne.     The  citizens,  who  had  been  disarmed,  received 

*  In  the  "  Discours  Entier  de  la  Persecution  et  Cruaute  exercees  en 
la  Ville  de  Vassy  par  le  Due  de  Guise,  Ie  lr.  Mai,"  there  is  a  very  de- 
tailed report  on  the  part  of  the  Huguenots:  Mem.  de  Conde,  iii.  124. 
In  the  "  Discours  au  Vrai,"  which  immediately  precedes,  there  is  a 
letter  on  the  subject  from  Guise  himself.  The  difference  is  that  he 
asserts  that  stones  were  first  thrown  at  him  :  he  acknowledges  that  he 
rushed  on  the  barn  with  his  followers.  With  respect  to  Davila's  re- 
presentation, I  have  expressed  myself  at  length  in  an  Academical  ex- 
ercitation. 


212  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

their  weapons  again,  and  in  a  short  time  appeared  to  the 
number  of  twenty-four  thousand,  all  of  Catholic  minds,  as 
they  boasted,  practicing  themselves  in  military  exercises. 

It  is  in  itself  a  great  event  that  the  capital,  which,  ever 
since  the  times  of  Louis  XL,  had  been  continually  increasing 
in  population,  and  the  influence  it  exercised  upon  the  coun- 
try, now  strove  to  become  the  spiritual  metropolis  of  the 
kingdom,  almost  identified  its  municipal  pride  with  Catholic- 
ism, and  surrendered  itself  to  the  exclusive  idea  of  the  per- 
secuting religion. 

The  confederates  could  not  call  themselves  masters,  how- 
ever, till  the  queen  was  drawn  within  their  circle. 

As  to  the  intentions  of  Catharine  at  this  period,  there  is 
no  room  for  doubt.  "  Her  design,"  says  the  Papal  legate, 
Ippolyto  d'Este,  "  is  directed  not  only  upon  religion,  but  also 
on  the  government."*  She  favored  the  Reformed,  in  order 
not  to  show  disfavor  to  their  leaders.  At  a  sitting  of  the 
Council,  on  one  occasion,  she  required  that  St.  Andre,  whose 
connection  with  the  King  of  Navarre  was  adverse  to  her, 
should  leave  the  capital  and  retire  to  his  government,  which 
gave  rise  to  a  warm  dispute  between  them.  She  was  now 
at  Fontainebleau,  with  her  son  and  the  Court ;  and  the  let- 
ters remain  in  which  she  implores  Conde  to  take  the  chil- 
dren, the  mother,  and  the  kingdom  under  his  protection,  and 
to  save  them  from  those  who  wished  to  ruin  all.  But  be- 
fore Conde  had  formed  any  resolution,  the  confederate  Ca- 
tholic chiefs  arrived  at  Fontainebleau,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  her  back  to  Paris.  It  appears  that  she  had  an  in- 
tention of  escaping  from  them  at  Melun,  but  they  had  taken 
precautionary  measures  to  prevent  her.f  On  her  arrival  in 
the  capital,  she  was  informed  that  she  would  not  be  depriv- 
ed of  her  part  in  the  government,  so  long  as  she  lent  her  aid 
to  the  maintenance  of  religion.  J     She  yielded  to  what  was 

*  "  Che  ha  reso,"  he  adds,  "  tutti  questi  negotii  tanto  tanto  piu  tra- 
vagliosi." 

t  Thuanus,  lib.  xxix.  Elaboration  of  the  contemporary  account 
which  is  contained  in  the  Memoires  de  Conde,  iii.  195,  but  with  valu- 
able contributions  of  its  own. 

X  Chantonnay  (Mem.  de  Conde,  ii.  33):  "  Ont  promis  et  jure  que 
oncques  ne  l'avoient  pense  (de  lui  oter  le  gouvernement),  ne  le  feroient, 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND  1563.  213 

inevitable.  The  energetic  Catholic  combination  which  had 
been  formed  in  despite  of  her,  must  henceforth  lend  author- 
ity to  her  name  and  to  that  of  her  son. 

The  Confederates  did  not  think  it  advisable  at  present  to 
revoke  entirely  the  edict  of  January,  but  they  abolished  it 
•without  delay  in  the  capital  and  its  environs. 

Their  design  was  to  enforce  the  revocation  of  the  edict  in 
the  principal  cities  first,  and  then  throughout  the  whole  king- 
dom. The  King  of  Navarre*  said  this  expressly  to  the  Span- 
ish embassador,  and  took  the  same  occasion  to  remind  King 
Philip  of  the  favor  he  had  promised  in  the  indemnification 
for  Navarre,  the  negotiations  concerning  which  were  resum- 
ed ;  for  the  majority  of  the  governors  had  given  in  their  ad- 
hesion to  'the  Guises,  and  were  besides  bound  to  place  the 
armed  power  collectively  at  their  disposal  for  the  suppression 
of  the  Huguenots. 

In  order  to  reach  this  end  the  more  easily,  they  made  a 
trial  of  the  Prince  of  Conde's  firmness  without  delay. 

Louis  Prince  of  Conde  was  remarkable  for  his  versatility 
and  enjoyment  of  life,  he  was  fond  of  jesting  and  laughter, 
and  not  inaccessible  to  sensual  indulgences,  which  brought 
him  into  frequent  collision  with  the  severity  of  Huguenot  mo- 
rality. It  was  thought  that,  not  being  wealthy,  the  offer  of 
a  principality,  which  it  was  intended  to  make  him,  would 
prove  irresistible,  and  bring  him  back  once  more  to  the  Pa- 
pacy ;  but  they  were  mistaken  in  him  :  the  doctrines  he  pro- 
fessed had  for  him  an  importance  beyond  the  momentary 
authority  with  which  they  invested  him,  and  he  declined  all 
the  offers  that  were  made  him.  There  was  in  him  a  certain 
elevation  of  mind  which  displayed  itself  in  a  natural  elo- 
quence, that  awakened  the  admiration  of  his  friends  ;  his 
temperament  was  such  that  difficulties  and  dangers  were 
more  salutary  to  him  than  a  life  of  ease  and  prosperity.  He 
would  have  thought  it  a  disgrace  to  refuse  the  offered  con- 
test. 

tant  qu'elle  tiendroit  la  main  ä  la  conservation  de  la  religion  et  auto- 
rite  du  Roi."  As  the  latter  is  self-evident,  the  emphasis  rests  on  the 
former. 

*  Chantonnay,  May  29  ;  p.  29,  etc. 


214  HISTORY  OF  PRANCE. 

If,  when  the  Guises  had  formerly  conducted  the  govern- 
ment in  the  name  of  Francis  IL,  the  legality  of  their  posi- 
tion was  questioned,  and  resistance  to  their  authority  held 
to  be  justifiable,  how  much  more  was  that  the  case  now, 
when  they  opposed,  on  their  own  mere  authority,  a  law 
which  had  been  established  with  all  formality — when  they 
had  begun  their  resistance  to  it  with  deeds  of  sanguinary 
violence,  and  brought  the  persons  of  the  king  and  queen  into 
their  power,  not  without  compulsion  !  The  Prince  of  Conde 
declared  that  the  queen  mother  and  the  young  king  were  held 
in  captivity  by  the  Guise  party,  and  that  the  best  service  he 
could  do  them  was  to  be  effected  with  arms  in  his  hands. 
Were  it  otherwise,  however,  and  they  were  in  freedom,  he 
would  cast  himself  to  the  ground  before  them. 

Animated  with  these  ideas,  the  nobility  from  all  the  prov- 
inces of  the  kingdom  gathered  round  him. 

The  leaders  were  his  own  nearest  relatives  :  there  were  the 
three  Chatillons,  the  uncles  of  his  consort;  the  Count  Porcian 
who  was  married  to  his  niece ;  Francis  de  Rochefoucault, 
who  was  married  to  his  sister-in-law,  and  of  whom  it  was 
said  that  he  could  bring  an  army  into  the  field  composed  of 
his  friends  and  vassals  in  Poitou  alone.  The  Viscount  Rene 
de  Rohan  led  the  Bretons,  Anthony  Count  de  Grammont  the 
Gascons,  Montgommery  was  present  from  Normandy,  and 
Hangest  de  Genlis  from  Picardy.  At  Orleans,  where  the 
Prince  took  his  position,  there  assembled  in  a  short  time  three 
thousand  gentlemen,  of  whom  Languet  says,  "  If  they  were 
destroyed,  the  very  seed  of  masculine  virtue  would  have  been 
annihilated  in  the  kingdom."  An  association  was  formed 
among  them,  to  continue  until  the  King  himself  grasped  the 
reins  of  government,  when  all  that  had  been  done  would  b' 
justified. 

The  Protestant  clergy  examined  the  question  whether  it 
was  lawful  to  have  recourse  to  arms  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  and  pronounced  it  to  be  not  only  permitted,  but  en- 
joined as  a  duty,  for  the  liberation  of  the  King  and  the  Queen, 
for  the  defense  of  religion,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
edict  which  had  been  solemnly  enacted  and  promulgated. 

Like  the  nobility,  the  cities  of  the  second  rank  generally 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND   1563.  215 

joined  Conde,  or  were  taken,  possession  of  without  difficulty 
— in  the  immediate  neighborhood,  Blois,  Tours,  Bourges,  and 
Angers;  in  Poitou,  Poitiers;  and  Rochelle  in  Aulnis  ;  in 
Normandy  Havre.  Dieppe,  and  Caen ;  and  further,  Chälons- 
sur-Saone,  Macon,  Lyons  ;  the  chief  towns  of  Dauphine,  Gap, 
and  Grenoble ;  all  the  Venaisin  and  Vivarez,  the  towns  of 
the  Cevennes  ;  and  important  places  in  Languedoc,  as  Mon- 
tauban,  Nismes,  and  Montpellier.  While  the  edict  of  January 
was  revoked  in  Paris,  the  Prince  of  Conde  promulgated  it  in 
all  the  places  which  acknowledged  him,  for  he  had  adopted 
a  kind  of  anti-government  system  as  an  inviolable  law  in  his 
conduct. 

Thus  did  both  parties  stand  opposed  to  each  other,  fully 
armed  and  determined  to  decide  their  quarrel  by  judgment 
of  battle  :  between  them  the  government  of  a  boy  and  a 
woman  disappeared. 

In  England  and  Germany  the  proofs  advanced  by  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  in  justification  of  his  proceedings,  were  ac- 
cepted as  satisfactory.  The  old  Landgrave  Philip  of  Hesse 
gave  the  Marshal  Rollshausen  leave  to  advance  into  France 
with  some  thousands  of  cavalry  and  arquebusiers,  for  as  it 
was  certain  that  the  enterprise  was  meant  to  effect  the  liber- 
ation of  the  King  and  his  mother,  it  might  be  undertaken 
with  a  good  conscience.  Glueen  Elizabeth,  besides  this,  re- 
garded the  possibility  of  the  Guises  obtaining  authority  over 
the  neighboring  ports  in  Normandy  as  dangerous  to  herself, 
since  the  members  of  that  house  were  her  particular  enemies, 
but  the  Huguenots  were  obliged  to  promise  that  they  would 
deliver  Havre-de-Grace  into  her  possession  provisionally,  be- 
fore she  would  agree  to  assist  them  with  either  men  or  money. 
In  November,  1562,  Conde  was  strong  enough  in  native  and 
foreign  forces  to  take  the  field.  The  death  of  his  brother 
Anthony,  who  lost  his  life  in  consequence  of  a  wound  he  re- 
ceived in  an  attack  upon  Rouen,  gave  Conde  greater  claims 
to  authority  than  he  possessed  previously  :  in  his  brother's 
place,  he  now  demanded  that  he  should  be  himself  acknowl- 
edged as  Lieutenant-General  of  the  King.  His  intention  was 
to  proceed  directly  to  Paris,  and  to  decide  the  cause  by  one 
great  blow  ;  and,  from  the  excellent  appearance  and  courage 


216  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  his  troops,  his  friends  believed  that  the  design  must  suc- 
ceed.* 

The  Guises  meanwhile  had  also  collected  a  body  of  auxil- 
iaries— German  mercenaries  who  came  for  pay  ;  members  of 
the  Helvetic  Confederacy  from  Lucerne  and  the  Forest-cantons, 
who  came,  as  the  inscription  on  their  banners  stated,  in  order 
to  support  the  King  of  France  and  the  old  religion  ;  some 
thousands  of  Spaniards  also  arrived;  and  the  Guises  had  the 
adroitness  to  amuse  the  Prince  with  negotiations  until  all 
were  collected,  and  even  the  fortifications  of  Paris  in  some 
measure  completed. 

The  Prince,  whose  associates  had  from  the  beginning  dis- 
approved of  his  negotiations,  confessed  at  length  that  there 
was  nothing  to  be  effected  here,  and  directed  his  course 
toward  Normandy,  where  the  struggle  had  commenced  with 
the  greatest  fury.  The  province  had  in  part  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  his  antagonists,  but  the  English  had  already  arrived 
and  brought  him  a  sum  of  money.  He  intended  to  surprise 
Chartres,  to  throw  himself  then  upon  Pont-ue-l' Arche,  and  to 
take  possession  of  the  towns  and  strong  places  on  both  sides 
of  the  Seine.  The  English  embassador,  who  was  with  him, 
confirmed  him  in  this  intention,  and  urged  him  to  its  execution. 
This  was,  however,  the  course  which  the  Catholic  confeder- 
ates were  least  disposed  to  allow,  and  they  therefore  placed 
themselves  directly  in  his  way,  on  the  plains  of  Dreux.  On 
the  19th  of  December,  1562,  a  collision  took  place  on  the 
banks  of  the  Eure — the  first  between  the  two  parties  in  the 
open  field.  It  well  deserves  an  attempt  to  recall  its  principal 
traits. 

The  two  armies  stood  inactive  before  each  other  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  while  the  artillery  played  on  both  sides,  yet 
without  doing  much  damage.  Conde's  chief  gunner  showed 
himself  particularly  incompetent.  Among  the  French  gentry 
on  both  sides  the  reflection  was  excited  that  they  had  now 
opposed  to  them  companions  in  arms,  fellow-countrymen,  and 

*  Literse  Bezae  ex  pago  Sti.  Arnolphi,  14  December  (MS.  at  Geneva): 
"  Nullse  usquam  copiae  instructiores  vel  alacriores  ;"  the  negotiations 
had  taken  place  "  multis  frementibus  et  nostris  reclamantibus,  sed 
frustra." 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND  1563.  217 

blood-relations,  proved  in  many  a  former  struggle  for  a  com- 
mon cause.     But  the  new  and  great  questions  which  divided 
them  could  not  be  otherwise  decided — they  must  meet  one 
another  on  the  deadly  field.     Conde  was  the  first  to  attack  ; 
with  the  portion  of  his  cavalry  comprising  the  most  zealous 
adherents  of  the  new  faith,  and  the  most  practiced  in  the  use 
of  arms,  he  charged  the  Catholic  centre,  and  threw  it  into 
confusion.     The  Constable,  who  commanded  it,  was  thrown 
from  his  horse,  but  caused  himself  to  be  lifted  into  his  saddle 
again,  renewed  the  battle,  and  was  taken  prisoner.     Mean- 
while Conde  s  mercenaries  advanced  upon  the  Swiss  battalions 
of  the  centre,  which  had  remained  firm  notwithstanding  the 
rout  of  the  cavalry,  and  now  advanced  to  meet  the  assailants 
whom  they  repulsed  with  loss,  and  presented  to  their  repeated 
attacks  an  impenetrable  forest  of  lances.     While  the  battle 
was  raging  here,  Francis  Duke  of  Guise,  who  led  the  van,  and 
St.  Andre,  to  whom  the  rear-guard  was  intrusted,  remained 
immovable,    and   many  mistook    Guise's   motives ;    but   he 
possessed  the  comprehension  of  a  true  general,  and  knew  that 
the  issue  of  a  battle  does  not  depend  so  much  upon  single 
advantages  as  upon  the  total  victory.*     "When  the  Huguenots 
were  thrown  into  disorder  by  the  pursuit  of  the  routed  and  the 
resistance  of  the  Swiss,  he  put  himself  in  motion,  and  the  dark 
cloud  of  his  Spanish  and  French  battalions  poured  itself  over 
the  field,  crushing  down   all  before  it.     Conde  brought  up 
fresh  troops  without  ceasing,  to  resist  Guise's  movement,  and 
was  at  last  himself  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.     This  how- 
ever did    not  decide   the   affair.       The    troops  which  were 
unbroken  collected  themselves  under  the  Admiral,  behind  a 
pile  of  felled  timber,  which  was  more  in  favor  of  the  assailed 
than  the  assailants.     "  He  who  holds  his  troops  together  to 
the  last,"  cried  Coligny,  "carries  off  the  fruit  of  the  battle." 
Here  he   found   means  to  maintain  his   position  gallantly 
against  all  the   attacks  of  Guise   and  St.  Andre.     Among 
many  other  men  of  name  who  fell  was  the  Marshal  St.  Andre 
himself.     The  battle  was  lost  to  the  Huguenots,  but  Coligny 
was  able  to  retreat  unmolested. 

*  Montaigne,  who  it  is  known  was  well  up  in  his  Plutarch,  compare» 
Gujse's  conduct  with  that  of  Philopoemen  against  Machanidas,  i.  45. 

K 


218  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

The  Protestants  were  very  far  from  regarding  themselves  as 
conquered.  « 

"  Our  infantry,"  said  the  Admiral,  in  a  letter  to  the  Q,ueen 
of  England,  "has  suffered  a  defeat  without  fighting,  but  our 
cavalry,  which  alone  fought  the  battle,  is  undamaged,  and 
wishes  for  nothing  more  ardently  than  to  meet  once  more, 
without  delay,  the  enemies  of  God  and  of  the  kingdom  ;  these 
will  deliberate  whether  to  attack  us  or  to  await  an  attack  from 
our  side."* 

After  the  prisoners  had  been  placed  in  security,  the  Admiral 
in  a  short  time  repassed  the  Loire,  and  renewed  the  war  in 
Normandy. 

But  Guise  was  also  strong,  and  took  the  field  in  force  ;  he 
undertook  the  siege  of  Orleans,  without  doubt  the  most  im- 
portant place  in  the  possession  of  the  Huguenots. 

Here,  however,  he  was  himself  destined  to  give  a  proof  that 
the  worst  consequences  of  political  or  religious  passions  are 
not  those  which  arise  from  their  giving  themselves  vent  in 
open  battle. 

That  which  characterizes  other  Romanic  nations  even  at 
the  present  day,  the  habit  of  repaying  violent  deeds  with 
violent  deeds,  was  then  the  general  custom  of  France  also. 
The  Duke  of  Guise  had  caused  a  number  of  English  and 
French  Protestants,  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands  in  Nor- 
mandy, to  be  shot,  in  return  for  which  the  Prince  of  Conde 
caused  all  those  who  had  borne  arms  against  him  in  Pluviers, 
which  he  had  just  conquered,  to  be  hanged.  If  a  Protestant 
counselor  was  deprived  of  life  at  Paris,  a  Catholic  must  die 
for  it  at  Orleans  ;  and  now  this  furious  passion  of  retaliation 
with  injustice  and  cruelty,  for  injustice  and  cruelty  suffered, 
took  a  personal  direction  against  Francis  Guise  himself.  The 
deed  he  perpetrated  at  Vassy  was  regarded  as  the  horror  of 
horrors,  and  he  himself  pointed  out  as  a  destroyer  of  men ; 
prayers  were  offered  in  the  religious  assemblies  that  God  would 
liberate  his  people  from  the  tyrant.     Calvin  asserts  that  long 

*  Ducamp  ä  Mem.  January  2,  1563,  in  Forbes,  ii.  247.  Beza,  De- 
cember 27,  1562  (MS.  Genev.)  ■  "  Noster  equitatus  est  integer,  exceptis 
equitibus  ad  summum  150  partim  captis  partim  interfectis  ;  apud  hostes 
infinita  sunt  vulnera  et  cades  maxima." 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND  1563.  219 

previous  to  this  the  offer  had  heen  made  him  by  persons  of 
resolution  to  rid  the  world  of  the  Duke,  and  that  they  were 
prevented  from  doing  so  only  by  his  dehortations.  Now,  how- 
ever, Guise,  who  was  besieging  the  chief  stronghold  of  Protest- 
antism with  the  aid  of  a  powerful  force,  appeared  more  for- 
midable than  ever,  and  there  he  was  assassinated  by  a  fanat- 
ical Huguenot,  a  young  man  named  Poltrot  de  Merey,  who 
was  in  the  service  of  the  Duke  of  Soubise.  Poltrot  had  spoken 
to  the  preachers  of  his  having  received,  as  he  believed,  a  special 
mission  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  deed,  but  they  had  ex- 
horted him  not  to  undertake  it,  and  warned  him  of  the  spirit- 
ual dangers  which  he  would  incur  by  it,  yet  not  altogether 
so  powerfully  as  to  change  his  intentions.  As  it  was  main- 
tained that  the  murders  of  the  Admiral  and  his  brother,  as  well 
as  of  the  Prince,  were  known  to  have  been  concerted  by  the 
Catholics,  Poltrot  ventured  to  give  the  Admiral  himself  some 
hints  of  his  intention.  Coligny  guarded  himself  from  giving 
the  fanatic  any  encouragement,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  did 
not  prevent  him,  considering  it  sufficient  that  he  had  warned 
the  Duke  of  a  similar  attempt  formerly.  Poltrot  remained 
persuaded  that  he  ought  to  avenge  upon  the  Duke  the  wick- 
edness he  had  committed  against  poor  Christians,  and  felt 
animated  by  religious  zeal  to  prevent  similar  deeds  for  the 
future  ;  even  in  the  churches  the  act  was  spoken  of  as  a 
righteous  judgment  of  God. 

Before  the  fanatical  conception  of  religion,  the  morality 
which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  civilization  and  of  all 
human  society  vanished.  A  mingling  of  resignation  with 
enmity,  of  religion  with  hatred,  took  place,  such  as  the  world 
had  never  before  witnessed.  It  was  like  a  bloody  religious 
feud,  in  which  those  who  held  the  same  principles  regarded 
themselves  as  one  family.  Whither  would  this  have  led  in 
process  of  time  ! 

After  the  leader  had  fallen,  the  further  continuation  of  the 
war  was  not  to  be  thought  of;  to  the  others  also  who  had 
occasioned  the  recourse  to  arms  it  had  brought  only  disaster 
— Navarre  and  St.  Andre  were  slain,  and  Montmorency  was 
in  prison.  The  Q,ueen  could  now,  as  she  had  always  desired, 
bring  about  a  peace. 


220  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Having  given  Conde  his  liberty  from  the  Catholic  prison, 
and  obtained  that  of  Montmorency  from  the  Huguenots,  she 
contrived  a  meeting  between  both  on  an  island  in  the  Loire 
— aux  Bouvieres — near  Orleans.  She  had  a  kind  of  cham- 
ber erected  for  them  on  a  barge,  but  they  preferred  the  open 
air,  and  conversed,  while  walking  up  and  down,  of  the  past 
and  the  future  :  the  first  subject  discussed  and  determined 
upon  was  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners.  The  next  day  the 
Queen  herself  appeared  on  the  island,  and  an  earnest  con- 
ference took  place  concerning  the  establishment  of  peace. 
Conde  insisted  upon  the  renewal  of  the  edict  of  January, 
which  had  been  issued  in  consequence  of  a  peculiarly  formal 
and  solemn  consultation :  Montmorency  answered,  "  that  it 
was  impossible  the  edict  could  be  acknowledged  by  the  ad- 
herents of  the  Pope."  They  then  returned  to  the  consider- 
ation of  proposals  somewhat  similar  to  those  made  by  the 
Queen  at  the  last  negotiations  in  the  neighborhood  of  Paris,  and 
at  last,  by  mutual  concessions,  they  came  to  an  agreement, 
which  was  promulgated  in  the  form  of  an  edict  on  the  19th 
of  March,  1563,  at  Amboise.  The  Protestants  were  by  this 
edict  guaranteed  the  liberty  of  worship  in  those  towns  in  which 
they  exercised  it,  and,  besides  this,  in  each  official  district  a 
place  was  to  be  assigned  to  the  Huguenots  for  the  exercise  of 
Divine  worship.  All  noblemen  should  have  the  right  to  live 
according  to  the  Confession  in  their  own  houses  ;  the  barons 
and  holders  of  high  jurisdictions,  together  with  their  tenantry 
and  subjects.  Upon  one  exception  alone  did  the  Queen 
insist  with  firmness — the  exercise  of  the  Reformed  religion 
must  remain  prohibited  within  the  metropolis  and  its  district. 
Among  the  towns  which  had  been  engaged  in  the  war,  Paris 
had  taken  a  distinguished  part ;  the  citizens  had  armed  them- 
selves, and  furnished  money  for  the  army,  chiefly  from  their 
own  resources  ;  they  were  unconquered,  and  would  not  allow 
themselves  to  be  forced  once  more  to  receive  the  Huguenots. 
What  would  not  Conde  have  given  to  be  able  to  appear  there 
again  at  their  head  !  he  declared  that  the  danger  alone  with 
which  such  a  step  menaced  the  Crown  had  induced  him  to 
give  way. 

The  pacification  thus  took  place  like  a  treaty  of  peace  be- 


COMMOTIONS  OF  1562  AND   1563.  221 

tween  two  hostile  powers,  which  confirms  to  each  the  results 
obtained  by  the  changeful  fortune  of  arms.  It  did  not  guar- 
antee to  the  Protestants  what  they  had  previously  possessed, 
nor  what  they  still  laid  claim  to,  but  yet  it  gave  them  much 
more  than  their  opponents  wished  to  concede.  They  were 
still  so  strong  that  the  Parliament  dared  not  refuse  to  verify 
and  promulgate  the  edict ;  and  now.  under  the  protection  of 
legal  authority,  and  re-established  once  more  in  the  King's 
peace,  they  were  at  liberty  to  erect  their  churches,  and  to 
attempt  an  imitation  of  the  religious  and  civil  life  of  Geneva. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

HIE     UNIVERSAL     RELIGIOUS     WAR    IN     FRANCE,    FROM     1567 
TO    1570. 

Another  feature,  of  a  more  political  character,  appeared 
in  this  event.     There  was  still  a  royal  authority  in  France. 

We  have  seen  how  it  was  almost  taken  possession  of  by  a 
party,  and  that  Q,ueen  Catharine  did  not  dare  to  oppose  the 
Duke  of  Guise.  *  She  lamented  his  death  in  a  seemly  man- 
ner, but  was  heard  to  say  soon  after,  that  if  it  had  happened 
earlier,  it  would  have  been  better  for  the  welfare  of  France. 
Navarre  and  St.  Andre  were  also  dead.  The  war  had  re- 
moved the  chiefs  who  had  imposed  their  will  upon  her ;  she 
could  now  induJge  the  thought  of  being  able  to  govern  by 
herself,  as  far  as  in  the  confused  state  of  affairs  it  was  pos- 
sible. 

The  first  step  was  to  establish  this  pacification,  and  the 
heads  of  the  hostile  parties,  both  Montmorency  and  Conde, 
were  obliged  to  lend  her  their  assistance. 

By  this  she  acquired  the  merit  of  having  once  more  united 
the  power  of  the  kingdom,  and  of  having  directed  it  against 
Havre-de-Grace.  The  English  had  founded  great  hopes  upon 
the  possession  of  this  town,  and  expected  at  least  to  obtain 
Calais  once  mere  in  exchange  for  it ;  but  the  want  of  supplies 
in  the  fortress,  a  virulent  sickness  which  broke  out  among  the 
garrison,  as  well  as  the  course  and  nature  of  things,  rendered 
it  impossible  to  maintain  the  place.  Newhaven,  as  the  En- 
glish named  Havre,  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the  French, 

*  M.  A.  Barbaro  :  "  Ne  gli  si  poteva  la  Regina  apertamente  contra- 
porsi,  dubitando  ella  non  ni  far  nemica  la  parte  Cattolica,  la  (qual)  s' 
appoggiava  e  dipendeva  du  esso  Duca  totalmente,  come  suo  capo  " 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO  1570.  223 

to  the  no  small  honor  of  the  Queen,  who  was  known  to  have 
urgently  insisted  upon  the  undertaking.  * 

In  order  that  every  objection  to  her  government  should  be 
removed,  the  Q,ueen  Mother  caused  the  young  King,  who  had 
just  entered  his  fourteenth  year,  to  be  declared  of  full  age. 
This  declaration  was  accompanied  with  a  renewal  of  the  edict 
of  pacification,  which  was  confirmed  in  all  its  points ;  the 
suggestion  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris  against  that  course 
having  been  rejected  with  some  asperity. 

The  enmity  of  the  parties,  which  from  time  to  time  blazed 
forth,  was  a  source  of  much  perplexity  to  her  Government. 
The  widow  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  implored  vengeance  for  the 
murder  of  her  husband,  and  innumerable  disputes  arose  con- 
cerning property  and  legal  titles.  The  Glueen  endeavored,  if 
not  to  satisfy  both  parties,  at  least  to  keep  them  in  something 
like  a  state  of  moderation.  She  conducted  herself,  says  the 
Venetian  Barbaro,  with  sagacious  deliberation  toward  both 
parties.  She  formed  her  resolutions  from  the  actual  state  of 
circumstances,  and  carried  them  out  in  accordance  with  new 
considerations  ;  she  had  the  skill  to  fill  both  parties  at  one 
time  with  hopes,  and  at  another  with  apprehensions.  The 
offices  rendered  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
she  distributed  among  his  relatives,  without  regarding  the 
complaints  of  the  Constable,  who  claimed  for  himself  the 
dignity  of  a  grand-maitre ;  soon  after,  however,  she  appeased 
his  discontent  by  bestowing  an  extraordinary  favor  upon  his 
son.  In  December,  1563,  the  Constable  and  the  Admiral 
appeared  at  court,  surrounded  by  retinues  greater  than  that 
of  the  King  himself.  The  Parisians  observed,  with  suppress- 
ed rage,  that  among  them  were  the  very  men  who,  some  time 
before,  were  desirous  of  conquering  and  plundering  the  city  ; 
the  Glueen,  however,  did  not  interfere. 

The  Prince  of  Conde,  who  was  not  wanting  in  activity  at 
the  siege  of  Havre,  appeared  at  the  Court  at  Fontainebleau, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1564,  and  was  most  cordially 
received.  As  he  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery  in 
the  field,  he  now  desired  to  shine  through  his  versatility,  by 

*  Barbaro  :  "  Essendo  seguita  questa  impresa  quasi  per  sola  volonta 
6ua." 


224  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

taking  part  in  the  knightly  festivities  of  the  Court,  in  which 
it  was  then  the  fashion  to  represent  the  heroic  fables  of  the 
Greeks,  and,  in  accordance  with  his  nature,  allowed  him- 
self to  be  but  too  easily  ensnared  by  the  pleasures  of  the 
Court. 

When  the  Court  left  Fontainebleau,  on  the  progress  through 
the  kingdom,  which  brought  it  as  far  as  Bayonne,  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  peace  of  the  capital,  which  was  in  a  state  of 
ceaseless  fermentation,  was  intrusted  to  Francis  de  Montmor- 
ency, the  son  of  the  Constable.  A  prohibition  against  carry- 
ing fire-arms,  which  had  been  issued  a  short  time  previously, 
was  indispensable  to  him  for  this  purpose,  and  he  enforced  it 
even  against  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  himself.  The  Cardinal, 
confiding  in  a  prerogative  granted  him  by  the  Glueen,  wished 
to  bring  his  two  nephews,  Guise  and  Mayenne,  into  Paris 
with  an  armed  escort,  but  Montmorency  met  and  disarmed 
them  on  their  entrance  :  he  was  of  opinion  that  he  ought  not 
to  allow  the  general  law  to  be  infringed  in  his  government, 
and,  besides,  he  had  a  strong  objection  to  that  privilege  of 
the  Cardinal,  as  well  as  to  his  manner  of  making  it  subserve 
his  purposes. 

The  public  saw  in  this  a  movement  of  the  old  party  spirit 
which  animated  each  faction  with  a  desire  to  inflict  a  blow 
upon  the  other.  The  Q,ueen  did  not  rest  until,  on  her  return 
to  Moulins,  the  feud  was  extinguished,  at  least  in  appearance. 
The  Admiral  Coligny  declared,  before  the  secret  council  of 
the  King,  as  if  he  had  been  in  the  presence  of  God,  that  he 
had  had  no  part  in  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and 
was  acquitted  of  all  blame  in  the  matter.  A  scene  of  recon- 
ciliation ensued,  which,  for  a  time  at  least,  gave  a  pledge  of 
peace,  and  which  might  have  guaranteed  its  continuance 
further,  had  not  the  general  European  character  of  the  great 
religious  opposition  to  the  old  Church,  which  was  constantly 
on  the  increase,  reacted  upon  France  also. 

The  Council,  which  the  adherents  of  the  new  opinions  had 
eo  often  demanded,  had  at  length  been  held,  but  in  a  form  alto- 
gether different  from  what  they  had  proposed ;  and  its  conclu- 
sions amounted  to  a  rejection  of  every  opinion  which  varied 
from  the  ancient  system,  to  which  it  gave  a  definite  constitu- 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO  1570.  225 

tion,  and  to  the  hierarchy  generally  a  connection  of  parts  and 
a  discipline  which  it  had  never  previously  possessed. 

In  France  there  was  no  intention  of  submitting  inconsid- 
erately to  the  decrees  of  the  Council  respecting  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Church  and  its  reform.  A  number  of  presidents 
and  members  of  the  Parliament,  before  whom  the  Court 
caused  the  decrees  to  be  laid,  declared  that  they  were  incom- 
patible with  the  rights  of  the  Crown  and  with  the  preroga- 
tives of  the  Gallican  Church.* 

It  was  impossible  that  the  French  Legislature,  which  was 
at  the  very  moment  occupied  with  measures  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  kingdom  from  all  foreign  influ- 
ence, and  for  its  centralization  in  the  hands  which  wielded 
the  supreme  power,  could  adopt  decrees  which  vindicated  the 
old  complete  independency  of  the  spiritual  jurisdiction.  The 
efibrts  of  the  Chancellor  L'Hopital  were  directed  much  more 
to  the  subjection  of  the  spiritual  to  the  secular  jurisdiction, 
and  four-fifths  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Council  held  similar 
opinions.  The  Q,ueen,  as  she  could  expect  no  satisfactory 
result  from  the  articles  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  entertained 
the  design  of  bringing  the  most  distinguished  princes  together 
to  a  consultation,  in  order  to  compel  the  Pope  to  several  things 
in  which  he  had  hitherto  shown  himself  exceedingly  obstinate, 
for  she  thought  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  withstand  the 
authority  of  such  great  princes. 

So  far  as  we  have  authentic  information  of  the  Glueen's 
intentions  at  this  period,  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  that  she 
desired  earnestly  to  maintain  this  condition  of  peace,  after 
which  well-disposed  men,  like  De  Thou,  the  historian,  yearned 
in  after  times.  "  The  misfortunes  of  the  last  war,"  said  she, 
in  a  letter  to  her  embassador  at  Vienna,  "  have  taught  men 
that  religion  is  not  to  be  restored  by  force  of  arms ;"  and 
added,  that  she  had  opposed  such  a  course  from  the  begin- 
ning, but  had  not  then  the  power  to  prevent  it,  and  that, 

*  The  articles  mentioned  by  Matthieu,  "  Histoire  de  France,"  i.  279, 
and  which  also  exist  elsewhere,  of  a  delegation  which  was  to  be  held 
at  Fontainebleau,  in  February,  I  can  not  regard  as  genuine  ;  they  are 
in  discordance  with  the  letters  of  the  Queen,  Feb.  28,  and  of  Morvilliers, 
March  3,  1564. 


226  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

now  the  pacification  was  effected  with  such  infinite  pain,  she 
would,  if  it  were  necessary,  lay  down  her  own  life  to  preserve 
it* 

Whatever  conduct  the  Court  might  have  adopted,  the 
spirit  of  party,  which  had  never  been  subdued,  wrought  in 
the  depths  of  men's  minds,  and,  in  association  with  the  re- 
ligious agitations,  especially  with  the  doctrine  and  teaching 
of  the  Jesuits,  who  had  established  themselves  in  France  in 
defiance  of  all  opposition,  caused  an  antagonistic  movement 
in  the  nation.  The  natural  indwelling  aversion  of  the  pro- 
fessors of  an  acknowledged  and  prevailing  doctrine  to  all 
variations  from  its  standard,  was  fanned  to  a  glowing  hatred; 
expressions  indicating  a  thirst  for  blood,  at  which  men  stood 
aghast,  were  heard  among  the  mob  of  Paris. 

When  the  Court  came  to  Lyons,  information  was  conveyed 
to  it  that  if  the  King  and  his  advisers  should  continue  to  re- 
sist the  impending  general  rising  against  the  Huguenots,  it 
would  be  turned  against  himself;  and  the  eagerness  for  the 
possession  of  the  estates  to  be  confiscated  already  showed 
itself.  In  the  south  of  France  anti-Protestant  associations 
were  formed,  of  which  the  Court  was  very  far  from  approv- 
ing. 

The  influence  of  Spain  was  also  felt  anew;  it  had  rejected 
every  thing  like  toleration  within  its  own  bounds,  and  it 
sought  to  make  things  retrograde  in  France  also. 

It  is  perfectly  true,  as  it  has  always  been  narrated,  that  at 
the  meeting  between  the  Queen  Mother  and  her  daughter  of 
Spain,  which  took  place  at  Bayonne  in  June,  1565,  the  Duke 
of  Alva  left  no  means  untried  to  urge  upon  the  French  Court 
stronger  measures  against  the  Huguenots ;  in  which  he  found 
the  liveliest  co-operation  among  some  of  the  French  who  ac- 
companied the  Court.  The  Duke  of  Montpensier,  who  wished 
to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a  Catholic  association,  Blaise 
Monluc,  who  was  eager  to  acquire  a  religious  and  chivalrous 
reputation  in  the  contest  with  the  Huguenots,  the  Cardinal 
of  Lorraine,  and  others,  cordially  agreed  that  two  great  re- 

*  "Je  veux  conserver  la  tranquillite  d'aujourd'hui  jusques  a  y 
employer  ma  propre  vie." — Le  Laboureur,  Additions  to  Castelnau,  ii. 
329. 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO   1570.  227 

sources  must  be  brought  into  operation  against  the  Hugue- 
nots. The  one  was  to  expel  the  whole  body  of  their  preach- 
ers from  the  country ;  the  other,  at  once  to  assassinate  the 
unhappy  men  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the  faction — in  num- 
ber from  four  to  six,  and  upon  whom  all  depended — or  in 
some  other  way  to  render  them  incapable  of  doing  mischief. 
It  is  a  great  error  to  believe  that  either  the  young  King  or 
Queen  Catharine  was  a  party  to  these  designs,  or  that  the 
plan,  as  concerted,  was  to  be  executed  by  them.  Charles  IX. 
expressed  his  dislike  to  violent  measures,  and  on  one  occa- 
sion, when  it  was  proposed  only  to  renew  the  war,  with  such 
emphasis,  that  Alva  remarked,  ironically,  he  appeared  to  have 
learned  his  lesson  well.  Catharine  also  rejected  with  decision 
a  suggestion  that  L'Hopital  should  be  dismissed  from  office. 
She  even  spoke,  at  one  time,  of  a  national  ecclesiastical  coun- 
cil, to  inquire  whether  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
could  be  accepted.*  The  Spanish  Court  would  not  now  pro- 
ceed further  in  considering  the  French  proposals  for  a  new 
alliance  of  the  two  houses,  by  means  of  a  marriage,  to  take 
place  at  a  future  time ;  and  both  parties  separated  from  each 
other  with  coolness. 

Alva  did  not  on  this  account  abandon  his  projects;  he  gave 
expression  to  the  most  extensive  and  daring  designs,  and  de- 
clared that  if  the  French  government  refused  to  participate 
in  them,  he  was  himself  ready  to  unite  with  the  leaders  of 

*  This  is  the  import  of  Alva's  letters  to  King  Philip  from  June  13  to 
July  4,  from  which  H.  Martin  has  given  an  extract,  x.  682.  St.  Sul- 
pice  (in  the  Raumer  letters  from  Paris,  i.  117)  was  not  well  informed. 
The  assertion,  so  often  repeated,  that  the  murder  of  all  the  Huguenot 
leaders,  a  kind  of  Sicilian  Vespers,  was  proposed  and  resolved  upon 
here  in  Bayonne,  just  as  it  came  to  pass  afterward,  is  stated  with  em- 
phasis by  Gio.  B.  Adriani,  "  Storia  di  Suoi  Tempi,"  1583,  iii.  740.  It 
was  intended  to  carry  the  scheme  into  execution  at  the  proposed  meet- 
ing at  Moulins,  but  it  was  given  up  "  per  alcuni  sospetti  che  apparivano 
nelli  Ugonotti."  He  does  not  say  that  he  has  this  from  any  special 
source  of  information :  "  Questo  fatto  non  si  seppe  allora  per  alcun  prin- 
cipe, ma  il  tempo  1'  a  poi  scoperto."  Thuanus  caused  this  narrative  to 
obtain  some  credit  by  suggesting  that  it  might  have  been  derived  from 
the  papers  of  Duke  Cosmo  of  Florence  ;  "  ex  Cosmi  Etruris  Ducis,  ut 
verosimile  est,  multa  hausit"  (the  words  of  Adrian  remind  us  of  the  ex- 
pressions which  appear  in  the  biography  of  the  Admiral,  published  in 
1575).     This  narrative  has  henceforth  predominated  in  history. 


228  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  Catholic  party,  who  had  already  manifested  their  adher- 
ence to  King  Philip,  and  emulated  his  own  subjects  in  the 
confidence  they  placed  in  him.  Montpensier  said  that  if  his 
heart  were  opened  the  name  of  Philip  would  be  found  written 
on  it. 

Some  time  after  this,  we  find  Catharine  still  true  to  her 
maxims :  when,  in  consequence  of  the  severity  of  the  Span- 
ish measures,  commotions  broke  out  in  the  Netherlands,  she 
thought  it  fortunate  for  France  not  to  have  experienced  so 
great  an  evil,  and  stated  that  all  the  French  were  concerned 
in  respecting  it  was,  to  preserve  their  own  country  in  a  peace- 
ful condition.* 

It  was,  however,  one  of  the  most  difficult  of  all  the  problems 
of  political  science,  in  a  time  of  universal  disunion,  when  the 
spirit  of  party  agitated  all  Europe,  and  broke  out  in  various 
contests,  to  preserve  the  independent  position  of  a  state  in 
whose  interior  the  same  elements  were  fermenting.  It  re- 
quired a  firm,  decided  mind  in  the  general  conduct  of  affairs, 
and  a  definite  object. 

In  Catharine,  whose  personal  peculiarities  we  shall  notice 
hereafter,  there  was  so  much  consciousness  of  the  true  con- 
ditions of  authority,  that  she  endeavored  to  keep  down  the 
rage  of  the  several  parties.  Her  love  of  peace  had  no  other 
foundation  than  a  dislike  of  war.  She  declared  a  thousand 
times  to  the  Papal  nuncio,  as  well  as  to  the  Spanish  and 
Venetian  embassadors,  that  she  hoped  yet  to  be  able  to  re- 
establish the  old  condition  of  things.  The  opinion  that  she 
cherished  an  inclination  to  the  Huguenots  and  their  doctrines, 
was  one  that  she  always  contradicted  with  a  kind  of  offended 
anger.  She  was  seen  once  more  assisting,  with  her  sons,  at 
the  ecclesiastical  processions ;  she  removed  from  the  Court 
all  the  ladies  who  had  ceased  to  attend  the  Catholic  services 
and  ceremonies  ;  wherever  the  Court  appeared,  no  Protestant 
worship  was  permitted  for  many  miles  round.  The  edict  of 
pacification  was  limited  by  partial  arrangements,  now  in  one 

*  "  Qu'il  sc  fallait  mettre  en  peine  de  s'y  conserver  (en  repos)  e  d'y 
demeurer  hors  des  maux  que  havoient  les  aultres." — From  one  of  her 
letters,  in  Bouille,  ii.  383.  A  collection  of  Catharine's  letters  is  indis- 
pensable to  a  detailed  history  of  those  times. 


RELIGI0U3  WAR  FROM   1567  TO   1570.  229 

way  and  now  in  another,  without  any  respect  to  the  com- 
plaints of  the  Huguenots,  however  well  grounded.  They 
gnashed  their  teeth,  but  they  did  not  stir,  as  the  state  of  things 
in  general  gave  no  cause  for  dissatisfaction. 

There  has  never  been  any  proof  brought  forward  that  an 
understanding  existed  with  King  Philip,  when  he  sent  an 
Italian  and  Spanish  army  into  the  Netherlands  under  the 
Duke  of  Alva.  On  the  contrary,  we  find  that  the  towns  were 
ordered  to  be  fortified,  lest,  little  as  it  was  expected,  they 
might  possibly  be  attacked  by  the  Spaniards ;  that,  a  short 
time  previously,  an  alliance  was  again  formed  with  Switzer- 
land, in  direct  opposition  to  Spain ;  and  that  a  fresh  enlistment 
of  troops  was  effected  there  in  the  year  1567,  amidst  impedi- 
ments constantly  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  Spanish  faction. 

It  was  not  possible,  however,  for  the  government,  as  the 
leaders  of  the  Huguenots  required,  either  to  make  the  move- 
ment in  the  Netherlands  subserve  the  political  interests  of 
France,  or  to  oppose  the  passage  of  Alva's  troops.  Conde 
had  founded  the  most  ambitious  expectations  upon  these  pro- 
jects ;  between  him  and  the  Queen's  second  son,  the  Duke 
of  Anjou,  whom  she  was  endeavoring  to  place  at  the  head  of 
the  armed  power,  because  she  deemed  him  personally  more 
to  be  relied  on  than  the  King,  an  angry  explanation  took 
place  at  the  supper-table.  "  Cousin,"  said  the  Duke,  "  if  you 
strive  to  obtain  what  belongs  to  me,  I  will  make  you  little  in 
the  same  degree  as  you  imagine  to  become  great."  *  The 
times  were  past  when  the  Prince  could  have  flattered  himself 
with  the  hope  of  acquiring  a  leading  influence  in  general  affairs, 
and  of  moderating  the  portions  of  the  Edict  of  Pacification 
which  were  unfavorable  to  his  co-religionists.  These  very 
pretensions  of  his  excited  the  Queen's  antipathy  against  him 

No  sooner  had  the  champions  of  the  Huguenots  left  the 
Court  than  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  appeared  there  and  took 
his  old  place  in  the  Council.  With  all  his  apparent  modera- 
tion and  much  vacillation  in  his  ordinary  conduct,  he  was 

*  What  Brantome  narrates  concerning  this  incident  in  the  life  of 
Conde  (Hommes  Illustres,  iii.  218)  receives  a  peculiar  illustration  from 
the  intelligence  which  reached  Germany. — Schardius,  De  rebus  gesti- 
bus  sub  Maximiliano,  ii.  64. 


230  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ever  the  same — unchangeable  in  his  views,  and,  despite  of 
all  reconciliation,  implacable.  He  was  not  yet  master  in  the 
highest  Council,  but  he  might  be  so  at  any  moment. 

The  tidings  of  Alva's  arrival  in  the  Netherlands  had  mean- 
while reached  France,  and  of  the  arbitrary  measures  he  had 
taken  against  all  who  had  hitherto  been  powerful,  and  whom 
he  looked  upon  as  hostile,  or  even  as  not  cordial.  The  Protest- 
ants throughout  Europe  regarded  Alva's  mission  as  a  common 
danger — as  the  beginning  of  a  hostile  enterprise  affecting  them 
all ;  but  the  danger  was  nearest  and  most  imminent  to  the 
Huguenots  in  France. 

Even  the  French  government  commenced  arming.  New 
captains  were  appointed  to  the  civic  militia  of  Paris ;  the 
companies  of  the  kommes  d'armes  were  raised  to  their  full 
number.  The  newly  enlisted  Swiss,  who  were  to  have  de- 
fended the  frontiers,  were,  to  the  number  of  six  thousand,  all 
zealous  Catholics,  drawn  into  the  interior  of  the  kingdom. 
This  was  the  ancient  resource  of  the  supreme  power  in  its 
intestine  as  well  as  in  its  foreign  wars.  The  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Champagne,  Barbezieux,  made  it  publicly  known 
that  their  destination  was  against  the  Huguenots ;  they  were 
warned  of  the  same  by  those  members  of  the  Council,  who 
with  their  assistance  hoped  to  be  able  to  resist  the  Cardinal. 
The  most  fearful  apprehensions  took  possession  of  them. 
Their  King  was  a  child,  the  Queen  a  woman  upon  whom  no 
dependence  could  be  placed,  and  in  whom  no  one  confided  : 
how  easily  might  she  be  persuaded  that  what  she  had  held 
to  be  impracticable  could  be  accomplished  without  difficulty, 
or  even,  as  in  the  year  1562,  be  carried  away  by  the  hostile 
faction,  to  give  an  apparent  consent  to  their  proceedings ! 
The  Huguenots  were  determined  not  to  allow  this  to  take 
place  a  second  time.  How  could  it  be  expected,  said  they, 
that  we  should  continue  to  make  requests  to  them,  and  to  wait 
inactively  for  their  answers,  until  through  the  power  of  our 
enemies  at  the  Court  we  be  condemned  afresh  and  over- 
powered— until  we  are  thrown  into  prison  or  chased  like  wild 
animals  in  the  woods,  should  we  flee  from  the  tyranny  ? 
With  the  power  they  possessed  they  declared  that  such  pusil- 
lanimous conduct  would  bring  them  into  contempt  with  all 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO  1570.  231 

the  warriors  in  the  world.  They  determined  on  this  occasion 
to  anticipate  the  movements  of  their  enemies — to  compel  the 
Court  to  remove  the  Cardinal,  and  to  dismiss  the  Swiss  troops 
— for  French  history  teaches  that  that  party  only  which  was 
master  of  the  Court  could  accomplish  any  thing.* 

Had  Calvin  lived,  I  am  of  opinion  that  he  would  have  ap- 
proved as  little  of  this  deviation  from  the  regular  course  of 
justice,  in  which  the  faithful  should  ever  he  consistent,  as  he 
did  before  of  the  plot  at  Amboise ;  the  Admiral  Coligny,  the 
coolest  and  most  penetrating  of  the  French  leaders,  was  also 
against  it  at  the  beginning.  But  the  urgency  of  the  gentry,  who 
were  always  easily  aroused,  and  now  excited  with  Protestant 
sympathy,  and  goaded  by  vague  apprehensions,  was  not  to  be 
resisted  :  it  appeared  to  them  that  all  their  actions  would  be 
justified  when  they  had  a  prince  of  the  blood  at  their  head  like 
Condc,  who  was  now  as  zealous  as  any.  They  resolved  then 
to  take  up  arms,  a  course  for  which  they  were  always  prepared. 

On  the  27th  of  September,  1567,  the  movement  took  place 
simultaneously  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  While  the  dis- 
tant provinces  rose  separately,  the  Huguenots  from  the  sur- 
rounding country  assembled  at  Roye-en-Brie,  and  took  their 
way  toward  the  residence  of  the  Court,  which  was  then  at 
Monceaux,  near  Meaux,  hoping  to  surprise  it  during  the  pre- 
parations for  the  solemn  observance  of  Michaelmas. 

In  the  secresy  with  which  the  plan  was  formed,  and  the 
rapidity  and  precision  of  its  execution,  the  learned  men  of  the 
age  could  find  nothing  in  the  whole  course  of  history  to  be 
compared  with  it,  without  going  back  to  the  times  of  Mithri- 
dates,  king  of  Pontus. 

The  Court,  however,  was  warned  at  the  critical  moment, 
and  returned  to  Paris  under  the  protection  of  the  Swiss — so 
far  therefore  the  enterprise  of  the  Huguenots  had  miscarried  ; 
but  they  had  the  upper  hand  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and 
menaced  the  capital,  and  the  Cardinal  was  in  fact  compelled 
to  leave  the  Court :  he  took  an  opportunity  to  escape  during 
the  tumult,  and  fled  to  Rheims. 

It  appeared  to  him  very  possible  that  the  Huguenots  might 
obtain  the  mastery  in  the  struggle,  and  force  the  Crown  to  a 
*  La  Noue,  Memoire«  Anc.  CI.  xlvii.  169. 


232  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

treaty,  which  might  have  the  effect  of  expelling  him  and  his 
family  from  France. 

The  offers  which  the  Cardinal  made,  under  the  influence 
of  this  fear,  to  the  King  of  Spain,  are  not  only  curious  for  the 
moment,  but  also  of  consequence  for  later  times.  He  called 
the  attention  of  the  monarch  to  the  claims  he  possessed  upon 
the  crown  of  France  in  right  of  his  consort,  and  offered  to 
place  himself  altogether  under  his  protection  and  to  deliver 
into  his  hands  some  strong  places  on  the  French  frontiers. 
Both  the  King  and  his  general,  Alva,  were  inclined  at  this 
time  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  strong  places,  but  of  nothing 
more  j*  they  were  also  afraid  that  the  Huguenots  would  suc- 
ceed in  reducing  the  Court  to  terms,  in  which  case  they  re- 
solved to  carry  the  war  themselves  into  France,  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  Catholicism. 

This  time,  however,  things  did  not  come  to  so  decided  a 
rupture  between  the  parties.  The  Huguenots,  on  the  failure 
of  their  first  attempt,  contented  themselves  with  making  de- 
mands for  their  security ;  and  the  whole  question  now  was 
whether  the  Court  would  accede  to  these  demands. 

They  first  brought  forward  the  oft-discussed  state  of  the 
nation,  in  association  with  their  own  particular  case.  There 
were  many  grievances  of  which  all  complained — the  unworthy 
occupation  of  offices,  the  imposts  continually  increasing,  even 
in  times  of  peace,  and  which  went  for  the  most  part  to  enrich 
the  Italian  bankers,  and  the  presence  of  foreign  troops  :  they 
also  demanded  that  the  Estates  should  be  again  convoked  ; 
but,  as  was  said  to  them,  they  had  in  these  demands  en- 
croached upon  the  royal  office. t  In  the  second  memorial 
therefore  they  left  all  these  grievances  out  of  view,  and  asked 
only  for  liberty,  "  to  call  upon  God  publicly  according  to  the 
purity  of  the  Gospel  without  distinction  of  place  or  persons, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  able  to  yield  lawful  obedience  to 
the  King,  whom  they  were  subject  to  next  after  God."     Their 

*  We  learn  this  from  a  letter  of  Alva  to  King  Phillip  II.,  Nov.  1, 
1567,  in  Gachard's  Correspondence  de  Phillippe  IL,  i.  593,  No.  673. 

t  Popeliniere,  xii.  21,  23,  has  both  articles.  Serranus  remarks  that 
the  Queen  declared  "  caput  illud  de  onerum  levatione"  to  be  rebellious, 
and  thereby  caused  it  to  be  altered  :  iii.  92- 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO  1570.  233 

request  implied  no  doubt  a  complete  equality  of  rights,  though 
expressly  they  merely  asked  for  the  repeal  of  limitations  which 
had  been  made  to  the  Edict  of  Pacification. 

The  Court,  however,  now  in  the  midst  of  its  orthodox  capi- 
tal, did  not  feel  so  weak  as  to  yield  to  the  necessity  of  conced- 
ing even  this  immediately  :  furnished  with  a  sum  of  money  by 
the  clergy  who  were  assembled  in  accordance  with  the  agree- 
ment made  at  Poissy,  it  felt  itself  able  to  send  a  force  into  the 
field  from  the  walls  of  Paris  against  the  Huguenots.  Old 
Montmorency  had  placed  himself  once  more  at  the  disposal 
of  the  King,  stating  that  he  was  willing  to  die  at  the  foot  of 
the  throne  :  the  leading  of  the  troops  was  accordingly  in- 
trusted to  him.  The  two  armies  met  on  the  10th  of  Novem- 
ber, at  St.  Denis,  and  a  fierce,  short,  and  bloody  encounter  en- 
sued. The  Huguenots  lost  the  day,  but  the  Catholics  also  suf- 
fered severely  ;  Montmorency  himself  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  died  a  few  days  afterward. 

It  rested  with  the  Queen  alone  to  bring  a  more  considerable 
armed  force  into  the  field.  The  Duke  of  Alva  had  offered  to 
enter  France  with  an  army  of  5000  cavalry  and  15,000  in- 
fantry, and  to  terminate  the  whole  matter  if  she  desired  it.* 
Her  refusal  of  this  offer  is  easily  comprehended,  if  it  arose 
from  a  hesitation  to  introduce  into  France  a  power  which 
would  have  imposed  laws  on  herself;  but  how  is  it  to  be  ac- 
counted for  that  she  made  no  opposition  to  the  enlistment  of 
troops  in  Germany  for  the  Huguenots,!  and  even  requested 
those  who  were  engaged  in  preparations  for  arming  them  to 
hasten  their  operations,  as  likely  to  promote  peace  ? 

John  Casimir,  of  the  Palatinate,  who  was  zealous  for  his 
creed,  and  always  prepared  to  fight,  entered  France  at  the 
head  of  seven  thousand  five  hundred  cavalry  and  some  thou- 
sands of  infantry — not,  as  he  declared,  to  make  war  upon  the 
King,  for  should  even  his  co-religionists  attempt  such  a  course, 
he  would  himself  turn  his  arms  against  them,  but  to  defend 
them  against  the  enemies  of  their  persons  and  their  religion. 
Immediately  afterward  the  Huguenots  formed  a  junction  with 
the  German  auxiliaries,  and  the  united  force  directed  its  march 

*  Alva's  letter,  December,  1567,  in  Gachard,  608,  etc. 

t  Such  is  the  report  of  Hubert  Languet. — Epp.  Arc.  i.  43. 


234  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

upon  Chartres.  It  appeared  as  if  the  city  must  in  all  proba- 
bility fall  into  their  hands,  when  the  Court  (March  28,  1568) 
resolved  in  reality  upon  peace,  granting  to  the  Huguenots 
what  they  had  demanded  from  the  beginning,  namely,  the 
restoration  of  the  Edict  of  Pacification  to  its  full  operation. 

A  request  that  they  should  receive  a  guarantee  for  the  ful- 
fillment of  these  promises,  was  declined  by  the  Court  as  an 
indignity,  and  the  Huguenots  resolved  not  to  insist  upon  it. 
In  fact,  the  gentry,  fatigued  with  the  hardships  of  a  winter 
campaign,  longed  for  their  homes ;  they  imagined  they  had 
accomplished  their  object,  and  hoped  now  "  to  be  able  to 
honor  God,  and  to  serve  the  King  in  peace."  The  Germans, 
in  like  manner,  returned  to  their  own  country.  It  seemed  as 
if  the  balance,  of  power  between  the  two  parties  would  be 
again  restored,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  universal  storm. 

Was  this  in  reality  to  be  expected,  however,  from  the  nature 
of  affairs  and  relations  in  France,  or  from  the  personal  char- 
acter of  those  who  guided  them  ? 

I  can  not  concur  in  the  statement  so  often  repeated,  that 
this  peaceful  agreement  was  formed  with  the  deliberate  in- 
tention of  breaking  it  immediately.  It  had  been  brought 
about  by  the  Chancellor  L'Höpital  and  the  Bishops  of  Limo- 
ges and  Orleans,  the  most  moderate  members  of  the  Council, 
who  held  that  concession  was  necessary,  and  upon  that  ground- 
ed all  their  policy,  and  who,  no  doubt,  would  have  observed 
it  willingly.  But  the  spirit  of  party  division  had  penetrated 
the  Council  itself,  and  by  the  side  of  the  members  who  loved 
peace,  sat  men  of  another  disposition — men  who  rejected  every 
thing  like  concession,  as  fundamentally  inadmissible.  The 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine  had  again  taken  his  place  there,  after 
the  storm  had  blown  over,  and  now  received  more  countenance 
from  the  Q,ueen  than  formerly.  However  her  language  might 
vary,  she  could  not  pardon  the  last  rising  of  the  Huguenots, 
the  disrespect  they  had  shown  for  the  royal  dignity,  and  the 
embarrassment  into  which  they  had  brought  the  Court.  Be- 
sides this,  the  Cardinal  was  indispensable  to  her,  since  his 
authority  in  the  capital,  which,  being  thoroughly  Catholic, 
placed  the  utmost  confidence  in  him,  would  most  easily  in- 
duce the  citizens  to  grant  her  supplies  of  money.    King  Philip 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO  1570.  235 

once  more  offered  his  assistance  in  the  most  respectful  terms : 
he  especially  magnified  the  political  motive  of  the  rebellious 
proceedings  which  had  taken  place  at  Meaux :  it  might  be 
thought,  he  said,  that  he  wished  to  sow  discord  in  France  for 
selfish  purposes,  but  that  such  arts  were  foreign  to  him  as  a 
knight  and  a  man  of  honor ;  with  all  that  he  was  and  all 
that  he  possessed,  he  was  ready  to  serve  the  French  Crown 
in  its  contest  with  the  rebels.  * 

Many  others  also,  greatly  exaggerating  the  objects  of  the 
Huguenots  in  their  movement  upon  Meaux,  reminded  the 
young  King  Charles  that  he  was  not  bound  to  observe  either 
truth  or  consideration  toward  rebels  who  had  attempted  his 
life  and  his  authority.  In  Alva's  letter  to  him,  appear  the 
most  inflexible  maxims  of  religious  and  political  absolutism. 
"  A  prince,"  said  he,  "  who  enters  into  a  treaty  with  his  sub- 
jects can  never  again  reckon  upon  their  obedience.  It  is  not 
competent  to  him  to  make  concessions  in  matters  of  religion, 
for  in  doing  so  he  interferes  with  foreign  rights — the  rights  of 
God,  who  will  not  suffer  it ;  better  is  it  that  a  kingdom  should 
be  ruined  by  war,  than  that  it  should  be  allowed  to  apostatize 
from  God  and  from  the  King  for  the  advantage  of  Satan  and 
the  heretics,  his  retainers."  f  His  suggestion  must  have  been 
all  the  more  influential,  since  he  had  succeeded  in  keeping 
the  Netherlands  in  subjection.  To  this  advice,  the  Cardinal 
added  that  the  conduct  of  the  Huguenots  was  a  revolt  against 
the  Deity ;  that  the  King  had  it  in  his  power  to  punish  such 
rebellion,  and  that,  if  he  neglected  to  do  so,  he  might  justly 
fear  the  vengeance  of  God.  Pope  Pius  V.,  in  the  harshest 
terms,  expressed  his  disapproval  of  the  agreement  that  had 
been  made,  and  enjoined  the  King  to  purge  his  kingdom  of 
heretics,  and  his  court  of  the  corrupt  counselors  by  whom  he 
was  surrounded. 

A  feeling  akin  to  that  expressed  in  these  counsels  and  ad- 
monitions had  been  awakened  in  the  interior  of  France.    The 

*  "  Che  si  vaglino  delli  Stadi  della  persona  e  di  quanto  ha". — The 
Venetian  embassador  in  Spain  :  November  10,  1567. 

t  "  II  vaut  beaucoup  mieux  avoir  un  royaume  ruine,  en  le  conservant 
pour  Dieu  et  le  Roi,  que  de  Tavoir  tout  entier  au  profit  du  demon  et 
des  heretiques  ses  sectateurs." — In  Gachard,  609,  etc. 


236  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

armed  rising  of  the  Huguenots,  however  well  grounded  it 
might  have  been,  and  the  violent  proceedings  they  had  com- 
menced, excited  the  aversion  of  all  who  did  not  belong  to 
them.  The  blending  of  religious  with  political  partisanship 
fanned  all  the  passions  of  the  time  to  a  raging  flame  :  the 
Venetian  Correro  asserts  that  he  was  not  acquainted  with  one 
person  who  was  not  in  a  kind  of  fury  on  account  of  either  his 
own  affairs  or  those  of  his  friends.  The  unanimity  and  pro- 
gress of  the  Huguenots,  had  held  their  opponents  in  terror  for 
a  long  time  ;  but  the  peace  had  now  a  twofold  effect — its 
conditions  aroused  the  old  Catholic  pride,  while  the  disarma- 
ment of  the  Huguenots  gave  their  opponents  resolution  to 
declare  against  them.  In  the  towns,  where  their  place  was 
now  taken  by  royalist  garrisons,  the  majority  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, who  were  Catholics,  would  not  hear  of  the  fulfillment 
of  the  conditions  of  peace,  and  wherever  the  Huguenots  raised 
their  voices  against  this  injustice,  they  were  subjected  to  the 
violence  of  the  mob.  In  several  places  the  governors  refused 
to  lend  their  authority  to  the  renewal  of  the  Edict  of  Pacifi- 
cation. Associations  were  formed,  in  many  of  the  provinces, 
between  the  governors,  the  nobility,  and  the  clergy,  which 
were  called  "Christian  and  royal,"  but  in  whose  declarations 
there  were  clauses  which  breathed  a  spirit  by  no  means  roy- 
alist, as  that  of  the  union  in  Champagne  "  for  the  defense  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  France,  and  for  maintaining  the  royal 
authority  in  the  house  of  Valois,"  to  which  was  appended  the 
significant  proviso,  "  so  long  as  it  should  govern  in  the  Catholic 
and  apostolic  religion."*  Was  not  this  rather  a  threat  than 
a  promise  ?  It  is  still  more  broadly  equivocal  than  the  pledge 
once  given  by  Francis  Duke  of  Guise  to  Queen  Catharine, 
that  he  would  obey  her  if  she  would  protect  religion. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  more  moderate  party  could 
not  maintain  their  position  in  the  Council.  L'Hopital  was 
once  requested  by  a  German  friend  still  to  attend  the  sittings 
occasionally,  since,  although  he  might  not  be  able  to  effect 
any  thing  good,  he  might  probably  be  the  means  of  prevent- 

*  Serment  des  Associes  de  la  Ligue  Chrestienne  et  royalle  de  la 
province  de  Champagne,  25  Juin,  1568. — Journal  de  Henry  III.,  1744, 
üi.  31. 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO  1570.  237 

ing  much  evil.  The  Chancellor  replied  that  in  the  Council 
his  very  appearance  was  hateful,  to  say  nothing  of  their  at- 
tending to  his  advice.  He  states  in  his  will  that  the  young 
King  himself  did  not  dare  to  utter  his  opinions ;  in  all  deci- 
sions Catharine,  the  Cardinal,  and  the  President  Birago,  who 
had  a  thorough  understanding  with  them  both,  carried  every 
thing  in  their  own  way. 

A  full  execution  of  the  treaty  of  peace  was,  as  we  have 
already  hinted,  not  to  be  expected.  Violence  on  the  one  side, 
and  resistance  on  the  other,  with  alternate  charges  and  com- 
plaints, filled  men's  minds  every  where  with  new  discord. 
The  Catholic  party,  once  more  in  possession  of  the  supreme 
authority,  had  a  decided  preponderance,  and,  while  the  others 
dispersed  toward  their  several  homes,  they  took  possession  of 
the  towns,  the  strong  places,  and  the  passages  of  the  rivers, 
with  their  troops  and  devoted  adherents  ;  for  they  had  not 
dismissed  either  the  Swiss  or  the  Italians,  or  even  the  French 
companies.  Their  first  design  seems  to  have  been  to  keep  the 
heads  of  the  Huguenots  separate  from  one  another  in  the  pro- 
vinces where  they  resided — Montgommery  in  Normandy,  Gen- 
lis  and  Mony  in  Picardy,  Andelot  in  Brittany,  Rochefoucauld 
in  Angouleme,  and  Conde  and  the  Admiral  in  Burgundy. 
But  their  plan  went  still  further.  We  know,  with  as  much 
certainty  as  the  state  of  affairs  allows,  that  the  government 
ordered  Tavannes,  governor  of  Burgundy,  to  seize  Conde  in 
his  castle  at  Noyers.  Tavannes  belonged  to  the  sternest  sec- 
tion of  the  Catholic  party,  but  he  scrupled  to  break  the  peace, 
and  especially  to  lay  hands  upon  a  prince  of  the  blood ;  be- 
sides this,  such  proposals,  coming  from  a  woman,  a  priest,  and 
a  lawyer,  were  not  at  all  approved  of  by  the  old  soldier  and 
gentleman,  who  contrived  in  some  manner  to  send  an  obscure 
yet  significant  warning  to  Noyers*  The  Admiral  also  hap- 
pened to  arrive  there  just  at  the  moment.  He  had  submitted 
to  the  treaty  of  peace  only  in  accordance  with  the  universal 
wish,  and  never  properly  approved  of  it,  for  he  saw  beforehand 
the  results  in  which  it  would  issue.  The  passages  of  the 
rivers  were  not,  however,  so  closely  watched  that  it  was  im- 

*  Memoires  de  Tavannes,  A.C.  xxvii.  40.  Popeliniere  asserts  that 
all  the  governors  had  similar  orders. 


238  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

possible  to  flee  :  the  Prince  and  the  Admiral,  with  their  wives 
and  little  children,  fortunately  saved  themselves,  and  escaped 
to  Rochelle,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  taken  good  care 
not  to  receive  a  royal  garrison,  and  which  was  now  the  place 
of  general  refuge.  The  Cardinal  Ohatillon,  being  threatened 
in  his  residence,  in  violation  of  a  personal  assurance  which 
had  been  given  him,  fled  to  Treport,  where  he  was  fortunate 
enough  to  find  a  vessel,  in  which  he  passed  over  to  England. 

The  Counts  Egmont  and  Horn  had  been  executed  a  few 
months  before  in  the  Netherlands,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that, 
had  the  leaders  of  the  Huguenots  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
their  enemies,  a  similar  fate  would  have  awaited  them.  It 
appeared  as  if  the  proposal  made  formerly  at  Bayonne,  and 
afterward  dropped,  were  about  to  be  carried  into  execution. 

The  Edict  of  Pacification  was,  upon  the  demand  of  the 
Pope,  solemnly  revoked ;  the  preachers  were  ordered  to  quit 
the  kingdom  within  fourteen  days ;  no  Reformed  person  was 
to  fill  any  public  office  ;  the  mere  freedom  of  conscience  was 
granted  to  those  only  who  should  keep  quiet  in  their  homes, 
but  the  public  exercise  of  any  other  religion  than  the  Catholic 
was  forbidden  under  pain  of  death. 

The  Q,ueen  allowed  herself  to  be  persuaded  that  the  meas- 
ures which  she  herself  had  helped  to  frustrate,  in  the  previous 
administration  under  King  Francis,  were  now  salutary,  and 
every  thing  seemed  to  lead  back  to  the  courses  which  had 
been  forsaken.  The  Holy  Father  moreover  yielded,  as  a  rare 
favor,  to  a  request  that  he  would  allow  an  alienation  of  the 
ecclesiastical  property,  but  under  the  condition  that  the  pro- 
duce, amounting  to  about  a  million  and  a  half  francs,  should 
be  applied  to  the  war  against  the  Huguenots.  When  the  war 
broke  out  he  also  sent  an  army  himself  across  the  Alps,  with 
orders  to  avoid  all  intercourse  with  the  Huguenots,  and,  if 
they  should  hear  of  any  unchurchlike  treaty  with  the  heretics, 
immediately  to  separate  themselves  from  the  French.  Alva 
enjoined  the  leaders  of  the  troops  which  he  sent  into  France  to 
contrive  that  the  example  which  he  had  given  in  the  Nether- 
lands should  be  followed  in  that  kingdom  also. 

Thus  did  the  universal  movement  affect  France.  By  the 
relations  in  that  country  alone  the  rising  of  the  Huguenots  in 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO  1570.  239 

September,  15G7,  could  not  be  explained,  much  less  justified  ; 
it  was  the  response  of  the  Protestant  spirit  to  Alva's  proceed- 
ings in  the  Netherlands.  But  opposition  ever  begets  opposi- 
tion. The  effect  of  their  enterprise  was  to  arouse  a  violent 
spirit  of  reaction  among  the  Catholics  of  France,  and  to  draw 
to  their  assistance  allies  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  Disputes 
between  states  ceased  for  a  moment,  and  the  interest  of  the 
great  ecclesiastical  quarrel  absorbed  all  others.  The  peculiar 
spirit  which  it  occasionally  called  forth  is  worthy  of  remark. 
The  Huguenots,  both  the  princes  and  the  common  people,  had 
given  up  their  valuables  and  their  savings  the  year  before,  in 
order  to  pay  the  German  troops  that  had  come  to  their  assist- 
ance ;  in  like  manner  the  money  to  pay  the  Catholic  army  was 
collected  in  the  places  devoted  to  the  Church  from  volun- 
tary contributions.  Money  was  also  collected  in  the  English 
churches  to  sustain  the  Protestants  in  France  and  in  the  Ne- 
therlands. 

"We  have  seen  that  the  Catholic  enterprise  was  joined  with 
a  common  political  tendency,  namely  the  realization  of  that 
abstract  authority  which  was  to  arise  from  the  union  of  the 
spiritual  with  the  secular  power  ;  but  this  tendency  had  also 
its  antithesis. 

I  know  not  whether  the  alliance,  which  was  at  that  time 
the  subject  of  negotiation  between  the  leaders  in  France  and 
those  of  the  Netherlands,  actually  took  place  ;  the  mere  sketch 
of  such  a  union  is  all  that  exists,  but  the  motives  insisted  upon 
in  it  are  in  the  highest  degree  remarkable.  They  declare  that 
they  have  no  quarrel  with  the  King,  but  merely  with  his  ad- 
visers, who,  in  order  to  found  a  personal  tyranny  of  their  own, 
seek  to  suppress  at  the  same  time  the  true  religion,  the  no- 
bility, and  that  important  civic  class  without  which  no  royal 
authority  can  exist,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  save  the  royal 
authority  itself  from  this  abyss.* 

In  Germany  and  England  no  one  would  admit  that  either 
Conde  or  the  Prince  of  Orange  were  rebels,  for  it  was  felt  in 

*  Projet  d' Alliance,  Aoüt,  1568,  in  Groen,  "  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d' Orange-Nassau,"  iii.  282  :  "  Leur  intention  est  d'exterminer  la  vraye 
religion  et  aussy  la  noblesse  et  autres  gens  de  bien,  sans  lesquels  les  rois 
ne  peuvent  etre  maintenus  en  leurs  royaulmes." 


240  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

both  countries  that  the  very  foundations  of  the  existing  royal 
authority  were  threatened  by  the  progress  of  this  ideal  hier- 
archical power,  according  to  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 
In  July,  1568,  Queen  Elizabeth  was  informed  of  new  attempts 
for  her  destruction.  A  bull  of  excommunication  was  prepared 
in  Rome,  which  deprived  her  of  all  her  rights.  The  countries 
might  be  different,  and  the  dangers  nearer  or  more  remote,  but 
the  cause  was  the  same. 

Thus  began  the  war  which,  in  many  respects,  was  a  uni- 
versal one,  and  may  be  regarded  as  unique  in  the  course  it 
took  in  the  Netherlands  and  France. 

In  the  year  1568  the  war  was  carried  on  principally  in 
the  Netherlands,  where  Alva  struck  down  all  opposition  with 
iron  determination.  In  France  numerous  bodies  of  armed 
men  eager  for  the  contest  stood  opposed  to  each  other,  but 
without  further  collision  than  a  few  skirmishes  of  some  mag- 
nitude, until  a  severe  winter  put  an  entire  stop  to  any  move- 
ments which  might  have  issued  in  a  battle. 

In  the  year  1569,  on  the  other  hand,  the  weight  of  the  con- 
test rested  on  France.  It  is  not  quite  clear  that  this  was  the 
result  of  any  formal  resolution  of  the  Protestants  of  both  coun- 
tries, as  was  then  stated  :*  but  eveiy  one  felt  that  there  was 
a  connection  in  the  sequence  of  events.  When  the  Cardinal 
of  Lorraine  applied  to  the  King  of  Spain  for  assistance,  his 
chief  argument  was  that  the  good  fortune  of  the  Duke  of  Alva 
had  turned  the  storm  upon  France,  and  that,  should  the 
Catholic  cause  be  unsuccessful  there,  the  whole  power  of 
the  insurrection  would  be  again  thrown  back  upon  the  Ne- 
therlands. King  Philip  declared  that  the  French  cause  did 
not  lie  less  near  to  his  heart  than  his  own.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  also  went  himself  into  France,  for  he  knew  that  he 
contended  there  against  Philip  as  he  had  done  in  the  Nether- 
lands. 

In  the  open  field  the  fortune  of  arms  was  not  favorable  to 
the  Protestant  armies  :  they  lost  the  battle  of  Jarnac  in  May, 
1569,  and  the  Prince  of  Conde  was  slain  while  fighting  among 

*  "  D'establir  premierement  leurs  affaires  en  France,  comrae  au  plus 
grand  et  principalieu,  et  que  par  apres  il  leur  sera  bien  aise  de  les  establir 
aux  Pays  Bas." — La  Mothe  Fenelon,  28th  November,  1568.  (Dep.  i.  21.) 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO  1570.  241 

the  bravest.  Another  Palatine  Prince,  Duke  Wolfgang,  of 
Deuxponts,  had  just  then  conducted  over  the  French  borders 
an  army  which  had  been  raised  with  the  help  of  English  sub- 
sidies ;  this  force  has  been  estimated  at  about  seventeen  thou- 
sand men,  composed  of  High-German  infantry,  with  cavalry 
from  Lower  Germany  and  Huguenots. 

They  succeeded  in  forcing  their  way  amidst  numerous  diffi- 
culties, and  although  their  leader  died  on  the  march  into  the 
interior  of  the  country,  but  the  fortune  of  the  field  was  not 
retrieved  even  with  their  help.  They  were  again  beaten  in 
a  great  battle  at  Moncontour,  which  was  fought  in  October, 
1569,  and  at  which  people  professing  the  opposite  creeds  from 
all  countries  were  engaged.  The  Germans  were  subjected  in 
this  affair  to  a  fearful  massacre.  The  Reformed  were,  how- 
ever, too  numerous,  too  well  organized,  and  had  struck  their 
roots  too  deeply,  to  be  subdued  by  the  loss  of  a  few  pitched 
battles. 

Many  zealous  Catholic  commanders  complained  that  in 
obedience  to  the  royal  edict  they  were  obliged  to  spare  the 
Huguenots  in  their  own  houses,  and  that  by  the  persons  thus 
spared,  both  men  and  women,  the  Huguenot  army  was  sup- 
plied with  necessaries,  and  received  from  them  the  best  and 
most  useful  intelligence.* 

It  was  of  the  greatest  advantage  to  the  Huguenots  that  they 
had  made  the  district  lying  round  about  Rochelle  an  almosi 
exclusively  Protestant  territory. 

Rochelle  had  always  been  one  of  the  first  commercial  places 
in  France  ;  it  was  well  known  to  the  English  under  the  name 
of  the  White  Town,  as  they  called  it,  from  its  appearance 
when  the  sun  shone  and  was  reflected  from  its  rocky  coasts. 
It  was  also  much  frequented  by  the  Netherlanders ;  there 
were,  it  is  known,  merchants  belonging  to  the  place  who  had 
each  as  many  as  ten  ships  at  sea  at  one  time. 

The  town  had  besides  enjoyed  extraordinary  municipal 
franchises  ever  since  the  period  of  the  English  wars.  It  had 
by  its  own  unaided  power  revolted  from  the  English  domin- 
ion, for  which  Charles  V.,  in  his  customary  manner,  conferred 
upon  the  townsfolk  valuable  privileges — among  others,  that 
*  Commentaires  de  Blaise  de  Montluc,  A.  O   xxv. 

L 


242  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  independent  jurisdiction  in  the  town  and  its  liberties.  The 
design  of  Henry  II.  to  erect  a  citadel  within  their  walls  they 
had  been  enabled  fortunately  to  prevent,  through  the  favor  of 
the  Chatillons  and  the  Montmorencies.* 

Rochelle  exhibited  Protestant  sympathies  at  an  early  period. 
A  Genevese  preacher  arrived  there  in  1556  on  his  return  from 
an  unsuccessful  missionary  enterprise  to  Brazil,  and  founded 
a  church  among  the  Rochellers ;  with  the  rough  and  hardy 
population,  habituated  to  the  sea,  a  teacher  like  this,  who  had 
boldly  performed  his  voyage  across  the  ocean  in  a  little  vessel, 
must  have  found  great  acceptance.  In  all  the  reactionary 
changes  and  alternations  of  party  during  the  civil  war  the 
Protestants  held  the  ascendency,  chiefly  because  their  reli- 
gious claims  concurred  with  the  municipal  rights  of  the  city. 
The  inhabitants  of  Rochelle  would  not  suffer  themselves  to 
be  again  deprived  of  the  public  exercise  of  their  religion, 
which  had  been  accorded  by  the  edict  of  January;  and  after 
the  government  had  consented  to  withdraw  its  garrison  and 
to  intrust  the  fortress  to  the  custody  of  the  burghers,  they 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  receive  any  royalist  troops  within 
their  walls.  They  preferred  associating  themselves  with  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  whose  whole  argument  in  proof  of  the  ille- 
gality of  the  power  opposed  to  him  they  adopted  as  their  own  ; 
they  acknowledged  his  deputy  as  their  governor,  and  took  an 
oath  of  obedience  to  him. 

It  was  of  incalculable  value  to  the  cause  of  the  Huguenots 
that  their  leaders,  when  suddenly  beset  in  their  own  residen- 
ces in  the  year  1568,  were  able  to  find  a  secure  refuge  in 
Rochelle.  The  Q,ueen  of  Navarre  also  came  thither  with 
her  son  and  a  considerable  military  force  :  situated  as  she  was 
on  the  borders  between  France  and  Spain,  she  felt  herself  in 
danger  from  both  sides,  and  attributed  to  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine  a  design  to  annihilate  the  House  of  Bourbon.  The 
idea  was  entertained  of  taking  possession  of  Poitou,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Rochelle,  where  the  Protestant  nobility  had 
the  preponderance,  and  afterward  adding  Guienne,  which 
were  to  be  erected  into  a  Protestant  state,   acknowledging 

*  Arcene,  '  Histoire  de  Rochelle,'  i.  302,  from  the  contemporary  nar- 
rative of  Barbot. 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM  1567  TO  1570.  243 

the  supremacy  of  the  king,  but  substantially  independent — a 
sanctuary  for  all  those  who  could  not  obtain  toleration  in  the 
other  districts  of  France.  A  number  of  strong  places  and 
towns  situated  within  these  limits  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Huguenots — St.  Jean  d'Angely,  the  wealthy  and  in- 
dustrious Niort,  the  ancient  residence  of  the  Counts  of  Poitou 
and  Fontenay  le  Compt — in  short,  so  completely  masters  were 
they  in  this  part  of  the  kingdom,  that  when  they  proceeded 
to  alienate  the  ecclesiastical  lands,  they  actually  found  pur- 
chasers for  them. 

It  was  perfectly  natural  that  the  victorious  Catholic  army, 
after  the  battle  of  Moncontour,  should  direct  its  first  efforts  to 
the  subjugation  of  this  district.  Some  places  fell  into  their 
hands  easily,  in  others  they  met  with  a  stubborn  resistance. 
The  garrison  of  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  when  the  King,  who  was 
himself  present,  summoned  them  to  surrender,  ventured  to 
reply  that  they  had  been  placed  there  by  their  governor,  the 
Prince  of  Navarre,  and  that  to  him,  and  to  no  other,  were  they 
answerable.  They  were  compelled  at  last  to  yield  ;  but  the 
fury  and  resolution  of  the  enterprise  against  the  Huguenot 
territory  was  broken  by  this  siege. 

The  Protestants  showed  themselves  still  stronger  than  they 
had  been  reckoned  ;  they  even  found  means  in  Rochelle  to 
equip  a  small  fleet,  consisting  of  nine  ships  of  war,  with  their 
barks  and  shallops,  by  means  of  which  they  kept  the  whole 
of  that  coast  in  subjection,  and  brought  in  many  a  richly- 
laden  vessel  of  their  enemies,  which  they  regarded  as  lawful 
booty,  and  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  Prince.  Nismes,  in 
Languedoc,  fell  into  their  hands  by  a  fortunate  surprise  ;  Ve- 
zelay,  in  Burgundy,  successfully  resisted  all  attempts  at  cap- 
ture ;  in  the  Bourbonnais,  a  castle  was  defended  for  two 
months  by  a  lady,  Marie  de  Brabancon ;  and  in  all  parts  of 
the  country  there  were  strong  castles  and  towns,  both  small 
and  great,  occupied  by  brave  garrisons  devoted  to  the  Hugue- 
not party.  What  immense  efforts,  what  hazards  and  blood- 
shed, would  be  necessary  in  order  to  obtain  the  mastery  over 
them !  After  a  little  time  the  Admiral  appeared  once  more 
in  the  field,  not,  it  is  true,  with  what  might  be  properly  call- 
ed an  army,  but  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  cavalry,  the  nucleus 


244  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  which  was  formed  by  3000  German  horse,  and  to  which 
the  presence  of  the  two  Princes,  Navarre  and  Conde,  gave 
great  importance  in  the  sight  of  the  country.  From  the  Dor- 
dogne  they  traversed  the  country  rapidly  to  the  Rhone,  and 
from  thenco  to  the  Loire,  and  even  beyond  it.  The  plan  of 
the  Admiral  was  to  threaten  Paris,  or  to  occupy  the  great  roads 
leading  to  the  capital,  in  order  that  the  Court  might  be  fright- 
ened into  a  disposition  for  peace.* 

The  energy  of  these  warlike  proceedings  did,  in  fact,  awak- 
en once  more  the  thoughts  of  peace. 

The  King,  it  was  said,  may  indeed  be  superior  in  troops 
and  money  to  the  Huguenots  ;  these,  however,  are  not  only 
inured  to  war,  but  resolved  upon  extremities — nay,  driven  to 
despair  ;  they  know  better  how  to  economize  their  money, 
and  they  will  never  want  for  assistance  from  foreign  coun- 
tries. They  have  been  beaten  in  two  great  battles,  but  what 
has  been  the  advantage  ?  Even  should  two  more  be  won,  it 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  extirpate  them — that  could  be  ac- 
complished only  by  a  long  and  profitless  struggle,  which 
would  fill  the  kingdom  with  fire  and  slaughter.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  fortune  of  battle  was  uncertain.  What  if 
victory  should  incline  to  the  side  of  the  Huguenots  ? — the 
consequence  would  be  a  new  and  still  greater  secession  from 
the  Catholic  party  to  theirs  ;  and  who  could  say  that  the  re- 
lation of  subjection  to  the  Crown  could  ever  again  be  re-es- 
tablished ?  Disaffection  was  already  on  the  increase  ;  the 
chiefs  on  both  sides  had  attained  to  a  dangerous  state  of  in- 
dependence ;  the  people,  habituated  to  the  appearance  of  free- 
dom, might  probably  conceive  the  notion  of  forming  them- 
selves into  cantons,  and  living  after  the  manner  of  the  Swiss. 

To  these  motives  were  added  others  arising  out  of  the  state 
of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  kingdom. 

The  intimate  alliance  with  Spain  which  now  appeared  to 
exist,  and  which  was  necessary  for  the  continuance  of  the 
war,  ran  too  strongly  against  the  character  of  both  nations 

*  Aluise  Contarini,  who  expressly  states  this  motive,  "  Relatione  di 
Francia,"  1572  :  "  Quelli  dell'  una  parte  come  dell'  altra  si  andavano, 
usando  a  non  obedire  al  Re,  far  tutto  le  cose  per  viva  forcia  et  encom- 
inciar  di  pensar  di  mutatione  della  forma  del  governo." 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO   1570.  245 

to  be  long  maintained.  The  French  believed  that  the  Duke 
of  Alva  might  have  prevented  the  entrance  of  the  German 
troops  into  France  if  he  wished,  and  some  critical  remarks 
of  the  Duke  upon  their  generalship  had  given  them  olleuse. 

Above  all,  however,  they  were  conscious  that  the  contin- 
uance of  the  war  could  finally  conduce  to  the  advantage  of 
the  King  of  Spain  alone. 

His  ambition  appeared  to  them  immeasurable :  he  intend- 
ed, should  the  Catholic  movement  in  England  be  successful, 
to  marry  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  who  was  now  in  captivity  in 
that  country,  to  his  half-brother,  Don  John  of  Austria,  upon 
whom  Mary's  claims  on  the  English  crown  would  thereby 
devolve  in  the  course  of  time.*  After  Philip  had  subdued 
the  Netherlands,  it  appears  that  his  intention  was  to  bring 
Scotland  and  England  into  a  state  of  dependency  upon  Spain. 
At  the  same  time  he  proposed  a  marriage  between  the  King 
of  Fiance  and  his  sister-,  who  was  a  clever  woman,  but  no 
longer  young,  and  Cardinal  Guise  was  sent  into  Spain  to  ne- 
gotiate the  business.  Had  this  plan  succeeded,  all  these 
countries,  as  well  as  Italy,  would  have  fallen  under  the  influ- 
ence and  authority  of  Spain. 

It  was  impossible,  however,  that  these  designs  could  have 
been  approved  of  by  Q,ueen  Catharine,  who  herself  cherished 
a  vivid,  and  in  the  highest  degree  personal,  dynastic  ambition, 
especially  as  the  family  tie  that  united  her  with  Philip  was 
dissolved,  her  daughter,  the  Q,ueen  of  Spain,  having  died 
some  time  before. 

Even  the  Guises  were  not  disposed  to  favor  the  Spanish 
scheme.  As  far  as  their  views  can  be  discovered,  they  would 
have  inclined  rather  to  the  marriage  of  Mary  with  Norfolk 
than  to  that  proposed  by  Philip.  The  Cardinal  of  Guise, 
when  rich  benefices  were  offered  to  him  on  condition  that 
he   would    promote   the    match    between    Charles    IX.  and 

*  De  la  Mothe  Fenelon  asserts  (December  29,  1569),  that  Alva  en- 
deavored to  bring  over  the  great  nobles  altogether  to  his  side :  "  E(,  les 
attirer  ä  ses  intentions,  et  entre  autres  a  celle,  qu'il  a  grande,  du  mar- 
iage  de  la  Royne  d'Ecosse  et  de  Dom  Joan,  avec  le  tiltre  de  la  succes- 
sion de  ce  royaume  (Angleterre),  a  quoy  le  Comte  de  Northumberland 
s'est  toujours  montre  fort  enclin,"  ii.  423. 


246  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the   Spanish  princess,  declared  that  he  would  not  sell   his 

King- 
Even  leaving  this  vast  combination  of  projects  out  of  view, 
the  French  court  believed  that  there  were  indications  in  the 
conduct  of  Philip  II.  that  he  wished  to  make  his  alliance 
with  France  subserve  the  purpose  of  improving  his  position 
with  regard  to  England,  and  that  he  had  even  founded  some 
hopes  upon  the  possession  of  Calais. 

The  final  result  was,  that  the  great  confederacy  of  the  two 
kingdoms,  which  had  been  formed  in  their  zeal  for  religion 
and  directed  against  the  domestic  enemy,  was  again  broken 
up,  through  the  antagonism  of  their  foreign  relations.  The 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine  himself  assisted  in  bringing  about  this 
event.  The  opinion  was  now  predominant  that  the  religious 
war  was  not  to  be  determined  in  France,  and  that  it  must  be 
removed  to  another  arena. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  could  have  been  no  secret 
from  the  first,  that  the  peace  could  not  be  preserved  without 
a  renewal  of  the  Edict  of  Pacification,  with  all  its  clauses  ; 
nay,  that  the  government  must  even  consent  to  another  im- 
portant concession.  If  the  King's  word  had  hitherto  been 
always  esteemed  a  sufficient  guarantee,  this  was  now  no 
longer  the  case,  since  the  last  peace  had  been  so  speedily  and 
arbitrarily  broken.  The  Protestants  demanded  that  they 
should  be  put  in  possession  of  certain  places  of  security, 
where  all  belonging  to  them,  which  might  be  in  danger  in 
their  private  residences,  might  be  deposited  for  safety  ;  and 
the  King  actually  consented  to  their  demand.  At  first  he 
offered  them  three  such  places  for  three  years,  but  finally 
granted  them  four,  on  condition,  however,  that  they  should 
retain  them  for  two  years  only.  Among  these  places  was 
the  powerful  Rochelle,  where  the  most  distinguished  chiefs 
were  once  more  assembled,  and  where  the  Q,ueen  of  Navarre 
held  her  court ;  besides  this,  there  were  Cognac,  which  had 
acquired  a  name  through  its  successful  resistance  to  the  Duke 
of  Anjou,  Montauban  in  Languedoc,  and  La  Charite,  which 
commanded  an  important  passage  of  the  Loire.  By  these 
concessions  the  government  confessed  itself  incapable  of  prac- 
tically discharging  its  most  important  duty — the  maintenance 


RELIGIOUS  WAR  FROM   1567  TO  1570.  247 

of  internal  repose.  The  Huguenots  were  convinced  that 
6ecurity,  even  in  the  midst  of  peace,  was  not  to  bo  obtained 
without  the  exhibition  of  armed  force. 

The  assistance  they  had  received  from  the  Germans  in 
men,  and  from  the  English  in  money,  had  been  more  effect- 
ive than  the  support  their  adversaries  had  received  from 
Spain  and  Italy.  They  had  sustained  the  first  assault  of 
the  Catholic  powers  with  gallantry  and  manhood. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

dissensions  between  the  queen  mother  and  coligny. 

st.  Bartholomew's  day. 

Gaspard  de  Coligny,  the  leader  under  whose  conduct  these 
great  successes  were  obtained,  was  at  that  time  perhaps  the 
most  renowned  man  living. 

He  belonged  to  an  ancient  race  of  the  high  Burgundian 
nobility.  His  father  had,  by  the  side  of  the  King,  acquired 
reputation  in  war  and  authority  in  the  State.  After  his  death, 
which  occurred  early,  his  widow,  a  sister  of  the  Constable, 
who,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  inclined  to  the  ecclesiastical 
reformation  in  its  most  general  form,  made  the  education  of 
her  three  sons  the  object  of  her  life. 

Those  who  viewed  the  brothers  together  were  astonished  at 
the  diversity  of  their  natural  endowments.  Odet,  the  eldest, 
who  devoted  himself  to  the  clerical  profession,  and  who,  through 
his  father's  connection  with  the  King,  and  the  King's  with 
the  Romish  See,  was  raised  in  his  early  years  to  the  dignity 
of  a  cardinal,  showed  himself  benevolent,  generous,  and  amia- 
ble in  his  intercourse  with  others.  Dandelot,  the  youngest, 
had  a  fiery  disposition,  which  suggested  the  boldest  schemes 
and  impelled  him  forward  to  every  enterprise  proposed  to  him. 
Gaspard,  the  second,  was  meditative,  spoke  but  little,  and 
that  slowly,  and  bestowed  little  attention  upon  others.  He 
did  not  feel  himself  in  his  place  at  the  Court,  for  he  despised 
favors  which  were  incompatible  with  the  full  consciousness 
of  personal  pride,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  art  by  which  men 
exhibit  a  cordial  bearing  toward  their  enemies.  He  was 
much  more  at  home  in  the  camp,  as  Henry  II.  and  his  uncle 
wished,  and  was,  in  short,  a  thorough  soldier.      Here  he  emu- 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  249 

lated  the  bravest  in  contending  for  the  prize  of  valor.  He 
was  distinguished  before  all  others  by  his  innate  sense  for  dis- 
cipline and  the  interior  organization  of  an  army  ;  long  sub- 
sequent to  his  times  the  regulations  which  he  established  for 
the  discipline  of  troops  were  revived  and  applied  in  practice. 
With  the  same  determination,  however,  he  cared  for  the  con- 
dition of  his  troops.  He  compelled  the  enemy  to  carry  on  the 
war  according  to  the  law  of  nations,  by  the  most  impartial 
reprisals,  and  was  almost  terrible  in  his  conduct  toward  the 
peasantry  who  laid  hands  on  his  soldiers.  When  besieged 
in  St.  Quentin,  he  drove  the  citizens  who  would  not  assist  in 
the  defense  or  in  the  labors  of  the  fortification,  out  of  the  town 
without  mercy  ;  and  threatened  the  refractory  with  death. 
When,  in  spite  of  all  his  precautions,  his  chief  rampart  was 
taken  by  the  enemy,  he  disdained  to  give  ground  with  the 
flying,  and  coolly  allowed  himself  to  be  seized  by  a  Spaniard, 
whom  he  informed  that  he  need  not  look  for  any  further  booty, 
as  his  prisoner  was  the  Admiral  of  France.  He  has  himself 
described  this  siege,  not  because  he  wished  to  excuse  himself 
(for  should  any  one  complain  of  his  conduct,  he  knew  how  to 
answer  him  as  became  a  man  of  honor),  but  because  so  much 
that  was  false  had  been  published  to  the  world  :  every  one 
who  was  present  at  an  affair  was  bound  to  rectify  erroneous 
representations  of  it.  His  simple  narrative,  a  memorial  of 
historical  conscientiousness,  shows,  at  the  same  time,  a  patri- 
otic self-dependence  and  strong  spiritual  feelings.  He  sees 
the  cause  of  misfortunes  in  the  will  of  God  alone — in  that  in- 
scrutable will  to  which  he  must  submit  as  a  Christian,  with- 
out attempting  to  explore  it.  His  change  to  the  Reformed 
doctrine  is  usually  dated  from  this  imprisonment.  In  the  full 
occupation  and  tempest  of  war,  he  could  hardly  have  found 
the  time  for  attending  to  religious  questions  with  that  close- 
ness which  their  importance  and  his  own  disposition  would 
have  demanded  :  his  captivity  allowed  him  the  involuntary 
leisure  which  they  required.  Calvin  maintained  a  corre- 
spondence with  him  and  his  consort. 

When  he  was  set  at  liberty  by  the  peace,  he  introduced  by 
degrees  into  his  castle  at  Chatillon.the  Protestant  domestic 
system,  an  example  which  many  others  afterward  followed. 


250  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

He  himself  conducted  the  morning  worship,  and  collected  all 
who  belonged  to  the  household,  upon  appointed  days  and  at 
certain  hours,  to  hear  sermons  and  to  join  in  the  singing  of 
psalms  ;  before  the  administration  of  the  sacrament  he  en- 
deavored to  reconcile  all  whom  he  knew  to  be  at  enmity  with 
one  another. 

It  was  not  his  destiny,  however,  to  live  in  the  simplicity  of 
the  patriarchal  state,  as  the  priest  and  father  of  his  household ; 
he  was,  as  a  great  party  chief,  implicated  in  the  affairs  of 
France  and  of  Europe. 

I  do  not  estimate  the  external  struggles  in  which  he  was 
engaged  by  any  means  so  highly  .as  those  he  endured  within. 
The  former  were  the  lot  of  every  man  then  living.  The  con- 
tradiction between  religious  notions  and  civil  duties,  which 
no  longer  ran  concurrently  as  formerly,  made  it  necessary  for 
every  man  to  seek  out  his  own  course  independently. 

Every  step  the  Admiral  took  had  to  be  weighed  and  con- 
sidered ;  but  the  great  vital  question  was  the  first  that  called 
for  decision.  When  Guise  with  his  confederates  took  posses- 
sion of  the  power  of  the  State  in  1562,  and  began  to  sap  the 
edict  of  January,  upon  which  rested  the  security  of  the  Prot- 
estants, Coligny  understood  perfectly  the  extent  of  the  power 
which  the  enemy  had  succeeded  in  attaining,  and  the  impo- 
tence of  the  opposite  party,  which  had  as  yet  no  permanent 
form.  He  knew  what  fallings  off,  what  misfortune  was  to  be 
expected  there,  and  what  danger,  exile,  or,  it  might  be,  death. 
He  asked  his  wife  if  she  had  sufficient  firmness  of  soul  to  en- 
counter all  this,  and  also  the  ruin  of  her  children.  This  lady, 
Charlotte  de  Laval,  was  at  this  moment  even  more  resolute 
than  the  Admiral  himself,  for  it  was  not,  she  said,  to  oppress 
others  that  he  took  up  arms,  but  for  the  rescue  out  of  the  fangs 
of  tyranny  of  his  brethren  in  the  faith,  whose  torments  would 
not  permit  her  to  sleep.  He  must  renounce  the  wisdom  of 
the  world ;  God  had  lent  him  the  talents  of  a  captain,  and  he 
was  bound  to  use  them,  and  if  he  did  not  fulfill  his  duty,  she 
added  that  she  herself  would,  when  the  day  arrived,  bear  wit- 
ness against  him  before  the  judgment-seat  of  God.* 

*  Aubigne,  who,  for  example,  knew  nothing  of  the  meeting  at  Bay- 
onne,  in  whose  book  the  excerpts  from  Thuanus,  De  la  Planch",  and 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  251 

Whatever  difficulties  and  dangers  they  might  have  resolved 
to  brave,  there  were  still  heavier  in  store  for  them  than  they 
could  have  foreseen.  In  the  midst  of  the  wild  passions  which 
were  inflamed  by  the  union  of  party  spirit  and  religion,  of  self- 
defense,  of  justice,  and  of  vengeance,  the  way  led  at  times  to 
a  moral  abyss.  When  Poltrot  undertook  to  avenge  on  their 
author  the  suffering  brought  on  his  co-religionists  by  Guise, 
Coligny  did  not  encourage  him,  but  neither  did  he  prevent 
him :  he  allowed  the  retribution,  as  he  understood  it,  to  take 
its  course. 

How  also,  it  will  be  asked,  could  he  reconcile  with  the  innate 
loyalty  of  his  principles  his  conduct  in  opposing  an  army  col- 
lected in  the  name  of  the  King?  Coligny  always  assever- 
ated that  he  fought  against  a  faction  only,  which  had  abused 
the  name  of  the  King.  All  that  had  been  done  against  him, 
the  judgments  that  had  been  issued  against  him,  and  the 
proclamation  of  outlawry,  he  attributed  to  the  fact  that  this 
faction  hated  him  because  God  was  making  use  of  him  for 
the  good  of  his  Church.*  While  the  enemy  were  plundering 
his  house  of  his  wealth,  he  would  not  touch  valuables  belong- 
ing to  the  Court  which  fell  into  his  hands.  He  never  spoke 
without  deep  respect  of  either  the  King,  the  Queen  Mother, 
or  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  who  stood  opposed  to  him  in  arms. 
With  these  divided  feelings  he  carried  on  the  war. 

The  whole  responsibility  of  the  movement,  with  all  the 
hatred  to  which  it  gave  rise,  fell  by  degrees  upon  his  head  ; 
yet  he  was  not  completely  master  of  the  cause  in  which  he 
was  engaged.  Recourse  was  had  to  arms,  and  agreements 
were  concluded,  without  his  full  approval.  This  is  the  ordi- 
nary position  of  a  party  chief. 

It  was  only  in  actual  warfare,  when  engaged  in  battle  with 
the  enemy,  that  he  paid  no  attention  to  the  suggestions  of  his 

others,  may  be  distinguished,  often,  however,  states  portions  of  his  own 
experience,  and  immediate  communications  of  great  value,  which  must 
be  kept  separate ;  we  here  follow  his  narrative  (Histoire  Universelle,  i. 
iii.  2  :)  he  sets  a  high  value  upon  it :  "  Comme  une  histoire  que  j'ai  ap- 
prise de  ceux  qui  etaient  de  la  partie." 

*  "  Par  la  seule  hahie,  qu'on  me  veut,  de  ce  qu'il  a  pleu  a  Dieu  de 
se  servir  de  moi  pour  assister  son  Eglise." — Letter  to  his  Children,  Oc- 
tober 16,  1569 


252  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

followers :  on  such  occasions  he  was  the  general,  and  they 
were  mere  soldiers.  He  declared  that  it  was  much  better  he 
should  be  blamed  without  cause  among  his  friends  than  that 
the  enemy  should  have  reason  to  turn  him  into  ridicule.  He 
was  often  defeated  in  the  open  field,  but  his  nature  was  of 
that  deep  and  persistent  character  whose  masculine  vigor 
increases  with  misfortune.  "We  had  been  ruined,"  said  he 
once,  in  the  words  of  the  ancient  Greek,  "  if  we  had  not  been 
ruined."  Coligny,  like  William  III.,  and  Washington  in  after 
times,  showed  himself  stronger  than  ever  after  he  had  suf- 
fered a  defeat.  His  authority  was  not  founded  upon  the 
enthusiasm  which  triumphs  awaken,  but  upon  the  profound 
feeling  that  he  was  indispensable  to  his  party.  When  he  fell 
sick  on  one  occasion  his  value  was  immediately  made  plain  by 
the  errors  which  were  committed  in  his  absence.  Every  thing 
yielded  before  his  proud  and  dispassionate  temperament.  The 
discipline  and  subordination  in  which  he  kept  his  army  was 
admired  as  a  merit  of  the  highest  order.  He  entered  into  the 
natui'e  and  feelings  of  the  German  cavalry,  and,  as  the  French 
said,  controlled  their  rude  bizarrerie  with  the  same  firmness 
which  he  exercised  in  dominating  the  natural  liveliness  of  the 
French  nobles  with  whom  he  had  to  do ;  over  all  his  influence 
was  as  complete  as  if  he  had  had  a  right  to  the  chief  com- 
mand. Among  co-religionists  and  companions  in  arms,  who 
were  all  his  equals,  he  appeared  at  the  same  time  as  a  censor 
and  a  king.  The  few  intimacies  he  formed  made  the  deeper 
impression  on  account  of  his  habitual  reserve,  and  men  boasted 
of  his  confidence  among  their  friends.* 

His  was  one  of  the  greatest  positions  a  subject  ever  occu- 
pied in  a  monarchy ;  but  let  us  not  mistake  it,  for  it  was  at 
the  same  time  the  most  anomalous :  a  powerful  party,  armed 
and  proceeding  to  the  accomplishment  of  their  object,  resign 
themselves  without  conditions  to  the  guidance  of  a  private 

*  The  Venetian  Aluise  Contarini  compares  him  with  Hannibal,  and 
extols  him,  "  che  avendo  perso  tante  battaglie  si  e  conservato  sempre  in 
riputatione,  massime  i  Reistri  e  Lancichenech,  i  quali  se  ben  erano 
creditori  di  molte  paghe,  e  se  ben  hanno  molte  volte  perse  le  sue  baga- 
glie  e  carrette  piene  di  rubbamenti  che  avean  fatti,  mai  pero  si  sono 
ammutinati." 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  253 

nobleman,  and  by  their  obedience  to  his  commands  and  their 
pecuniar)7  contributions,  raise  him  to  a  position  of  almost  inde- 
pendent power,  acknowledging  his  authority  to  call  them  to 
arms  at  any  moment.  But  his  connections  extended  far  be- 
yond France.  All  who  were  inclined  to  the  Protestant  opin- 
ions in  the  territories  of  the  King  of  Spain  had  their  eyes 
upon  him;  he  himself  said  that  not  only  in  the  Netherlands, 
but  throughout  all  the  Spanish  provinces,  it  required  but  a 
little  of  his  powder  to  set  them  in  a  blaze.  The  German 
princes,  who  dreaded,  as  they  said  themselves,  the  effects  of 
this  European  conflagration  so  near  their  own  walls,  regarded 
him  as  their  champion;  the  troops  which  served  under  him 
bore  his  name  in  Eastern  Germany.  With  all  this  there  is 
no  trace  that  he  ever  desired  to  render  his  position  subservient 
to  any  personal  object ;  he  was  ambitious,  but  his  ambition 
was  of  a  religious  and  patriotic  character. 

No  one  felt  more  deeply  than  he  how  important  it  was  to 
put  an  end  to  this  intestine  war,  with  all  its  horrors — horrors 
which  he,  as  a  chief  leader,  witnessed  and  deplored,  but  had 
not  the  power  to  prevent.  He  was  fortunate  in  being  again 
on  good  terms  with  the  King,  for  all  these  connections  were 
to  be  employed  for  the  advantage  of  the  Crown,  of  the  king- 
dom, and  of  religion. 

France  had  now  dropped  the  alliance  with  Spain,  and 
showed  an  inclination  toward  England.  It  was  the  Admiral's 
brother,  Cardinal  Chatillon,  who  suggested  a  marriage  be- 
tween Q,uecn  Elizabeth  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou.  Judging 
from  the  earnestness  with  which  the  negotiations  concerning 
the  religious  stipulation  were  conducted,  we  should  conclude 
that  there  was  something  more  than  mere  appearances  in 
these  proposals.  The  negotiations  finally  failed  on  account  of 
the  French  prince  demanding  freedom  for  the  exercise  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  which  was  incompatible  with  the  laws  re- 
cently enacted  in  England.  The  plan  was  not  allowed  to 
fall  altogether  to  the  ground  however  ;  his  youngest  brother, 
the  Duke  of  Alencon,  was  ready  to  submit  to  any  conditions 
for  the  hand  of  the  Queen,  and  Catharine  promised  her  em- 
bassador such  rewards  as  embassador  never  before  received  if 
he  succeeded  in  bringing  about  this  marriage.     Had  it  taken 


254  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

place,  the  design  was  to  reinstate  Mary  Stuart  in  Scotland, 
not  under  Spanish  influence,  but  under  the  united  influence 
of  England  and  France. 

The  jealousy  of  the  two  powers  against  Spain  was  aug- 
mented by  the  alliance  which  Philip  II.  formed  with  the  Vene- 
tians and  the  Pope  against  the  Ottoman  Porte,  and  greatly  in- 
creased after  the  great  victory  gained  by  the  allies  at  Lepanto. 
European  history  will  always  linger  with  peculiar  interest 
upon  the  political  aspect  and  disposition  of  those  times  which 
brought  forth  an  event  of  such  vast  significancy  as  the  origin 
of  the  United  Netherlands.  The  men  and  the  circumstances 
of  the  age  were  calculated  to  make  it  possible.  Without  the 
common  opposition  of  the  English  and  the  French  against 
Spain,  the  ships  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  would  unquestionably 
have  been  destroyed ;  and  when  the  Gueuz  succeeded  in 
gaining  possession  of  the  Brill  and  Flushing,  they  could  not 
have  maintained  these  places  if  the  conquest  of  Mons,  which 
was  effected  principally  by  the  French  Huguenot  troops  under 
Count  Louis  of  Nassau,  had  not  compelled  the  Spaniards  to 
divide  their  forces. 

The  state  of  religious  affairs  in  France  opened  still  greater 
prospects  of  another  kind.  It  facilitated  the  concurrence  of 
the  house  of  Valois  with  the  house  of  Austria  in  reference  to 
the  Crown  of  Poland ;  it  was  even  rumored  that  at  the  next 
vacancy  of  the  imperial  throne  the  King  of  France  might  be 
called  to  it,  because  he  was  bound  alike  to  Protestants  and 
Catholics,  and  showed  himself  disposed  to  uphold  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Pacification. 

To  this  it  is  to  be  ascribed  that  a  complete  understand- 
ing and  reconciliation  took  place  in  France,  if  not  between 
the  two  parties,  at  least  between  the  royal  house  and  the 
government  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Huguenots  on  the 
other. 

The  government  of  the  day  was  not  in  the  habit  of  appoint- 
ing or  dismissing  ministers,  except  very  occasionally.  This 
alteration  in  the  system  was  owing  to  the  circumstance  that 
the  men  whose  opinions  corresponded  most  with  those  of  the 
supreme  power  at  the  time,  took  possession  of  the  places  to 
which,  as  members  of  the  Council,  they  had  a  common  right. 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  255 

and  the  others,  whose  opinions  were  different,  retired  to  make 
room  for  them. 

Thus  the  sons  of  the  Constable,  and  the  Marshal  Francis 
de  Montmorency  in  particular,  were  especially  powerful  in 
the  State.  They  had  concluded  the  peace,  and  represented 
the  principle  of  reconciliation.  The  proposition  of  a  marriage 
between  Margaret  of  Valois,  the  youngest  daughter  of  Cath- 
arine, and  Prince  Henry  of  Navarre,  who  was  regarded  as 
the  head  of  the  Huguenots,  came  from  the  Montmorencies.* 
Charles  IX.  agreed  to  it  readily,  for  it  would  serve  admirably 
to  reconcile  the  hostile  parties,  and  even  the  Huguenots  them- 
selves, after  some  hesitation,  were  not  opposed  to  it.  The 
Prince  was  firm  enough  not  to  allow  himself  to  be  drawn  into 
the  designs  of  his  mother-in-law ;  on  the  contrary,  he  would 
be  likely  to  exercise  a  salutary  influence  upon  the  King,  his 
future  brother-in-law,  in  favor  of  religion. 

The  hopes  of  a  thorough  understanding  were  so  strong,  that 
the  Admiral,  notwithstanding  the  enmity  he  had  so  often  ex- 
perienced, formed  the  resolution  of  repairing  to  the  Court  in 
person.  In  a  consultation  held  upon  it  at  Rochelle,  the  ma- 
jority of  his  friends  declared  themselves  against  such  a  step, 
as  the  great  leader,  upon  whom  the  salvation  of  the  cause 
depended,  should  not  venture  into  the  midst  of  their  old  en- 
emies. The  Admiral,  however,  insisted  upon  it :  he  had  had  so 
much  success  in  opposition  to  the  King,  that  with  his  power 
they  must  obtain  all  they  desired  ;  he  had  often  yielded  to  the 
opinions  of  others,  he  said,  and  now  begged  that  he  might  be 
permitted  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment.  He  did 
so,  and  when  he  arrived  at  the  Court,  was  received  in  the  best 
manner.  The  Queen  showed  him  every  mark  of  favor  and 
friendship;  King  Charles  IX.  told  him  he  was  as  welcome  as 
any  one  who  had  been  at  the  Court  for  many  years, t  and  mani- 
fested for  him  all  that  admiration  which  a  youth  of  warlike  dis- 
position would  be  likely  to  feel  for  an  experienced  old  warrior. 

*  So  says  Margaret  herself,  Mem.  p.  24 :  "  La  maison  de  Montmo- 
rency etaient  ceux  qui  en  avaient  porte  les  premieres  paroles." 

t  This  was  communicated  to  the  English  Court  by  Walsingham,  and 
by  the  embassador  De  la  Mothe  Fenelon  to  France;  the  King  said  it 
was  quite  true,  i.  268. 


256  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

In  fact,  Charles  IX.  felt  strongly  disposed  in  favor  of  the 
Admiral's  views  and  propositions. 

It  gave  him  great  pleasure  to  hold  intercourse  with  mili- 
tary officers,  to  listen  to  their  experience  of  war,  to  learn  its 
rules,  and  to  cherish  the  hope  of  performing  future  actions 
himself.  He  believed  himself  destined  to  assert  by  his  arms 
the  ancient  rights  of  his  predecessors.  He  regarded  Milan 
as  his  unquestionable  property,  and  loved  to  see  Italian  emi- 
grants around  him.  He  looked  upon  the  proposed  marriage 
of  his  sister  to  the  Prince  of  Navarre,  as  likely  to  afford  him 
an  opportunity  of  carrying  the  war  beyond  the  Pyrenees. 
The  refugees  from  the  Netherlands  were  also  received  by 
him,  and,  among  others,  Louis  of  Nassau.  He  held  long  con- 
versations, which  often  continued  till  late  at  night,  with 
the  Admiral,  who  seemed  destined  to  guide  the  fortunes  of 
France,  and  was  now  esteemed  as  powerful  as  the  Constable 
had  formerly  been  at  the  court  of  Henry  II. 

Coligny  himself,  stimulated  by  these  circumstances,  began 
to  form  plans  of  the  boldest  character.  Indirectly  to  promote 
the  Protestant  cause  in  the  Netherlands  was  no  longer  suffi- 
cient for  him:  he  used  all  his  influence  to  bring  about  an 
open  war  with  Spain.  His  reasons  were  these.  King  Philip 
II.  was  destitute  of  money  ;  the  French  forces,  after  so  many 
actions  in  the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  were  superior  in  mili- 
tary exercises  to  the  Spanish  ;  by  a  foreign  expedition  the 
King  of  France  would  be  able  to  unite  all  the  domestic  fac- 
tions ;  he  had  only  to  throw  himself  with  his  undivided 
power  upon  the  Netherlands,  and  all  the  provinces  would 
submit  to  him. 

Against  such  a  course  there  were  many  objections,  and  the 
adverse  party  did  not  fail  to  bring  them  forward.  They  de- 
clared that  it  would  manifest  the  most  crying  ingratitude  if 
the  King  were  to  attack  those  from  from  he  had  received 
such  important  assistance  in  the  last  war  ;  that  Philip  II.  was 
not  so  weak  as  not  to  be  able  to  re-establish  order  in  his  pro- 
vinces, when  he  might  turn  all  his  power  against  distracted 
France  ;  but  admitting  even  that  the  King  of  France  were 
victorious  over  Philip,  even  that  would  be  highly  dangerous, 
since  the  King  would  in  that  case  be  indebted  to  the  Hugue- 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  257 

nots  for  his  success ;  that  these  would  then  become  stronger 
and  stronger,  take  the  guidance  of  all  affairs,  strive  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  supreme  power  in  temporal  and  spiritual 
things,  and  perhaps  force  the  subjects  of  the  King  who  be- 
longed to  the  ancient  religion  to  rebel  against  his  authority, 
for  if  the  Catholic  people  had  nothing  good  to  expect  from 
their  King,  they  would  attach  themselves  to  the  great  Catho- 
lic nobles.  A  plan  was  devised,  in  accordance  with  which 
the  Catholic  associations  were  to  be  united  under  the  several 
governors  of  the  provinces  and  one  trustworthy  chief,  as 
closely  as  the  Huguenots  were  on  their  side,  in  order  to  in- 
flict upon  them  some  great  blow.  It  was  not  yet  possible  to 
destroy  them  totally  ;  the  King  must  be  compelled  to  acknowl- 
edge that  he  was  in  error.* 

This  consultation  indicated  the  whole  difficulty  which  a 
nation  distracted  by  two  parties  must  necessarily  experience, 
should  it  resolve  to  interfere  with  foreign  concerns  :  in  such 
a  case  each  party  will  bestow  more  attention  upon  its  own 
interests  than  upon  the  common  interests  of  the  State.  What 
a  vast  revolution  in  affairs  would  it  have  caused,  had  the 
Huguenots  succeeded  in  identifying  the  great  external  in- 
terests of  the  French  kingdom  with  their  own  special 
views !  The  result  of  their  design  was,  however,  that  all 
the  advantages  which  the  enterprise  which  they  fur- 
thered promised,  were  not  obvious  to  the  zealous  Catholics, 
who  saw  nothing  in  it  but  danger  to  the  Church  and  to  the 
State. 

In  July,  1572,  the  war  against  Spain  appeared  inevitable. 
A  body  of  mercenaries  which  had  been  drawn  together  by 
the  Admiral,  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the  Netherlands 
under  Captain  Genlis,  but  were  met  in  the  district  of  Mons, 
defeated,  and  dispersed.  A  letter  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Duke  of  Alva  on  this  occasion,  which  proved  beyond  question 
the  participation  of  Charles  IX.  in  the  expedition.!     In  this 

*  Discorso  sopra  gli  umori  di  Francia,  di  Mr  Nazzaret :  1570  Bibl. 
Barb,  at  Rome. 

t  Alva  to  Zayas  :  "  J'ai  en  mon  pouvoir  une  lettre  du  Roi  de  France, 
qui  vous  frapperait  de  strepeur  si  vous  la  voyiez." — July  19,  1572,  in 
Gachard,  ii.  269. 


258  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

letter  he  promised  the  Count  of  Nassau  to  devote  all  the 
power  which  God  had  given  him  to  the  purpose  of  liberating 
the  Netherlands  from  the  burden  that  oppressed  them. 

Distrustful  friends  had  once  more  warned  the  Admiral,  re- 
minding him  of  the  hostility  of  some  members  of  the  royal 
house  as  well  as  of  the  Council,  and  of  the  old  threats  which 
had  issued  from  Bayonne  ;  but  it  is  easy  to  conceive  that 
such  suggestions  made  no  impression  upon  him.  He  knew 
well  that  he  had  enemies,  and  dreaded  the  hostility  of  the 
Duke  of  Anjou  even  more  than  that  of  the  Queen,  but  he 
hoped  to  win  his  favor  by  meritorious  services.  The  King, 
he  said,  was  bound  by  his  connections  with  the  Netherlands, 
with  England,  and  with  some  of  the  German  princes;  God 
had  inclined  his  heart,  and  in  his  disposition  there  was  room 
for  praise  only.  He  had  sent  a  fleet  into  the  neighborhood  of 
Rochelle,  but  it  was  an  unworthy  suspicion  to  imagine  that  it 
was  intended  to  act  against  that  town  ;  it  was  destined  to 
intercept  the  Spanish  fleet,  to  conquer  it,  and  then  bear  up 
for  Flushing.  In  these  maritime  prospects,  Coligny  acted  for 
the  most  part  in  accordance  with  the  title  which  he  bore. 
It  was  an  old  thought  of  his  to  found  Protestant  colonies  in 
America.  His  first  attempt  had  failed  through  the  incom- 
petency of  the  person  to  whom  the  enterprise  was  intrusted  ; 
to  the  second,  which  was  sent  to  Florida,  the  Spaniards,  out 
of  national  and  religious  jealousy,  had  put  a  frightful  termin- 
ation. But  in  the  year  1571  Coligny  sent  out  a  sea-captain 
named  Minguetiere,  with  orders  to  explore  the  territories  in 
South  America,  and  to  bring  back  correct  information  re- 
specting that  continent.* 

He  had  formed  the  idea  of  separating  the  Netherlands  from 
Spain,  and  at  the  same  time  assailing  the  power  of  King  Philip 
in  the  Indies,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  powers  which 
would  then  have  the  maritime  superiority  in  the  southern 
world,  and  thus  obtain  for  his  nation  and  his  faith  a  share  in 
the  dominion  of  the  other  hemisphere.  He  was  so  occupied 
with  these  speculations  that  he  despised  all  warnings,  which, 
for  the  most  part,  were  founded  upon  the  observation  of  trifling 

*  "  Pour  bien  remarquer  les  lieux  .  .  •  dresser  une  parfaite  repre- 
sentation de  tous  ces  quartiere." — Popeliniere,  ii.  lib.  25,  p.  21 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  259 

circumstances  only.  He  appears  to  have  felt  that  the  sus- 
picions which  led  the  Huguenots  to  take  up  arms  in  the  year 
1567  were  unfounded,  and  he  was  unwilling  to  disturb  him- 
self, or  to  allow  his  old  age  to  he  troubled  by  a  repetition  of 
similar  errors.  Rather  would  he  die  than  spend  the  remain- 
der of  his  days  in  continual  apprehension  of  a  power  which 
was  now  once  more  above  him.  Compared  with  the  great 
plan  which  he  had  conceived,  life  itself  had  no  value  for  him 
unless  it  could  be  devoted  to  its  execution.  There  was  appa- 
rently every  prospect  of  its  success. 

The  miscarriage  of  the  expedition  under  Genlis,  the  cruel 
treatment  of  the  prisoners,  and  certain  offensive  expressions 
of  Alva's,  which,  as  the  King  said,  amounted  almost  to  put- 
ting him  on  his  trial,  caused  a  general  agitation  in  Paris  ;  all 
was  in  favor  of  the  war,  and  the  King  himself  seemed  to  de- 
sire it.  The  Venetian  embassador,  who  had  been  sent  to 
France  by  his  Signoria,  in  order  to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  a 
war  between  that  country  and  Spain,  which  would  have  ren- 
dered all  further  undertakings  against  the  Ottoman  Porte  im- 
possible, asserts  that  the  war  then  appeared  inevitable  ;  that 
orders  were  issued  every  hour  for  raising  and  arming  troops, 
and  that  a  multitude  of  officers,  both  cavalry  and  infantry, 
had  offered  their  services  to  the  King.  * 

There  was  still  one  question  to  be  decided — What  would 
Q,ueen  Catharine  de'  Medici,  who  had  hitherto  given  the  de- 
ciding impulse  to  all  the  transactions  of  the  kingdom,  say  to 
this  undertaking  ? 

Let  us  endeavor  to  recall  her  position  and  her  qualities  at 
this  the  most  important  moment  of  her  life. 

The  house  of  Medici,  at  Florence,  to  which  Catharine  be- 
longed, had  distinguished  itself  in  the  fifteenth  century  by 
high  cultivation,  superiority  of  intellect,  and  a  successful 
policy,  which  preserved  peace  in  Italy;  in  the  sixteenth  it 

*  Juan  Micheli,  1572  :  li  Successo  non  solo  molestissimo  all'  Amira- 
glio,  ma  a  tutta  la  Francia,  trovandovisi  un  gran  numero  di  gentilhuo- 
mini  e  di  persone  di  respetto.  ...  La  guerra  per  quattro  o  sei  giorni 
continui  fu  tenuta  per  ferma,  et  se  ne  parlava  publicamente  come  di 
cosa  accordata.  E  giä  si  erano  fatte,  et  si  facevano  tutte  1'  ore,  espedi- 
tioni  di  cavalleria  et  fanteria."  That  the  defeat  of  Genlis  should  have 
discouraged  the  French  is  not  to  be  thought  of. 


260  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

contended  with  all  the  resources  of  power  for  the  maintenance 
of  its  disputed  sovereignty.  This  conflict  gave  occasion  for 
Machiavelli's  book,  entitled  '  The  Prince  :'  it  was  written  for 
Catharine's  father,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  Next  appeared  those 
sprung  from  another  line,  Cosmo,  the  founder  of  the  Grand 
Duchy,  of  whom  the  emigrants  said,  that  as  in  former  times 
justice  and  honor  were  prized  in  their  beautiful  Tyrrhenian 
land,  so  now  he  appeared  to  be  most  highly  valued  who  w  as 
most  deeply  stained  with  blood,  and  had  made  the  greatest 
number  of  widows  and  orphans.  Cosmo  maintained  his 
authority  by  severity,  guile,  and  vengeance. 

Catharine's  earliest  recollections  carried  her  back,  not  to 
days  of  infancy  such  as  most  other  princesses  remembered, 
when  they  grew  up  in  peace  amidst  the  most  watchful  atten- 
tions and  cares,  but  to  scenes  of  the  fiercest  religious  and 
political  animosity.  As  a  fatherless  and  motherless  orphan, 
she  was  placed  in  the  Convent  Delle  Murate,  at  Florence, 
but  the  nuns  took  part  for  and  against  her,*  so  that  it  was 
found  necessary  to  remove  her  from  the  convent ;  she  left  it 
weeping  violently,  for  she  feared  she  was  about  to  be  put  to 
death. 

When  she  grew  up,  her  worldly-wise  uncle,  Clement  VII., 
contrived  to  bring  about  a  marriage  between  her  and  the 
second  son  of  King  Francis  I.  The  King,  in  consenting  to  the 
match,  was  moved  chiefly  by  the  fear  that,  if  it  did  not  take 
place,  she  would  be  given  in  marriage  to  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
and  that  France  would  be  thus  more  completely  excluded 
from  Italy. f 

On  the  other  hand,  on  the  occasion  of  this  marriage,  the 
view  of  erecting  a  great  Italian  principality  founded  on  both 
the  French  and  Medicean  claims,  was  more  definitely  main- 
tained. Urbino,  Modena,  Pisa,  and,  if  possible,  Milan  and 
Genoa,  were  to  belong  to  it.  This  was  a  plan,  however,  the 
execution  of  which  could  never  have  been  possible.     Catha- 

*  Varchi,  "  Storia  Fiorentina,"  xi.  374 :  "  Si  cominciö  prima  a  bis- 
bigliare  e  poi  a  romoreggiare." 

t  Loaysa  to  Charles  V.,  June  9,  1531  :  "Es  grande  el  temor  que 
tiene  (el  Hey  de  Francin)  que  el  Papa  case  su  sobrina  con  el  Duque  de 
Milan."' 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  261 

rine  was  not  to  spend  her  life  as  an  Italian,  but  as  a  French 
princess :  here  her  intellect  and  her  destiny  led  her  on  from 
step  to  step  in  a  continual  ascent  to  power.  At  first  the  elder 
brother  of  her  husband  stood  in  the  way,  but  his  death,  which 
plunged  the  country  and  her  husband  in  deep  sorrow,  opened 
to  her  the  immediate  prospect  of  a  throne. 

Her  friends,  however,  reproached  her  all  the  more  that  she 
remained  childless  for  a  long  period.  We  have  mentioned 
how  at  one  time  she  was  in  danger  of  being  repudiated  by 
her  husband  ;  but  her  readiness  to  sutler  all  that  might  fall 
upon  her — either  to  retire  to  a  convent,  or  to  remain  at  court, 
in  order  to  wait  upon  the  more  fortunate  wife  who  should 
succeed  her — disarmed  all  antipathy. 

At  length  she  had  children,  and  as  the  consort  of  a  king 
and  the  mother  of  future  kings  she  took  a  high  position ;  but 
even  this  was  not  accomplished  without  difficulty.  The 
Duchess  of  Valentinois,  no  longer  probably  a  rival  of  Catha- 
rine in  the  peculiar  sense  of  the  word,  still  exercised  an  in- 
describable influence  upon  her  husband.  Catharine  was  com- 
pelled to  show  a  resignation  to  this  state  of  things,  which  she 
was  far  from  feeling,  in  order  now  and  then  to  obtain  some 
slight  satisfaction  for  her  ambition.  Excluded  from  all  affairs 
she  appeared  to  live  only  for  her  husband,  her  attendants,  and 
a  few  personal  favorites.  She  was  not  wanting  meanwhile 
in  the  almost  hereditary  predilection  which  distinguished  her 
family  for  art  and  splendor.  The  income  appointed  her, 
which  was  not  by  any  means  insignificant,  was  never  suffi 
cient  for  her  liberalities  :  *  she  thought  she  did  something 
peculiarly  French,  when  she  kept  the  court  as  magnificent 
as  it  had  been  in  the  time  of  Francis  T.  ;  she  made  it  her 
occupation,  and  showed  a  special  talent  for  it.  For  proces- 
sions, dances,  and  plays  she  possessed  a  naturally  inventive 
faculty,  and  was  the  soul  of  every  festivity  ;  after  the  fashion 

*  Lorenzo  Contarini,  Relatione,  1550:  "E  donna  piü  giovane  del 
Re  13  giorni  solamente,  non  bella,  ma  savia.  .  .  amata  da  ognuno  e  dal 
Re  particolarmente  per  il  suo  ingegno  e  bonta,  e  quanto  alle  cose  ordi- 
narie  assai  ben  trattata ;  ha  200  m.  sc.  da  spendere  ogni  anno,  se  ben 
non  le  bastano,  perche  e  liberalissima,  ha  gran  corte  di  uomini  e  di 
donne." 


262  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  the  time  she  also  took  part  in  the  manly  recreations ;  she 
was  esteemed  amiable,  ingenious,  and  affable,  and  those  who 
listened  to  her  discourse  were  pleased  and  instructed.  She 
said  in  after  times  that  nothing  lay  tben  upon  her  heart  but 
the  love  of  her  husband,  and  that  her  sole  anxiety  was  that 
she  was  not  beloved  by  him  as  she  desired  ;  *  when  he  was 
absent  from  the  Court  during  the  campaigns  she  wore  mourn- 
ing. 

She  asserted  that  she  possessed  that  inexplicable  quality  of 
a  common  family  consciousness,  the  existence  of  which  has 
been  constantly  denied,  and  which  is  yet  perpetually  pre- 
tended to,  by  which  things  and  events  removed  both  in  place 
and  time  appear  as  if  present,  and  that  she  was  made  aware 
beforehand,  either  by  an  apparition  or  a  dream,  of  every  mis- 
fortune which  befell  any  member  of  her  family  ;  she  even 
stated  that  she  had  had  a  presentiment  of  the  fatal  accident 
which  deprived  her  of  her  husband  in  the  tournament  already 
mentioned.  She  would  never  afterward  enter  the  place 
where  it  was  held,  and  her  carriage  took  a  round  whenever 
it  was  necessary  to  pass  that  way. 

Under  the  government  of  her  eldest  son,  which  followed 
that  of  her  husband,  she  took  some  share  in  the  transaction 
of  state  affairs,  especially  in  authorizing  the  public  decrees 
with  her  signature.  A  thorough  influence  over  them  she 
could  not  attain,  in  consequence  of  the  ascendency  of  the 
Guises,  which  she  was  compelled  to  endure ;  Mary  Stuart 
also  took  precedence  of  her  ;  yet  such  was  the  state  of  things 
at  that  time  that  she  had  it  in  her  power,  and  sometimes 
ventured,  to  mitigate  in  some  measure  the  prevailing  severity. 

With  the  accession  of  her  second  son  to  the  throne  the 
time  at  length  arrived  when  she  could  perform  a  political  part 
and  when  she  believed  it  necessary  to  take  it  upon  herself. 

The  personal  and  dynastic  character  she  exhibited  under 
these  circumstances  was  peculiar.     She  accounted  it  a  crime 

*  Letter  to  Elizabeth  of  Spain  :  "  Vous  m'aves  veue  si  contente 
comrae  vous,  ne  pensant  jeames  avoyr  autre  trisbulatyon  que  de  n'estre 
asses  aymaye  ä  mon  gre  du  Roy  vostre  pere,  qui  m'onoret  pluls  que  je 
ne  merites ;  mes  je  l'aymai  tant  que  je  aves  toujours  peur,  comme  vous 
saves." — Paris,  Negociations  sous  Francoys  II. 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  263 

on  the  part  of  the  Guises  that  they  should  have  formed  the 
design,  immediately  after  the  death  of  Francis  IL,  of  marry- 
ing Mary  Stuart  to  Don  Carlos  of  Spain,  because  she  had 
destined  her  youngest  daughter  for  that  Prince  ;  she  looked 
upon  it  as  intolerable  that  subjects  should  presume  to  enter 
into  rivalry  with  the  house  of  France. 

When  she  looked  round  her,  however,  in  the  confusion  of 
parties  she  could  discover  no  other  reliable  support  :  as  she 
said  in  one  of  her  letters,  God  had  taken  away  her  husband 
and  her  eldest  son,  and  she  was  left  with  three  little  boys  in 
a  kingdom  full  of  divisions,  where  she  did  not  know  one  man 
in  whom  she  could  place  confidence,  but  where  all  sought 
their  own  interests  with  passionate  selfishness.  "  I  will, 
however,  strive,"  she  adds,  "  to  maintain  my  power  for  the 
preservation  of  my  children." 

In  her  earlier  years  a  predilection  for  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion was  ascribed  to  her,  and  it  is  possible  she  may  have 
had  her  fits  of  ecclesiastical  heterodoxy  like  other  Court  ladies 
of  the  time  ;  but  a  real  earnest  inclination  to  Calvinism  was 
not  to  be  looked  for  in  a  gay  Italian  princess,  who  enjoyed 
life  keenly,  and  whose  antecedents  connected  her  so  closely 
with  the  Papacy.  She  was  always  of  opinion  that  Catholi- 
cism must  be  the  religion  of  Kings  and  States  ;  she  was  not 
on  this  account  however  devoted  to  the  severest  doctrines  of 
Catholicism  ;  her  experience  of  the  world,  and  even  her  con- 
nection with  the  Papal  See,  taught  her  to  see  in  religion  not 
religion  merely. 

Her  principal  object  was  to  sustain  the  sovereign  power 
which  belonged  to  her  sons,  and  the  administration  of  which 
devolved  chiefly  upon  herself,  although  a  stranger,  and  with 
but  a  dubious  right  to  such  a  position. 

According  to  the  general  fashion  of  the  age  she  was  dis- 
posed to  search,  in  reference  to  public  events  and  circumstan- 
ces, for  the  mysterious  and  marvelous  agencies  that  were 
believed  to  co-operate  in  their  production.  On  one  of  the 
towers  of  her  castle  at  Blois,  a  pavilion  is  pointed  out  which 
was  used  by  her  astrologer  for  his  observations  and  calcula- 
tions, for  she  was  as  much  attached  to  the  science  of  the 
stars  as  her  uncle  Clement  VII.     She  has  been  charged  with 


264  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

atheism,  of  which  a  sort  of  school  was  then  founded  at  the 
French  Court  by  another  Florentine,  Pietro  Strozzi,  who  was 
her  relative.  It  may  have  been  such  an  atheism  as  charac- 
terized the  Italian  philosophy  of  the  age,  which  revived  the 
doubts  of  antiquity  respecting  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  but 
which,  on  the  other  hand,  attributed  unbounded  power  to  the 
heavenly  intelligences,  and  to  the  influence  of  demons.  Am- 
ulets are  also  exhibited,  which  are  said  to  have  been  worn  by 
Catharine  de' Medici,  and  to  be  composed  of  human  blood,  the 
blood  of  beasts,  and  of  all  kinds  of  metals,  inscribed  with  the 
names  of  demons,  and  with  magic  figures  ;  one  of  her  brace- 
lets exhibits  a  variety  of  talismanic  characters,  and  among 
them  the  name  of  God.  The  co-operative  powers  of  Heaven 
and  Earth,  which  it  was  sought  to  discover  'aid  to  dominate, 
were  to  serve  to  bring  forth  or  restrain  the  personal  fortune  of 
the  individual. 

Catharine  de'  Medici  was  of  a  large  and,  at  the  same  time, 
firm  and  powerful  figure ;  her  countenance  had  an  olive  tint, 
and  her  prominent  eyes  and  curled  lip  reminded  the  spectator 
of  her  great-uncle  Leo  X.  Continuous  and  even  violent  ex 
ercise  was  absolutely  necessary  to  her ;  she  rode  to  the  chase 
by  the  side  of  the  men,  and  having  boldly  followed  the  game 
on  horseback,  through  brakes  and  thickets,  over  stocks  and 
stones,  she  gave  herself  up  without  reserve  to  the  pleasures 
of  the  table.  At  the  same  time,  however,  she  was  indefariga- 
bly  occupied  in  her  own  personal  affairs,  such  as  her  buildings, 
of  which  she  had  always  four  or  five  in  hand,  and  the  train- 
ing and  education  of  her  children,  and  more  especially  with 
the  general  affairs  of  the  state,  both  domestic  and  foreign. 
She  may  be  said  to  have  possessed  power,  but  she  was  very 
far  from  being  in  a  position  to  use  it  as  she  thought  proper. 
She  found  herself  in  the  condition  of  a  person  who,  having 
been  raised  to  power  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  see- 
ing his  authority  every  instant  in  danger,  is  compelled  to  de- 
vote every  energy  to  its  maintenance.  It  was  not  with  per- 
sonal interests  merely  she  had  to  contend,  but  with  the  strong 
opposition  of  general  opinion,  the  strength  of  which,  however, 
came  back  to  the  side  of  those  in  authority.  She  favored  the 
weaker  party  so  long  as  it  suited  her  purpose,  yet  not  without 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  265 

foresight ;  *  she  placed  it  in  opposition  to  one  that  was  grow- 
ing too  strong  and  independent,  but  she  did  not  commit  her- 
self completely  to  its  views  ;  in  short,  she  wished  to  make  use 
of  both,  in  order  that  she  might  govern,  but  did  not  wish  to 
be  governed  by  them.  No  one  trusted  her,  and  she  confided 
in  no  one.  Many  a  man,  says  a  Venetian,  might  well  have 
forgotten  the  art  of  fencing  if  placed  in  her  position,  where 
friends  and  enemies  were  no  longer  distinguishable  from  one 
another — where  she  was  obliged  to  ask  counsel  of  persons 
whom,  at  the  time,  she  was  well  aware  were  concealing 
their  real  opinions  from  her.  In  her  own  chamber  she  was 
transported  with  anger  and  grief,'  when  the  hour  of  audience 
arrived,  she  dried  her  tears  and  appeared  with  a  pleasant 
countenance.  Her  maxim  was  to  cause  every  one  to  depart 
from  her  presence  contented  ;  but  while  she  appeared  to  give 
a  definite  answer,  it  was  immediately  observed  that  she  had 
not  pronounced  her  final  decision,  and  while  this  was  expected 
the  conversation  was  suddenly  changed  to  some  other  topic. 
She  never  lost  sight  of  the  opposition  by  which  she  was 
checked  and  limited.  Many  of  her  written  instructions  still 
remain,  referring  to  foreign  affairs,  which  had,  however,  the 
closest  connection  with  those  of  the  interior  of  the  kingdom  ; 
they  exhibit  a  strong  conception  of  the  general  aspect  of 
things,  subtlety  of  comprehension,  and  a  singular  energy  of 
expression,  and  possess  a  peculiar  naivete  in  the  recommend- 
ation of  secret  means  and  courses. 

Catherine  threw  into  the  contest,  in  which  the  history  of 
the  world  was  to  receive  a  new  aspect,  all  that  fearful  pres- 
ence of  mind  and  inexhaustible  versatility  of  a  female  intel- 
lect, which  sees  its  own  interests  alone  in  all  it  contemplates. 
Her  ambition  passed  for  maternal  duty  and  solicitude.  Her 
pride  was  simply  self-defense.  She  said  that  if  she  had 
not  constantly  borne  the  burden  of  government  upon  her  head 
she  would  still  have  ever  drawn  it  behind  her ;  the  meaning 

*  Sigismondo  di  Cavalli :  "  La  Regina,  per  conservarsi  sola  in  sede 
raolto  tempo,  ando  schernendo  con  favori  et  inalzare  or  1'  una  or  1'  altra 
parte,  secondo  che  a  lei  pareva  necessario  dar  contrapeso  a  quella  che 
piü  pareva  di  spingersi  innanti." 

M 


266  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  which  seems  to  be,  that  she  would  never  have  allowed  it 
to  go  altogether  out  of  her  hands.  The  attainment  of  this 
object,  occupied  all  her  attention  ;  she  had  none  to  bestow 
upon  the  means  by  which  it  was  obtained.  In  the  opinions 
which  were  taught,  she  saw  neither  their  import  nor  their 
value ;  she  looked  merely  at  the  political  principles  with 
which  they  were  associated.  Moral  precepts  she  did  not  re- 
spect, but  she  found  no  pleasure  in  vice.  Human  life  had  no 
value  in  her  eyes.  She  professed  Italian  morality — the  mo- 
rality of  her  house — which  looked  upon  all  means  as  lawful 
by  which  power  was  attained  or  preserved. 

After  the  peace  of  1570  general  efforts  were  made  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  ;  Catharine  was  not  only  not  opposed 
to  them,  but,  on  the  contrary,  saw  with  satisfaction  that  her 
younger  children  associated  themselves  with  the  various  par- 
ties :  her  second  son,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  made  common  cause 
with  the  Guises  ;  the  third,  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  joined  the 
Montmorencies ;  her  eldest  daughter  was  married  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  house  of  Lorraine,  and  the  youngest  she  gave  to  the 
youthful  Bourbon,  the  head  of  the  Huguenots.  And  upon 
these  connections  she  founded  the  most  extensive  projects. 
Her  children  felt  from  time  to  time  that  they  were  made  sub- 
servient to  a  purpose  ;  they  were  disunited  among  themselves, 
and  did  not  love  their  mother,  but  yet  they  were  always  ruled 
by  her. 

A  man  now  rose  to  great  authority  in  the  midst  of  the 
universal  fluctuation  of  parties — one  who  was  zealously  at- 
tached to  his  religious  views,  and  who  undertook  to  bring  the 
policy  of  France  into  concurrence  and  co-operation  with  the 
opinions  he  had  embraced,  by  leading  that  kingdom  to  an 
open  war  with  Spain. 

Catharine,  who  had  become  Queen  of  France  in  opposition 
to  Spain,  could  not  be  much  disposed  to  favor  Spanish  inter- 
ests ;  but  an  open  war  with  this  power,  whose  resources  she 
estimated  as  immense,  and  which  represented  a  principle, 
which  though  she  did  not  adopt  she  was  unwilling  to  frus- 
trate, did  not  lie  within  the  range  of  her  policy.  Besides, 
she  could  not  be  expected  to  consent  to  an  enterprise  which 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  267 

would  have  been  decided  by  an  influence  not  only  independent 
of  her,  but  actually  opposed  to  her.*  The  mutual  confidence 
between  her  son  and  the  Admiral  had  been  for  some  time 
highly  distasteful  to  her ;  she  complained  that  the  King  saw 
the  Admiral  too  frequently  and  herself  too  little.  Should 
Coligny's  wishes  influence  the  King,  and  should  his  designs 
succeed,  he  would  in  that  case  become  as  intolerable  to  her 
as  ever  Francis  Duke  of  Guise  had  been. 

The  Q,ueen  was  on  a  visit  to  her  daughter  of  Lorraine,  at 
the  time  when  the  outbreak  in  Paris  threatened  to  lead  to  a 
war,  and  hastened  to  the  capital,  determined  to  put  an  end 
to  the  warlike  movement,  whatever  it  should  cost  her. 

Charles  IX.,  upon  her  representation,  founded  on  experience, 
consented  immediately  that  before  the  affair  proceeded  further 
it  should  be  once  more  discussed  in  Council. 

Coligny  objected  to  such  a  step,  stating  that  the  Council 
consisted  for  the  most  part  of  men  whose  temperament  and 
position  in  life  made  peace  appear  desirable  to  them,  and 
tha.t  it  could  answer  no  purpose  to  dispute  with  persons  Avho 
were  not  open  to  conviction.  The  King  promised  that  he 
would  summon  to  the  Council  men  experienced  in  war,  such 
as  the  Dukes  of  Montpensier  and  Nevers  and  the  Marshal  de 
Cosse,  against  whom  nothing  could  be  objected. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  project  of  war  came  to  a 
fresh  deliberation.  The  Admiral  delivered  his  opinions  with 
warmth  and  eloquence,  hoping  to  draw  those  who  were  hesi- 
tating to  his  side,  by  the  force  of  his  reasons.  In  this  assem- 
bly, however,  the  feelings  of  the  members  were  not  favorable 
to  him.  The  King's  mother  and  his  brother,  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  were  decidedly  against  the  Admiral,  and  finally  the 
King  himself  agreed  with  them,  so  that  Coligny's  proposal  was 
unanimously  rejected.  He  was  not  disposed,  however,  to  rest 
satisfied  with  this  decision.  He  had  himself  promised  assist- 
ance to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  now  observed,  that  the 

*  Aluise  Contarini,  Marzo,  1572:  "Per  molti  inditii  si  vede  che  la 
mente  della  Regina  Madre  non  e  di  lasciar  romper  1'  amicitia  colla 
Spagna,  per  i  pericoli  e  danni  che  potria  correr  la  Francia  dclle  armi  di 
Spagnoli,  abondanti  di  danari,  copiosi  d'  amici,  gagliardi  di  forze,  uniti, 
accorti." 


268  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

King  would,  it  was  to  be  hoped,  have  no  objection  to  his  ren- 
dering such  assistance  by  means  of  his  friends  and  perhaps  in 
his  own  person.  This  disclosure  was  received  with  astonish- 
ment ;  one  word  followed  another,  and  a  warm  dispute  arose. 
"  Madame,"  said  Coligny  at  last,  "The  King  now  withdraws 
from  a  war  which  promises  him  advantages ;  God  forbid 
that  another  should  break  out,  from  which  he  may  not  be 
able  to  withdraw."  Although  these  words  were  intended  to 
allude  to  the  war  in  Flanders,  which  in  one  way  or  other 
must  have  implicated  France,  yet  the  Glueen  took  them  as  a 
threat,  as  if  the  Admiral  had  determined  to  excite  new  troubles 
and  to  kindle  once  more  the  flames  of  civil  war. 

She  was  an  Italian — she  had  not  yet  settled  her  account 
with  Coligny.  Had  he  not  on  one  occasion  opposed  her 
regency  ?  Had  he  not  on  another  attempted  by  a  sudden 
surprise  to  get  the  whole  Court  and  even  herself  into  his 
power  ?  She  asserted  that  one  of  her  most  trustworthy  con- 
fidants and  retainers  had  been  destroyed  by  the  contrivances 
of  the  Admiral.  She  had  entertained  the  design  of  taking 
vengeance  upon  him  as  early  as  the  year  1568,  but  he  was 
too  strong,  and  had  compelled  her  to  consent  to  peace,  and 
now  he  wished  to  force  her  into  his  political  views.  The 
Admiral,  whom  the  regular  income  arising  from  the  contribu- 
tions of  the  Huguenots  provided  with  considerable  pecuniary 
resources,  possessed,  moreover,  through  their  unconditional 
attachment  to  his  person,  a  power  which  was  almost  indepen- 
dent. It  was  said  of  him  that  he  could  raise  a  better  army 
in  four  days  than  the  King  could  in  four  months.  He  was 
not  merely  hated  by  the  Glueen,  but  while  he  lived  she  was 
in  danger  ;  she  resolved  to  get  rid  of  him. 

The  period  had  arrived  when  the  marriage  between  her 
daughter  and  Henry  of  Navarre,  by  which  the  parties  were 
to  be  reconciled,  was  to  be  solemnized.  The  Huguenots  had 
assembled  in  great  numbers  to  witness  the  ceremony.  How 
different  were  the  designs  and  projects  by  which  the  festivities 
were  interrupted ! 

The  Admiral  had  attended  the  Council  which  was  held  in 
the  Louvre  on  Friday,  the  22d  of  August,  and  was  returning 
to  his  residence,  when  just  as  he  was  passing  by  a  house  be- 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  269 

longing  to  an  adherent  of  the  Guises,  a  shot  was  fired  at  him ; 
he  was  indebted  for  his  life  to  an  accidental  movement  which 
he  made  at  the  moment,  but  the  bullet  struck  him  in  the 
hand  and  arm. 

Every  one  attributed  the  deed  to  the  vengeance  of  the 
Guises,  and  the  King  threatened  them  with  punishment  for 
it.  Cautious  observers,  however,  rejected  that  explanation 
from  the  first,  for  it  was  said,  how  could  the  Guises  venture, 
in  the  very  precincts  of  the  Court,  to  give  free  course  to  their 
revenge  ?  Meanwhile  the  suspicion  contained  a  portion  of 
both  truth  and  error.  The  Papal  nuncio  gives  the  following 
account  of  the  matter. 

When  the  Q,ueen  had  finally  decided  upon  a  course  hostile 
to  the  Admiral,  she  immediately  took  into  her  counsels  the 
widow  of  Francis  Duke  of  Guise.  This  lady  was,  like  her- 
self, an  Italian,  and  had  already  repeatedly,  though  always  in 
vain,  prayed  for  vengeance  for  the  death  of  her  husband. 
The  Queen  now  assented  to  her  desire  ;  the  two  bound  them- 
selves together  to  procure  the  destruction  of  the  Admiral,  and 
took  their  sons,  the  one  the  Duke  of  Anjou  and  the  other  the 
Duke  of  Guise,  into  their  confidence.  The  most  extravagant 
plans  were  proposed.  Young  Guise  was  of  opinion  that  his 
mother  should  with  her  own  hand  shoot  the  Admiral  when 
in  the  Court  circle  he  should  be  among  the  Queen's  ladies,* 
for  in  those  times  ladies  learned  the  use  of  fire-arms  in  the 
chase.  This  proposal  was,  however,  rejected,  and  the  murder- 
ous enterprise  intrusted  to  a  person  on  whom  they  could  rely, 
who  had  concealed  himself  in  that  house  and  waited  till  the 
Admiral  should  be  riding  by. 

The  majority  of  those  who  were  near  the  event,  have  as- 
serted that  if  the  Admiral  had  been  killed  on  this  occasion, 
the  Q,ueen  would  have  been  satisfied  with  the  one  victim ; 
but  he  had  escaped,  and  was  now  for  the  first  time  in  a  posi- 
tion to  become  truly  formidable. 

The  Huguenots  crowded  round  him  with  redoubled  zeal, 
and  demanded  justice  :  their  requisitions  sounded  like  threats 

*  Salviati,  August  24,  1512  :  "  Madame  di  Nemours  fu  da  Msgnr.  di 
Guise  suo  figlio  stimulata  a  tirare  1'  archibusata  mentre  1'  Amiraglio 
fusse  con  la  Regente." 


270  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

proceeding  from  a  confident  knowledge  of  their  power.  The 
general  suspicion  soon  fixed  upon  the  most  important  and 
real  originator  of  the  deed.  Certain  expressions  came  to  her 
ears  one  evening  at  supper;  they  were  prohably  exaggerated, 
but  at  any  rate  they  gave  her  grounds  for  apprehension  on 
her  own  account.  The  consideration  of  the  personal  and  gen- 
eral danger  incurred  by  the  deed  already  perpetrated,  excited 
her  still  further  to  the  designs  of  blood  and  violence  which 
had  lain  latent  in  her  mind.  The  Huguenots  were  in  her 
hands — it  was  only  necessary  for  her  to  will  it,  and  they  were 
all  destroyed. 

It  has  always  been  the  general  opinion  that  Catharine  de' 
Medici  had  for  years  been  preparing  every  thing  for  this 
catastrophe  ;  that  all  her  apparent  favors  to  the  Huguenots, 
all  her  treaties  and  conclusions  of  peace,  were  simply  so  many 
guileful  pretexts  in  order  to  win  their  confidence,  that  she 
might  then  deliver  them  over  to  destruction. 

Against  this  supposition,  however,  it  was  observed  long  ago, 
that  a  stratagem  laid  so  long  beforehand  was  contrary  to  the 
nature  of  French  modes  of  proceeding,  and  is  in  itself  nearly 
impossible.*  We  have  ourselves  seen,  as  we  have  proceeded, 
many  circumstances  which  render  it  extremely  improbable. 
The  notion  which  some  have  maintained  that  the  King  of 
Spain  and  the  Duke  of  Alva  were  informed  beforehand  of  the 
design  to  massacre  the  Huguenots,  and  had  approved  of  it, 
must  be  rejected  without  hesitation.  We  find,  so  far  from 
this,  that  the  Spaniards  were  just  then  in  full  expectation  of 
the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  had  even 
sent  a  special  courier  of  his  own  to  warn  the  Duke  of  Alva 
of  the  hostility  of  the  French  Court.  The  Queen  herself  was 
also  in  earnest,  as  her  letters  prove,  in  the  affair  of  the  En- 
glish marriage,  which  had  been  suggested  by  the  most  moder- 
ate party  in  the  Council :  her  dynastic  and  maternal  inter- 
ests were  involved  in  it,  and  these  could  not  be  simulated. 
Besides,  the  marriage  between  her  daughter  and  the  King  of 

*  Cavalli  advances  these  good  reasons  :  "  Se  prima  dell'  archibuggiata 
vi  fusse  statu  questo  pensiere  di  distruggerli  (Ugonotti),  cosi  facilmente 
si  poteva  far  come  segui  da  poi  senza  poner  in  dubbio,  che  per  la  ferita 
buona  parte  se  ne  andassero." — Relatione  di  1574. 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  273 

Navarre,  which  is  regarded  as  the  last  step  iu  the  whole  pro- 
ceeding, was  proposed,  not  by  the  Queen,  but,  as  we  have 
already  noticed,  by  the  peaceful  Montmorency. 

Do  they  take  the  right  view  of  the  affair,  we  may  inquire 
finally,  who  attribute  the  whole  to  a  momentary  fit  of  rage 
on  the  part  of  the  Glueen,  or  to  a  sudden  burst  of  vengeance 
among  the  mob  of  Paris  ?  Against  this  view  there  are  cer- 
tain historical  events  which  can  not  be  explained  away,  and 
which  render  its  adoption  impossible. 

It  is  not  altogether  without  its  significancy  that  the  Queen 
had  always  declared  she  would  revenge  herself  upon  the  Hu- 
guenots. She  mentioned  in  confidence  the  example  of  Queen 
Blanche,  who  had  subdued,  at  the  same  time,  both  the  rebels 
and  the  heretics,  and  revived  the  authority  of  her  son  :  she 
had  read  an  old  chronicle  in  which  this  was  recorded,  and  on 
one  occasion  told  the  Venetian  embassador  that  she  did  not 
wish  the  Huguenots  to  know  that  she  was  acquainted  with 
this  history.  Although  she  had  not  first  proposed  the  mar- 
riage of  her  daughter  with  Navarre,  yet  she  had  zealously 
promoted  it,  and  insisted  that  it  should  take  place  in  Paris. 
In  reference  to  the  intent  of  this,  hints  were  given  to  the  Pa- 
pal legate  and  to  the  Papal  nuncio,  which  were  of  unequivo- 
cal significancy.  The  Legate,  the  Cardinal  of  Alessandria, 
who  had  been  sent  to  France  for  the  purpose  of  obstructing 
the  marriage  and  proposing  a  different  one,  frequently  com- 
plains, in  his  dispatches,  of  the  small  progress  he  has  the 
opportunity  of  making ;  at  last,  however,  he  announces, 
unexpectedly,  that  he  has  received  an  answer  not  unfavora- 
ble ;  *  he  does  not  communicate  the  nature  of  this  answer  in 
so  many  words,  but  the  man  who  then  accompanied  this 
Cardinal  as  auditor,  and  who  afterward  himself  occupied  the 
Papal  chair,  Clement  VIII.,  has  recounted,  that  the  King  said 
he  thought  of  nothing  but  how  to  revenge  himself  upon  his 
enemies,  and  that  he  had  no  other  means  of  doing  so  than 

*  "  Lettere  e  Negotiati  del  Sr.  CI.  Alessandrino,"  in  the  Corsini  Li- 
brary at  Rome.  Letter  to  Rusticucci,  March  6,  1572:  "Con  alcuni 
particolari  che  io  porto,  de'  quali  ragguaglierö  n.  Sne.  a  bocca,  posso 
dire  di  »on  partirmi  aflatto  mal  expedite " 


272  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

what  this  plot  afforded.*  The  nuncio  Salviati  likewise  as- 
serts that  the  King  told  him  at  Blois,  that  he  had  favored 
the  idea  of  this  marriage  merely  for  the  purpose  of  freeing 
himself  from  his  enemies.!  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  neithei, 
that  at  one  time,  among  the  Italian  republics,  marriage  fes- 
tivities had  been  made  subservient  to  great  party  massacres. 
What  then  is  true,  and  what  is  false  ?  Was  there  a  great 
deed  of  violence  contemplated  long  beforehand,  and  prepara- 
tions made  for  its  execution  ?  Or  were  the  negotiations  con- 
cerning the  English  match,  which  had  been  carried  on  with 
the  greatest  vigor,  and  the  at  least  indirect  hostility  against 
Spain,  during  the  summer,  meant  in  earnest  ?  The  question 
would  never  be  decided,  if  we  had  to  do  with  a  person  of  a 
simple,  straight-forward  mind,  in  which  contradictory  plans 
of  necessity  exclude  each  other  ;  but  there  are  characters  with 
whom  this  is  not  the  case,  persons  with  whom  it  is  a  natural 
necessity  to  have  two  strings  to  their  bow,  that  if  one  break, 
they  may  have  another  in  reserve — in  whom  there  is  a  native 
duplicity,  which  enables  them  to  contemplate  opposite  courses 
at  one  and  the  same  moment.  While  Catharine  pursued 
zealously  the  plan  which  corresponded  with  the  course  of  her 
desires  and  interests,  she  cherished,  in  the  depths  of  her  soul, 
the  feeling  that  the  measures  she  took  to  accomplish  that  plan, 
might  also  be  made  subservient  to  another  purpose.  A  recon- 
ciliation with  the  Huguenots  was  not  distasteful  to  her,  since, 
by  means  of  it  she  would  acquire  a  loftier  and  more  brilliant 
position  in  Europe ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  she  saw  them 
streaming  into  Paris  with  a  secret  pleasure,  when  she  thought 
of  their  coming  into  the  midst  of  a  populace  which  required 
merely  that  the  reins  should  be  slackened  in  order  to  destroy 
them.  Were  they  to  go  further  than  she  contemplated  or 
desired,  or  any  other  event  occur,  she  had  in  her  hands  an 
infallible  resource.  Since  Conde's  residence  in  the  capita],  the 
Parisian  populace  were  filled  with  rage  against  the  Huguenots , 
they  would  not  suffer  any  of  that  way  of  thinking  within  their 

*  The  letter  of  Ossat  of  September  22,  1599,  cited  by  all  against 
Lingard.     Lettres  d'Ossat,  lib.  v.  no.  26. 
t  Salviati,  in  Mackintosh's  History  of  England,  iii.  336,  app. 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  273 

walls  ;  even  during  the  negotiations  of  peace,  they  threatened 
with  death  and  destruction  those  of  their  opponents  who  had 
come  into  the  city  on  that  occasion.  The  authority  of  the 
Court  and  its  expressed  will,  were  necessary  to  control  the 
people,  and  for  this  purpose  it  was  that  the  civic  militia  was 
organized.  The  confidence  alone  of  Coligny,  in  the  great- 
ness and  future  success  of  his  cause,  which  he  believed  des- 
tined to  the  conquest  of  the  earth,  makes  it  conceivable,  how 
he  could  have  ventured  in  the  midst  of  this  hostile,  agitated, 
and  easily  roused  mob,  which  endured  his  presence  and  that 
of  his  followers,  only  with  suppressed  fury.  All  who  observed 
the  antipathy  between  the  elements  that  now  came  into  con- 
tact, forboded  evil  consequences.  The  preachers  in  Geneva 
and  the  Cardinals  at  Rome  foresaw  and  predicted  a  catastro- 
phe. The  Admiral  Coligny  reposed  an  unlimited  confidence 
in  the  word  of  the  young  King.  After  he  had  been  wounded, 
the  Huguenots  consulted  whether  they  ought  not  to  leave  the 
city  armed  as  they  were,  and,  notwithstanding  his  condition, 
carry  him  away  with  them  :  young  Teliguy,  his  son-in-law, 
however,  assured  the  others  that  he  knew  the  King  to  the 
very  depths  of  his  heart,  that  he  was  certain  he  was  to  be 
relied  on,  and  that  there  was  no  ground  for  apprehension.  * 

And  no  wonder  that  Charles  IX.  should  appear  to  be  sin- 
cere, for  he  was  so  in  reality.  All  that  had  been  compre- 
hended by  him,  in  his  mercurial  way,  of  what  was  passing, 
had  entirely  escaped  him  in  the  martial  effervescence  of  the 
last  few  days. 

Catharine  was  different.  That  she  had  from  the  begin- 
ning a  design  against  the  Admiral,  connected  with  the  invita- 
tion to  the  nuptials,  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable,  yet 
the  design  was  contemplated  rather  as  a  possibility,  and 
expressed  rather  as  a  justification.  She  allowed  Coligny  to 
proceed  on  his  course  until  he  became  intolerable  to  her,  and 
then  caused  him  to  be  shot  at.  This  act  brought  matters  to 
a  state  in  which  they  could  not  possibly  remain.     Several 

*  "  Que  c'estoit  faire  injure  au  Roi,  de  revoquer  en  doute  sa  parole 
et  sincerite."  The  earliest  biography  of  Coligny  is  a  valuable  authority 
for  what  took  place  among  the  Huguenots,  as  it  is  from  tbe  notes  of  an 
eye-witness. 


274  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

Italians  took  a  principal  part  in  Catharine's  counsels.  Bi- 
rago,  a  native  of  Milan,  and  now  keeper  of  the  great  seal,  who 
constantly  condemned  the  hesitation  which  was  felt,  and  ad- 
vised that  the  suspected  leaders  should  be  secured,  Lodovico 
Gonzaga,  Duke  of  Nevers,  Albert  Gondi,  Duke  of  Retz,  all 
these  were  of  opinion  that  the  security  of  the  king  and  queen 
required  that,  the  leaders  of  the  Huguenots  should  be  got  rid 
of  by  murder.  The  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  Angouleme,  a  na- 
tural brother  of  the  King's,  as  well  as  Marshal  Tavannes, 
took  part  in  the  consultations,  and  declared  themselves  of  the 
same  opinion.  There  only  now  remained  to  obtain  the  con- 
sent of  the  King. 

Charles  IX.  was  still  convinced  that  the  attack  upon  the 
Admiral  should  be  punished,  and  every  movement  of  the  civic 
populace  in  favor  of  the  Guises  suppressed.  He  was  now  in- 
formed for  the  first  time  that  the  attempt  upon  Coligny's  life 
had  not  been  made  by  these  alone,  but  that  his  mother  and 
brother  had  had  a  share  in  it.  He  was  reminded  of  C harry, 
one  among  the  few  of  his  trustworthy  confidants,  a  person  to 
whom  he  had  been  indebted  for  his  education,  and  whom  the 
Admiral  had  caused  to  be  put  to  death — of  the  design  he  had 
expressed  in  early  years,  and  never  altogether  given  up,  to 
take  vengeance  for  every  injury  he  had  received — of  the 
danger  now  to  be  feared  from  a  rising  of  the  Huguenots, 
which  would  be  directed  against  the  queen ;  that  now  they 
were  masters  of  them,  and  had  them  all,  as  it  were,  in  a 
cage,  were  they  to  open  it  and  allow  the  lion  to  rush  forth, 
what  devastation  would  he  not  make  !  Already  it  was  ru- 
mored that  the  Huguenot  forces  had  been  summoned  to  meet 
speedily  at  Melun.  They  must  not  wait  till  this  took  place  ; 
they  must  not  allow  a  war  to  break  out,  which  would  be 
fraught  with  the  most  ruinous  consequences  to  the  Crown  and 
to  the  country. 

It  was  a  monstrous  step  to  which  the  young  king  was  urg- 
ed. Notwithstanding  all  the  political  motives  advanced  by 
the  Q/Ueen,  she  was  in  this  matter  what  she  was  in  reality, 
a  revengeful  and  ambitious  Italian.  She  had  associated  with 
her  cause  the  passions  of  other  private  individuals,  and  was 
he  who  possessed  the  sovereign  authority  to  forget  the  sacred 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  275 

character  of  his  office,  to  approve  of  the  vengeance  of  a  party 
which  he  hitherto  invariably  condemned,  to  give  free  course 
to  the  bloodthirstiness  of  a  portion  of  that  Parisian  populace 
which  he  had  up  to  the  present  moment  controlled  and  re- 
pressed ?  That  Catharine  de'  Medici  wished  him  to  do  so 
constitutes  her  great  political  crime  against  her  son,  against 
her  house,  and  against  the  royal  authority  generally.  She 
felt  only  as  a  party  chief,  who  had  obtained  possession  of 
sovereignty  by  usurpation,  somewhat  like  her  cousin-german 
Cosmo,  not  like  a  queen  born  to  her  dignity.  In  the  condi- 
tion into  which  she  had  now  fallen  she  was  tormented  with 
apprehensions  for  the  security  of  her  position,  and  even  for 
her  life,  and  she  saw  no  way  of  calming  her  terrors  except 
by  proceeding  to  the  execution  of  the  sanguinary  design 
which  she  had  long  contemplated  as  possible  in  such  a  case. 
However  unlimited  the  authority  was  which  Catharine  ex- 
ercised over  her  son,  she  had  on  this  occasion  to  encounter 
some  resistance  on  his  part.  The  proposal  appeared  to  him 
horrible.  She  answered  him  with  an  Italian  proverb,  "  Mild- 
ness is  sometimes  cruelty,  and  cruelty  mildness."  He  feared 
the  evil  impression  it  would  make  upon  mankind  generally, 
but  he  was  answered  that  the  enmity  of  the  two  parties,  and 
the  name  of  the  Guises,  would  carry  all  the  blame.  He 
could  not  resolve  upon  sacrificing  friends  with  whom  he  was 
on  terms  of  the  most  confidential  intercourse,  such  as  Coligny 
and  La  Rochefoucauld,  who  had  spent  this  very  evening  with 
him  in  pleasant  jesting  and  conversation.  Catharine,  how- 
ever, insisted,  and  it  went  so  far  that  his  mother  and  brother 
threatened  to  leave  the  Court,*  since  they  could  not  induce 
him  to  take  precautions  against  the  ruin  with  which  he  was 

*  Sigismondo  Cavalli,  Relatione  di  1574 :  "  Stette  piu  d'  un  ora  e 
mezza  renitente  ;  finalmente,  combattuto  della  madre  et  del  fratello, 
consenti  ;  e  vedendo  la  Regina,  che,  se  la  cosa  si  fusse  diferita,  niente 
portava  pericolo  di  scoprirsi,  venne  a  questo  per  far  risolvere  il  Re  di 
chiedergli  licenza  di  ritrarsi  in  qualche  parte,  e  cosi  fece  Monsr."  The 
report  of  Micheli  has  been  of  more  assistance  to  me  than  that  of  Ca- 
valli ;  it  deserves  to  be  printed.  I  would  only  observe,  that  the  narra- 
tive put  into  the  mouth  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  appears  to  me,  on  many 
grounds,  which  will  be  investigated  elsewhere,  to  be  spurious,  and  to 
have  been  derived  from  another  source. 


276  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

threatened,  and  which  might  be  so  easily  averted  ;  finally, 
she  reproached  him  with  want  of  courage,  which  put  an 
end  to  all  his  reluctance,  and  Charles  IX.  yielded,  nay  adopt- 
ed the  proposed  scheme  with  all  the  native  vivacity  of  his 
temperament. 

Late  on  the  evening  of  August  23d,  Charron,  Prevot  des 
Marehands,  and  his  predecessor  Marcel,  who  had  just  retired 
from  the  office,  were  summoned  to  the  Louvre.  The  question 
was  laid  before  Marcel,  who  was  known  to  be  well  acquainted 
with  the  capital,  and  very  influential — supposing  the  King, 
under  very  urgent  circumstances,  should  need  the  assistance 
of  the  Parisian  populace,  upon  what  number  of  them  could 
he  reckon  ?  Marcel  answered  that  the  number  would  be  in 
proportion  to  the  time  allowed  him  for  assembling  them;  that 
in  a  month  he  could  have  a  hundred  thousand  men  ready. 
"  But  how  many  in  a  week  ?"  He  named  a  proportionate 
number.  "  And  this  very  day  how  many  ?"  He  thought  he 
might  be  able  to  collect  twenty  thousand,  or  perhaps  more. 
These  inquiries  were  made  not  so  much  on  account  of  any 
embarrassment  felt  in  finding  agents  for  the  execution  of  the 
design  they  had  determined  upon,  but  because  they  always 
contemplated  an  armed  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Hugue- 
nots as  possible.  Charron  was  charged  to  summon  the  citi- 
zens to  arms  in  their  several  quarters,  and  to  close  the  gates. 

A  few  years  before  Catharine  de'  Medici  had  herself  ex- 
perienced a  fierce  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Parisian  mob, 
and  now  she  formed  with  the  same  mob  this  terrible  alliance. 
Revenge,  ambition,  a  conviction  of  the  danger  of  her  position 
at  the  moment,  all  now  prompted  her  to  call  to  her  aid  the 
fury  of  the  populace.  Still,  however,  all  was  not  to  be  left 
to  the  blind  impulses  of  the  multitude  :  the  most  frightful 
feature  in  the  whole  transaction  was  that  in  all  the  confusion 
there  was  a  certain  order  observed. 

They  wished  to  spare  the  two  princes,  Navarre  and  Conde, 
but  those  of  their  companions  who  were  to  be  slaughtered, 
were  pointed  out  to  the  Duke  of  Montpensier.  * 

The  murder  of  the  Admiral,  and  of  those  who  were  most 

*  The  report  sent  to  Spain  by  Olargui,  Secretary  of  the  Embassy. 
Oachard,  in  the  Bulletin  de  l'Academie  de  Bruxelles,  xvi.  252. 


ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S  DAY.  277 

closely  associated  with  him,  was  undertaken  by  Guise,  Au- 
male,  and  the  Bastard  of  Angouleme.  According  to  one  ac- 
count, which  wears  the  appearance  of  truth,  the  Admiral  was 
assailed  in  his  own  chamber,  without  any  respect  shown  for 
his  gray  hairs  ;  he  was  mortally  wounded,  but  before  life  be- 
came quite  extinct,  he  was  dragged  to  the  window  and  flung 
out.  It  is  said  that  he  had  laid  hold  of  a  column  of  the  win- 
dow with  his  left  arm,  and  received  repeated  wounds  before 
he  relinquished  it,  but  was  at  last  hurled  into  the  court-yard, 
where  Guise  and  Angouleme  stood  by  while  he  expired.* 

La  Rochefoucauld  and  his  son,  Teligny,  the  Admiral's  son- 
in-law,  Briquemont,  his  sons,  and  all  who  were  with  them, 
were  then  killed,  and  their  bodies  thrown  into  the  street, 
where  they  were  stripped  by  the  populace. 

The  "  Paris  Matins,"  as  the  massacre  was  called — a  name 
suggested  by  the  remembrance  of  the  "  Sicilian  Vespers" — 
had  meanwhile  commenced  in  all  quarters  of  the  capital. 
The  tocsin  was  sounded  everywhere,  and  the  populace  storm- 
ed the  houses  of  the  Huguenots,  murdering  them  and  plunder- 
ing their  property,  with  the  cry,  "  The  King  desires  and  com- 
mands it."  They  had  come  confiding  in  the  hospitality  which 
had  been  offered  to  them  :  they  were  surprised  in  their  beds, 
and  indiscriminately  slaughtered ;  there  was  no  distinction 
made  between  those  who  had  borne  arms  and  those  who  had 
not,  between  the  illustrious  and  the  obscure,  the  master  and 
the  servant.  The  King  of  Navarre's  bed  was  sprinkled  with 
the  blood  of  friends,  strangers  as  well  as  natives,  who  had 
come  from  the  remotest  parts  of  the  kingdom  to  witness  the 
ceremony  of  his  marriage.  The  zealous  reformer  of  the  Uni- 
versity, La  Ramee,  was  hunted  out  in  his  hiding-place  by  one 
of  his  colleagues,  whose  ignorance  he  had  frequently  exposed, 
and  by  him  given  up  to  a  party  of  paid  murderers.  It  was 
a  combination  of  private  vengeance  and  public  condemnation 
such  as  the  world  had  never  seen  since  the  days  of  Sulla's 
proscriptions.  To  repress  the  horrors  arising  from  civil  war, 
was  the  final  cause  which  had  built  the  moral  foundation  of 

*  Serranus,  iv.  33  :  "  Nondum  mortuus  Amiralius  brachio  fenestra 
eolumnam  complectitur,  ibi  acceptis  aliquot  vulneribus  in  aream  detur- 
batur." 


278  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  monarchy.  In  this  act  it  forgot  its  historical  origin,  and 
made  common  cause  with  the  very  party  whose  hatred  it 
should  have  controlled ;  its  traces  were  lost  altogether  in  these 
orgies  of  blood. 

Oral  orders,  which  were  carried  from  town  to  town  with 
the  swiftness  of  the  wind,  authorized  the  rage  of  fanaticism 
every  where.  According  to  the  most  moderate  calculations, 
there  fell  two  thousand  persons  in  Paris  alone,  and  the  num- 
ber massacred  in  France  was  not  less  than  twenty  thousand. 
From  time  to  time  the  flame  broke  out  afresh,  even  after  or- 
ders had  been  issued  to  restrain  it.  The  rage  of  the  multitude 
lived  in  its  own  movements,  longing  for  blood,  and  nourished 
with  blood.  The  minds  of  men  were  filled  with  wild  fanta- 
sies, which  made  them  afraid  of  themselves,  and  caused  the 
very  elements  to  appear  fraught  with  terror. 

Charles  IX.,  about  eight  days  after  the  massacre,  caused 
his  brother-in-law  Henry  to  be  summoned  to  him  in  the  night. 
He  found  him  as  he  had  sprung  from  his  bed,  filled  with  dread 
at  a  wild  tumult  of  confused  voices,  which  prevented  him  from 
sleeping.  Henry  himself  imagined  he  heard  these  sounds  ; 
they  appeared  like  distant  shrieks  and  howlings,  mingled  with 
the  indistinguishable  raging  of  a  furious  multitude,  and  with 
groans  and  curses,  as  on  the  day  of  the  massacre.  Messen- 
gers were  sent  into  the  city  to  ascertain  whether  any  new 
tumult  had  broken  out.  but  the  answer  returned  was  that  all 
was  quiet  in  the  city,  and  that  the  commotion  was  in  the  air. 
Henry  could  never  recall  this  incident  without  a  horror  that 
made  his  hair  stand  on  end. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

TRANSITION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  FROM  CHARLES  IX.  TO 
HENRY  HI. 

It  sounds  incredible,  and  yet  it  is  quite  true,  that  even 
after  the  events  of  the  bloody  wedding  Queen  Catharine  pro- 
fessed still  to  sustain  the  character  of  a  mediatrix,  while  on 
both  sides  nothing  else  was  thought  or  could  be  thought  of 
the  whole  occurrence  than  that  the  French  Court  had  joined 
the  irreconcilable  reactionary  party  in  their  efforts  against 
Protestantism.  The  Glueen  avoided  receiving  the  Papal  legate, 
who  j  ust  then  arrived  ;  and  when  his  entrance  could  no  longer 
be  deferred,  she  left  Paris,  in  company  with  her  son,  in  order 
not  to  witness  it. 

The  Duke  of  Alva  spoke  to  his  friends  of  the  whole  trans- 
action as  it  had  occurred  with  strong  disapproval,  for  the  in- 
formal violence  to  which  the  fanaticism  of  the  mob  had  been 
excited  was  in  direct  contradiction  to  his  habits  of  thought 
and  disposition.  He  expected  from  it,  however — especially 
now  that  the  most  formidable  enemies  of  his  King  were 
removed,  that  the  policy  of  the  French  Court,  might  be 
brought  to  concur  with  that  of  Spain.  King  Philip  felt  him- 
self moved  by  the  event,  which  was  totally  unexpected  by 
him,  to  an  approximation  with  France,  and  caused  to  be  made 
to  the  French  Court  an  offer  of  his  assistance  toward  the  com- 
plete extermination  of  the  Huguenots.  The  Court,  however, 
answered  him  with  pompously  sounding,  and,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, memorable  words,  that  "  a  King  of  France  needed 
no  allies  but  his  own  people." 

The  fearful  deed  had  come  almost  unexpectedly  upon  the 
very  person  who  perpetrated  it — the  Queen.     She  was  not 


280  HISTOßY  OF  FRANCE. 

prepared  for  an  alteration  of  her  policy ;  she  was  firmly  de- 
termined to  raise  her  son,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  to  the  throne 
of  Poland ;  she  also  hoped  that  either  he  or  the  Duke  of 
Alencon  might  be  called  to  the  office  of  Protector  of  the  Ne- 
therlands, and  hoped  to  see  him  married  to  the  Q,ueen  of 
England.  She  thought,  under  the  impression  of  the  uni- 
versal terror,  to  put  an  end  to  the  domestic  commotions,  by  a 
declaration  she  made,  to  the  intent  that,  although  she  had 
forbidden  meetings  and  preachings,  she  did  not  wish  to  lay 
any  restraint  upon  individual  liberty  of  conscience.  That 
that  was  the  arrangement  to  which  Catholicism  had  submit- 
ted in  England. 

The  English  embassador  told  her  that  the  only  difference 
between  the  two  cases  was,  that  his  sovereign  had  not  bound 
herself  to  the  contrary.  To  this  it  must  be  added,  that  no 
one  trusted  in  these  new  promises  of  Catharine's. 

There  were  some  among  the  Huguenots  who  were  inclined 
to  make  their  peace,  and  held  it  to  be  almost  a  duty,  since 
the  King  their  master  was  now  a  man,  and  directed  the  gov- 
ernment himself;  and  many,  under  the  influence  of  the  terror 
that  overspread  France,  reconciled  themselves  to  the  Mass. 
The  greater  part,  however,  were  of  opinion  that  no  guarantee 
of  any  kind  deserved  their  confidence  ;  of  two  evils,  said  they, 
the  lesser  was  manifestly  to  be  chosen,  and  that  consisted  in 
the  continuance  of  hostilities  :  in  distrust  alone  was  their  safe- 
ty :  how  much  more  wretched  was  it  to  be  slaughtered  by  hired 
murderers  than  to  fall  in  a  struggle  which  was  justified  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  man  ;  for  they  were  not  contending  against 
their  King,  but  against  criminals  who  gave  loose  to  their  fury 
under  the  shelter  of  his  name.  Nismes  and  Sancerre,  follow- 
ing the  example  of  Rochelle,  refused  to  receive  royal  troops. 
Fiery  preachers,  putting  all  at  hazard,  inflamed  the  minds  of 
their  hearers,  and  summoned  them  to  the  service  of  the  judg- 
ment of  God,  whose  arm  was  already  raised  against  the  guilt- 
stained  authors  of  the  massacre,  and  exhorted  them  to  destroy 
the  tyranny  in  the  tyrants. 

Four  royal  armies  took  the  field  in  order  to  force  the  towns 
to  submission,  the  strongest  body  marching  against  Rochelle. 
But  here  there  appeared  another  kind  of  reaction  arising  from 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  281 

what  had  taken  place  ;  the  assailing  troops  were  disunited 
among  themselves.  Many  of  the  bravest  soldiers  were  seized 
with  horror  at  the  idea  of  being  associated  with  the  men  who 
had  murdered  the  Admiral,  or  who  bore  the  blame  of  that 
deed,  and  would  not  serve  with  them.  In  the  midst  of  their 
social  enjoyments,  the  remembrance  of  blood  intruded  itself: 
on  one  occasion  the  company  imagined  they  saw  drops  of 
blood  under  the  dice  which  young  Guise  had  just  thrown 
upon  the  gaming-table,  and  the  play  was  given  up  in  horror. 
When  the  English  fleet  approached,  the  two  princes  of  the 
blood  who  were  in  the  army,  Alencon  and  Henry  of  Navarre, 
formed  the  resolution  of  escaping  to  the  ships,  and  fleeing  to 
England.  There  appeared  among  the  troops  a  party  of  dis- 
contented persons  who  were,  in  secret,  Protestants.  In  the 
camp  itself  the  notion  was  entertained  of  demanding  justice 
against  the  murderers,  and  even,  if  necessary,  of  compelling 
it  by  force. 

It  does  not  follow  from  these  circumstances,  however,  that 
the  attack  was  not  carried  on  with  great  earnestness.  Many 
thousands  must  have  fallen  in  the  attempts  to  storm  the  for- 
tress ;  but  the  defenders  never  forgot  that  they  were  contend- 
ing not  only  for  all  spiritual  good,  but  for  existence  itself. 
The  union  of  the  towns-people,  with  the  refugees  in  the  great 
principle  of  religion,  made  them  invincible.  The  most  des- 
perate assaults  were  heroically  resisted,  and  the  most  daring 
sorties  made  by  the  besieged,  and  the  Catholic  banners  which 
they  took  were  displayed  upon  the  walls  ;  fortunate  accidents 
were  regarded  as  visible  tokens  of  Divine  favor,  and  proofs 
that  God  had  heard  his  people  when  they  cried  to  him  in 
their  deepest  distress. 

Three  causes  wrought  concurrently  in  favor  of  the  Hugue- 
nots— the  heroism  of  the  defense  they  made,  the  divisions 
among  the  besieging  troops,  and  the  moderate  tone  which  had 
been  adopted  in  the  foreign  policy  of  the  kingdom.  The  con- 
sequence was,  that  in  July,  1573,  they  obtained  a  tolerably 
favorable  edict,  by  which  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion 
was  guaranteed  to  those  who  possessed  the  highest  jurisdic- 
tion, and  to  all  others  liberty  to  follow  their  several  occupa- 
tions in  peace.     This  extended  to  the  three  towns  of  Rochelle, 


282  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Montauban,  and  Nismes.  Sancerre,  which  had  suffered  a 
siege  resembling  that  of  Numantia  in  ancient  times,  obtained 
peace  through  the  mediation  of  the  Polish  embassador,  by 
whom  the  Duke  of  Anjou  received  the  invitation  to  assume  the 
crown  of  Poland,  for  the  possession  of  that  dignity  also  rested 
then  upon  a  position  of  reconciliation  between  the  two  relig- 
ious parties. 

Upon  the  anniversary  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  the  Prot- 
estants felt  themselves  again  strong  enough  to  demand,  at  an 
assembly  which  they  held  in  the  town  of  Milhaud,  complete 
freedom  for  the  exercise  of  their  religion. 

The  disunion  of  the  camp  had  meanwhile  transferred  itself 
to  the  Court.  After  the  departure  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  the 
precedence  which  he  had  always  possessed  was  claimed  by 
his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Alenpon,  and  as  it  was  not  granted 
he  commenced  an  open  opposition,  lie  was  charged  with 
having  joined  Henry  of  Navarre — iu  allusion  to  the  conspiracy 
of  La  Mole  and  Coconas — in  order  to  expel  the  Q,ueen  from 
the  Court,  or  even  to  get  her  murdered — that  is,  the  mother 
by  the  son.  Catharine  thought  it  necessary  to  place  the  two 
princes  in  close  custody,  and  to  send  their  chief  confidants,  the 
Marshals  Cosse  and  Montmorency,  to  the  Bastille. 

From  what  appears  in  the  state  documents  concerning  these 
transactions,  it  is  impossible  to  apportion  the  mass  of  guilt 
with  accuracy  ;  the  impression  they  make  is  one  of  astonish- 
ment at  the  very  extraordinary  condition  of  this  court,  and 
the  disposition  of  the  minds  of  those  who  belonged  to  it. 
Alencon  believed  that  he  was  hated  by  his  mother — that  she 
not  only  postponed  his  claims,  but  wished  to  destroy  him  ;  the 
King  of  Navarre  was  more  than  once  apprehensive  that  his 
death  had  been  determined  on.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
King  and  Queen  trembled  for  their  own  lives  at  the  slightest 
movement ;  and  much  was  spoken  of  wax-figures,  and  cer- 
tain superstitious  and  heathenish  ceremonies,  by  which  it 
was  intended  to  shorten  the  King's  life.  Magic  and  mys- 
terious superstition  play  a  part  also  in  reference  to  other 
persons.  The  Italians,  ready  for  any  undertaking,  daring 
and  trust-worthy,  had  the  chief  hand  in  these  matters, 
such  as  Cosimo  Ruggiero,  the  tutor  of  Alenpon,  who  could 


HENEY  THE  THIRD.  283 

not  be  forced  to  make  a  confession  by  all  the  agony  of  the 
torture. 

In  this  hour  of  confusion  the  eye  involuntarily  turns  toward 
Charles  IX.  In  his  earlier  years  he  had  excited  much  sym- 
pathy ;  he  appeared  to  be  a  good-tempered,  interesting,  and 
generous'  youth,  and  showed  a  taste  for  poetry  and  music. 
For  the  purpose  of  invigorating  his  weak  frame  various  kinds 
of  physical  exercise  were  thought  necessary,  and  to  these  he 
gave  himself  up  almost  passionately.  A  smith's  forge  was 
erected  for  him,  and  it  gave  him  pleasure  to  be  found  there 
bathed  in  sweat,  while  he  was  at  work  on  a  suit  of  armor. 
He  often  rose  and  took  horse  at  midnight  in  order  to  ride  to 
the  chase,  and  thought  it  the  greatest  honor  if  he  could  excel 
every  one  in  his  bodily  exercises.  The  consequence  of  this  was, 
however,  that  little  was  done  for  the  education  of  his  intellect, 
and  nothing  for  the  formation  of  his  morals.  To  reflect  on  the 
affairs  of  the  State,  in  which  nothing  could  be  done  without 
him,  or  to  devote  any  thing  like  earnest  attention  to  them, 
was  not  in  his  nature.*  His  passion,  when  excited,  vented 
itself  in  a  storm  of  wild  imprecations.  His  ambition  and  his 
imagination  had  been  long  occupied  with  warlike  schemes 
against  Spain,  with  campaigns  for  the  conquest  of  Milan, 
under  the  leading  of  the  Admiral,  or  for  the  recovery  of  Na- 
varre. But  the  natural  vehemence  of  disposition  which  he 
cherished  was  capable  of  receiving  another  direction  amid  the 
passionate  impulses  of  the  religious  and  political  parties  by 
which  he  was  surrounded,  and  then  even  the  friends  and 
companions  in  whose  intercourse  he  had  found  pleasure 
appeared  to  him  as  his  most  dangerous  enemies.  Thus, 
after  some  slight  resistance,  he  allowed  himself,  in  an  evil 
hour,  to  be  seduced  to  the  commission  of  that  deed  which 
has  consigned  his  memory  to  the  hatred  and  execration  of 
succeeding  ages.  He  himself  was  never  entirely  free  from  its 
effects  ;  he  felt  conscious  that  he  was  regarded  as  a  man  of 
bad  heart,  in  whom  slumbered  an  indomitable  savageness. 
It  was  remarked  that  he  never  looked  any  one  straight  in  the 
face :  in  his  audiences  he  generally  kept  his  eyes  shut,  and 

*  Sigismondo  di  Cavalli,  1574  :  "  Al  Re  pareva  bella  cosa  aver  chi 
el  governasse,  e  senza  altro  fastidio  potere  attendere  ai  suoi  piaceri." 


284  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

when  he  opened  them  he  directed  them  upward,  and  imme- 
diately afterward  cast  them  down  upon  the  ground.  He  now, 
for  the  first  time,  communicated  his  intention  of  beginning 
himself  to  reign,  and  to  be  king  in  reality,  but  it  was  too  late. 
The  violent  gusts  of  passion  to  which  he  gave  way,  and  were 
followed  by  corresponding  depression  of  spirit ;  the  distraction 
caused  by  conspiracies  which  were  continually  discovered  round 
him  ;  the  excessive  and  continued  efforts  of  a  body  otherwise 
weak  and  full  of  corrupt  humors,  led  to  early  death  on  the 
30th  of  May,  1574,  before  he  had  completed  his  four-and- 
twentieth  year.*  He  had  never,  in  fact,  awoke  from  the  in- 
toxication of  passion  and  excitement  to  a  full  self-conscious- 
ness, nor  ever  emancipated  himself  from  his  mother.  A  few 
hours  before  he  expired  he  appointed  her  Regent  till  the 
return  of  his  brother  from  Poland ;  his  last  word  was  "  My 
mother." 

Catharine,  in  whom  we  find  no  trace  of  emotion  that  inter- 
fered with  her  energy,  effectively  preserved  the  peace  of  the 
country  generally,  but  she  succeeded  in  doing  so  only  because 
she  held  those  who  were  really  able  to  disturb  it — the  two 
princes  and  the  two  marshals — in  her  custody.  Meanwhile 
all  was  still  full  of  fermentation,  and  of  new  manifestations 
of  disaffection  and  threatened  revolt. 

One  fact  may  be  regarded  as  certain,  and  is  expressly  stated 
by  the  Venetian  embassador,  namely  that  all  men  of  under- 
standing, without  difference  of  creed,  regarded  the  massacre 
as  a  deed  of  horror  and  scandal.  Absolute  power,  said  they, 
had  at  least  an  acknowledged  jurisdiction,  but  this  was  a  deed 
of  lawless  tyranny.  Must  it  come  to  such  a  state  of  things  in 
France  that  men  can  no  longer  lay  themselves  down  to  sleep 
in  their  beds  without  the  dread  of  being  murdered  during  the 
night  ?     Deeds  of  this  description,  they  stated,  would  be  im- 

*  That  the  representations  in  the  "  Henriade,"  among  others,  are 
exaggerated,  may  be  seen  from  the  almost  medical  report  of  the  Flor- 
entine Embassador,  in  Alberi,  p.  416.  Sig.  Cavalli  is  also  very  correct : 
"  La  morte  del  povero  Principe  si  causö  per  una  pessima  abitudine,  ac- 
quistata  dal  mal  modo  di  vivere,  per  la  quale  cascö  ammalato  da  una 
estraordinaria  ebulitione  di  sangue,  che  tutta  la  massa  era  corrotta,  e  se 
bene  parve  che  da  essa  sc  nc  levasse,  pero  da  poi  mai  stette  bene  ;''  to 
which  must  be  added  his  mental  disquietude. 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  285 

possible,  except  to  the  Queen,  descended  from  the  tyrant  race 
of  the  Medici,  and  to  her  Italian  companions.*  It  was  not 
thought  incredible  even  that  she  had  taken  the  Turkish  gov- 
ernment for  her  model. 

"When,  however,  the  idea  of  violence  which  characterized 
the  usurping  sovereignties  which  had  subjected  the  Italian 
republics,  had,  through  a  combination  of  persons  and  circum- 
stances, acquired  influence  over  a  great  monarchy  whose 
fundamental  principles  were  in  direct  contradiction  to  that 
idea,  it  must  of  necessity  have  excited  the  opposition  of  the 
principles  it  had  infringed.  This  opposition  had  in  fact  man- 
ifested itself  some  time  before. 

Even  in  the  reign  of  Henry  IL,  La  Boetie  had  published  a 
small  brochure  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  faction  which 
prevailed  under  that  monarch.  In  this  pamphlet  he  treats 
the  supreme  authority  as  the  domination  of  faction  depend- 
ent upon  a  single  person,  and  proposes  the  question  why  all 
the  others  do  not  unite  against  that  one.  Up  to  the  present 
time  this  little  book  had  been  circulated  in  private  only,  it 
now  was  published.  But  the  transaction  of  St.  Bartholomew's 
Day  called  forth  far  different  utterances  of  the  aversion  which 
sought  a  theory  for  its  justification.  In  opposition  to  it  the 
idea  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  now  makes  its  appear- 
ance in  French  literature.  Francis  Hottmann,  a  Frenchman, 
was  one  of  those  who  had  narrowly  and  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  escaped  the  slaughter  of  1572.  He  took  refuge  in 
Switzerland,  and  was  the  first  who,  leaving  out  of  view  the 
religious  aspect  of  the  question,  which  was  that  dwelt  upon 
by  the  clerical  writers  and  especially  by  the  Jesuits,  argued  it 
upon  political  and  historical  grounds.  He  had  studied  the 
history  of  the  ancient  Franks,  and  confounding  the  aristocrat- 
ico-military  assemblies  of  the  Champ  de  Mars  with  the  body 
politic,  he  maintained  that  the  King  ought  to  be  elected,  and 
that  the  whole  mass  of  the  people  should  concur  in  the  elec- 
tion, for  free  men  were  not  created  to  submit  to  despotic 

*  Micheli :  "  Attribuendolo  alia  Regina,  come  Italiana,  Fiorentina,  et 
di  casa  di  Medici,  di  sangue,  dicono  essi,  tiranno,  percio  odiosissima, 
siccome  per  causa  sua  e  in  universale  tutta  la  natione  Italiana  con  per- 
icolo  che  un  giorno  non  la  faccia  male." 


286  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

dominion,  nor  to  be  driven  like  herds  of  cattle.  The  same 
views  prevailed  in  another  work  called  "  Junius  Brutus 
against  the  Tyrants."  In  this  it  was  affirmed  that  the 
authority  of  the  King  could  not  exist  without  the  sanction  of 
the  people — that  the  right  of  election  was  an  inalienable 
franchise  of  the  people ;  first  the  people,  then  the  King,  and 
the  King  must  be  amenable  to  the  people.  They  departed  as 
widely  from  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  Romanic  Ger- 
man states  as  the  disciples  of  Machiavelli ;  after  the  terrific 
experience  of  the  past  year,  such  views  were  received  with 
applause — thoughts  that  were  before  whispered  in  the  ear  in 
secret,  were  now  proclaimed  from  the  house-tops. 

Another  result  of  the  massacre  was  the  rise  in  the  country 
of  a  new  form  of  the  opposition  which  was  promoted  by  the 
general  discontent.  The  governor  of  a  great  province,  who 
was  not  particularly  disposed  to  favor  Protestantism,  undei-- 
took  voluntarily  to  defend  a  principle  which  was  by  no 
means  that  of  the  government,  and  to  insist  upon  it  with 
urgency. 

"When  the  peace  which  was  concluded  in  the  year  1568 
was  immediately  afterward  violated,  and  moderate  courses 
once  more  forsaken,  there  appeared  a  new  party,  composed 
of  persons  possessing  great  authority,  who  wished  to  observe 
the  treaty  from  political  considerations,  and  which  was  there- 
fore named  the  party  of  the  Politicians.  At  their  head  ap- 
peared the  sons  of  the  Constable,  the  Marshal  Francis  de 
Montmorency  and  his  brothers,  who,  like  their  father,  were 
Catholics,  but  systematic  opponents  of  the  Cardinal  of  Lor- 
raine ;  for  every  thing,  however  general  its  bearing,  was  now 
again  dependent  upon  the  combinations  of  faction.  The  sons 
of  the  Constable  had,  as  we  have  mentioned,  obtained  a  mo- 
mentary ascendency  by  the  peace  of  1570,  and  exercised  it  to 
establish  the  measures  of  reconciliation  which  were  adopted. 
On  this  account,  however,  they  were  the  more  afiected  by  the 
sudden  relapse  to  violent  proceedings,  and  the  Marshal  him- 
self escaped  the  general  slaughter  by  a  mere  accident.  The 
discontented  in  the  camp  before  Rochelle  immediately  united 
with  him  in  his  views,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  took 
part  in  the  agitations  with  which  the  Duke  of  Alenc^n  filled 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  287 

the  Court.  The  Queen  kept  him  personally  in  prison  ;  his 
brother,  Henry  de  Montmorency,  named  Damville,  Governor 
of  Languedoc,  was  not  less  suspected  by  her  :  she  was  eager 
either  to  get  him  into  her  power,  or  to  remove  him  from  the 
province.  Damville  maintained  positively  that  there  was  a 
design  to  get  him  murdered. 

Catharine,  however,  found  in  Damville  a  man  who  was  not 
only  cautious,  but  who  was  ready  to  defend  himself  with 
arms.  He  did  not  willingly  allow  the  delegates  of  the 
Q,ueen  to  come  near  him,  and  surrounded  himself  with  a 
guard  devoted  to  him  personally.  Much  was  said  of  a  tame 
wolf  he  had — however  rare  such  a  phenomenon  is — which 
showed  a  wonderful  attachment  to  him.  That  powerful 
man,  Captain  Aragon,  who  with  one  blow  had  cut  in  two  a 
noble  beast  upon  the  bridge  of  Avignon,  slept  in  his  chamber. 
The  Queen  deprived  Damville  of  his  government,  and  assigned 
it  to  another  ;  but  he  met  this  movement  by  forming  a  still 
closer  connection  with  the  province,  and  with  both  the  re- 
ligious parties.  Since  the  bloody  nuptials  the  Protestants  in 
Languedoc  had  become  thoroughly  organized.  They  possessed 
a  number  of  castles  and  small  towns,  and  in  every  district 
where  they  had  the  authority  they  appointed  a  chief  who 
should  send  military  assistance  to  any  that  were  attacked. 
Montauban  was  the  central  point  for  Upper  Languedoc  and 
Guienne  ;  Nismes  for  Lower  Languedoc,  Rovergue,  and  the 
Cevennes.  Deputies  from  the  several  districts  were  associated 
with  the  military  commanders.  The  Reformed  did  not  find 
favor  with  the  multitude  here  any  more  than  in  other  places  ; 
but  they  had  a  great  part  of  the  nobility  on  their  side,  about 
two  hundred  gentlemen  in  Languedoc,  chiefly  young  men 
who  had  been  engaged  in  study,  and  a  large  number  of  the 
better  class  of  burghers  and  artisans,  whose  spirit  had  not  been 
broken  with  labor.  It  did  not  appear  quite  certain  that  they 
would  join  with  Damville,  who  did  not  belong  to  their  creed, 
but  they  fully  recognized  his  merit.  He  was  the  first  man,  they 
said,  who  aroused  men's  minds  from  the  torpor  into  which  they 
had  been  thrown  as  by  a  general  paralysis,  and  remembered 
that  he  owed  duties  to  God  and  the  Crown,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  the  mass  of  the  people.     Their  union  with  the  princes 


288  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  the  blood  had,  after  a  long  struggle,  obtained  for  them  the 
assurance  of  peace  ;  their  union  with  the  governor  of  a  great 
province  must,  now  that  that  edict  was  revoked,  secure  for 
them  its  re-establishment ;  for  Damville  and  his  whole  political 
party  demanded  the  renewal  of  the  Edict  of  Pacification  as  a 
preliminary  condition  to  any  further  negotiation.  A  great 
portion  of  the  Catholic  nobility  who  had  relatives  among  the 
Huguenots,  and  had  been  reproached  on  that  account  with 
not  having  opposed  them  earnestly  enough,  now  also  joined 
the  governor.  The  Parliaments  held  firm  by  the  fundamental 
maxims  of  the  persecuting  religion,  and  this  furnished  another 
motive  to  the  nobility  to  take  the  part  of  the  Huguenots,  for 
they  hated  these  lawyers,  by  whom  their  rights  were  limited, 
and  themselves  treated  with  injustice.  A  preliminary  ar- 
rangement was  made  at  Milhaud  in  August,  1574,  the  Hu- 
guenots declaring  themselves  ready  to  acknowledge  Damville 
as  Governor  of  Languedoc,  while  he  on  his  part  pledged  him- 
self not  to  introduce  the  Catholic  service  into  any  town  in 
which  they  were  masters.  A  council  composed  of  members 
of  both  creeds  was  to  assist  the  governor  in  his  administra- 
tion." * 

Thus  was  it  attempted  in  this  province  to  re-establish  the 
Edict  of  Pacification,  which  the  Government  had  abolished, 
and  to  make  it  possible  for  both  parties  to  live  together.  The 
arbitrary  manner  in  which  it  was  done,  they  excused  by  as- 
severating that  a  faction  composed  of  foreigners,  had  obtained 
possession  of  the  supreme  power,  and  was  striving  with  all  its 
authority  to  annihilate  the  kingdom,  the  nobility,  the  princes 
of  the  blood,  and  with  them  every  thing  like  education  and 
pure  morality.  It  was  hoped  that  when  the  new  king  arrived, 
and  learned  the  real  state  of  affairs,  he  would  confirm  all  that 
had  been  done. 

There  was  some  reason  to  expect  this,  for  when  Henry  III., 
without  altogether  renouncing  his  Polish  kingdom,  yet  left  it 
with  a  degree  of  impatience  which  looked  something  like  a 
flight,  he  sent  for  Damville,  as  he  was  coming  from  Venice, 
on  his  return  to  France,  in  order  to  consult  with  him  concern- 
ing measures  of  pacification.  The  Marshal  met  the  King  in 
*  Vaissette,  Histoire  de  Languedoc,  v.  322. 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  289 

Piedmont,  who  assured  him  of  his  intention  to  establish  peace, 
and  recommended  him  to  return  to  Languedoc  and  to  wait  for 
what  should  be  further  effected.*  When  Damville  arrived 
at  Beaucaire,  he  caused  all  the  bells  to  be  rung,  and  an- 
nounced to  the  assembled  burghers  that  it  was  the  King's 
will  that  both  parties  should  live  peaceably  with  each  other. 

If  a  private  man  who  loves  his  native  land,  and  is  removed 
to  a  distance  from  it,  where  he  is  less  affected  by  the  mo- 
mentary impression  of  events,  feels  impelled  to  weigh  its  cir- 
cumstances thoroughly,  and  to  devise  that  which  would  be 
most  advantageous  to  the  general  interests,  how  infinitely  more 
is  this  to  be  expected  from  a  prince  who  hastens  to  undertake 
the  government  of  a  country.  Henry  III.,  on  his  journey,  ap- 
pears to  have  cherished  designs  which  he  afterward  regretted 
were  not  carried  into  execution.  He  intended,  immediately 
on  his  arrival,  that  a  general  assembly  of  the  Estates  should 
be  summoned,  in  order  to  conclude  with  both  parties  the 
measures  most  conducive  to  the  benefit  of  all.  He  might 
have  reckoned  upon  obedience  to  ordinances  issued  on  the 
authority  of  resolutions  of  the  Estates,  and  would  have  been 
in  a  position  to  compel  it  if  refused.  In  this  assembly  meas- 
ures were  to  be  taken  for  liquidating  the  debt,  and  for  regu- 
lating the  expenditure  of  the  Court,  and  of  all  the  other  gov- 
ernmental departments  ;  it  was  then  to  be  announced  to  the 
neighboring  powers  that  the  new  monarch  desired  to  maintain 
friendship  with  them,  but  at  the  same  time  required  definite 
treaties,  and  an  unequivocal  understanding  of  their  positions 
relative  to  himself.  A  settlement  of  the  religious,  financial, 
and  external  affairs,  would  have  made  a  fortunate  and  pow- 
erful government  possible.! 

It  is  not  clear  whether  any  consultation  was  held  concern- 
ing these,  ideas.  The  members  of  the  Council  commissioned 
to  oppose  them  by  the  Queen,  could  not,  as  far  as  they  them- 

*  This  is  narrated  by  Damville  in  his  manifesto,  November,  1574, 
Le  Laboureur,  ii.  135  ;  he  says  nothing  of  the  plots  to  which  he  is  said 
to  have  been  exposed. 

t  Letter  to  Villeroy,  in  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  Suppl.  232  :  "  II  falloit 
moy,  venu  a  la  couronne,  faire  une  assemblee  d'Etats,  et  resolvant  tant 
avec  les  uns  qu'avec  les  autres,  ce  qui  pouvoit  reunir  le  tout.,  faire  le 
jurer  et  Je  signer  par  tous  les  principaux  et  les  compagnyes." 

N 


290  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

selves  were  concerned,  be  in  favor  of  the  King's  notions. 
They  had  no  ideas  of  commencing  a  new  system  of  govern- 
ment, but  rather  of  carrying  on  the  previous  system  without 
alteration.  Catharine  insisted  that  it  was  the  final  desire  of 
Charles  IX.,  that  those  who  had  last  risen  against  him,  should 
be  punished,  and  that  its  fulfillment  was  incumbent  upon  his 
successor.  The  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  was  with  her  in  these 
views,  and  tendered  the  power  of  his  convincing  eloquence  to 
prevent  any  deviation  from  the  system  of  severity.*  The 
whole  transaction  ended  with  Henry's  adopting  the  political 
principles  of  his  brother,  whom  he  succeeded,  and  went  even 
a  step  further  back.  He  caused  it  to  be  announced  that  he 
acknowledged  liberty  of  conscience,  but  that  he  would  not 
tolerate  any  religious  practices  which  deviated  from  those  of 
Catholicism.  He  promised  peace,  but  it  was  only  to  thoso 
who  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  submit  to  his  authority. 

The  renewal  of  the  policy  of  Charles  IX.,  necessarily 
aroused  all  the  old  hostilities  against  the  government. 

Montmorency,  cited  before  the  tribunal  at  Lyons,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  assailed  in  Upper  and  Lower  Languedoc,  as 
well  as  from  the  side  of  Provence,  now  formed  a  definite  alli- 
ance with  the  united  Huguenots  of  the  south  and  west.  They 
acknowledged  him  as  their  chief,  and  he  took  their  leaders 
into  the  council  by  whose  advice  he  desired  to  be  directed  in 
the  affairs  of  justice,  policy,  and  finance.  Regular  provincial 
and  general  assemblies  were  ordained,  for  the  general  arming, 
on  the  principle  of  mutual  toleration.  In  the  places  where 
the  professors  of  the  two  creeds  dwelt  promiscuously,  both 
were  to  vow,  with  their  hands  lifted  up  to  God,  that  they 
would  observe  the  peace  toward  one  another.  The  name  of 
Montmorency  attracted  the  nobility  to  take  share  in  the  pro- 
ceedings, and  they  associated  themselves  with  Damville  in  no 
small  numbers,  adopting  his  views  and  joining  their  arms  to 
his.  The  conduct  of  the  Count  de  Ventadour  is  particularly 
remarkable.  He  demanded  once  more  the  calling  of  a  na- 
tional council,  in  order  to  put  a  final  end  to  all  doubts  re- 

*  This  fact  we  learn  from  the  speech  of  Henry  IV.,  delivered  to  the 
deputies  of  the  Parliament  of  Guienne,  on  November  3,  1599. — Lettres 
Missives,  iv.  183. 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  291 

specting  religion,  and  declared  that,  until  this  decision  was 
arrived  at,  every  man  must  take  part  with  the  one  or  the 
other  Confession.  *  Political  demands  were,  however,  con- 
nected with  those  referring  to  religion  :  the  aholition  of  the 
sale  of  offices  was  urged  ;  the  calling  of  the  States  General  ; 
the  diminution  of  the  taxes  to  what  they  were  in  the  time  of 
Francis  I.  The  provincial  Estates  of  Dauphine,  Provence, 
and  Burgundy,  raised  their  voices  loudly  for  these  and  simi- 
lar concessions. 

The  attack  of  the  royal  troops  upon  Languedoc  was  not  of 
much  consequence.  Damville  said  it  would  have  been  much 
easier  for  him  to  drive  them  off  than  to  retain  his  confederates 
afterward  in  a  legal  course  of  action  ;  for  he  always  believed 
himself  to  be  acting  legally,  as  the  new  King  also  was  ruled 
by  that  foreign  faction  which  he  constantly  described  as  ene- 
mies to  the  kingdom. 

Damville's  authority  acquired  another  considerable  acces- 
sion by  the  adhesion  of  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  who  found  an 
opportunity  at  last  of  leaving  the  Court,  and  joining  the 
discontented,  all  of  whose  complaints  and  grievances  he 
adopted.  A  religious  war  was  no  longer  spoken  of,  but  a 
war  for  the  public  interests,  as  in  the  time  of  Louis  XI. ;  t 
but  although  the  name  of  the  Huguenots  was  thus  put  some- 
what in  the  background,  the  religious  element  still  continued 
in  active  operation.  Soon  after  the  departure  of  Alencon 
from  the  Court,  young  Henry  of  Navarre  left  it  also,  and 
deemed  it  expedient  to  return  without  delay  to  the  Reformed 
confession.  The  bond  of  union  between  the  parties  was  the 
promise  of  the  Politicians  to  labor  for  the  re-establishment  of 
the  edict  of  January,  which  constituted  the  great  object  to- 
ward which  the  wishes  of  the  Reformed  were  directed. 

The  dispute,  however,  was  not  to  be  decided  this  time, 
either,  without  the  interposition  of  neighboring  nations,  and 
peoples  who  were  related  in  their  religious  views. 

*  Serranus,  Commentarii,  v.  186.  Serranus  is  probably  the  best 
authority  for  this  period,  and  contains  the.  most  detailed  information 
concerning  these  projects.     Thuanus  also  has  an  extract,  1.  xii.  170. 

t  Giovanni  Micheli,  1576  :  "  Non  considerandosi  per  capo  principale 
il  fatto  della  religione,  si  e  transferito  e  mutato  il  nome  d'Ugonotti  in 
quello  di  malcontenti." 


292  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

England  again  furnished  money,  and  Germany,  men. 
These  joined  young  Conde,  who  had  fled  into  Germany  from 
Picardy  when  measures  were  first  taken  against  Alencon  and 
Navarre.  The  Palatine  John  Casimir  was  once  more  the 
leader  of  these  auxiliaries,  and  with  them  crossed  the  French 
frontiers  in  December,  1575.  The  Germans  were  not  alto- 
gether without  their  own  object  in  these  movements  ;  on  the 
contrary,  they  contemplated  a  very  important  one  for  their 
own  country.  John  Casimir  obtained  from  the  chiefs  of  the 
Huguenots  assurances  that  he  should  be  named  administrator 
of  the  bishoprics  of  Metz,  Toul,  and  Verdun,  which  would  have 
brought  these  towns  and  districts  once  more  into  union  with 
Germany.*  A  considerable  army  was  formed  gradually, 
composed  of  French  and  German  troops.  In  March,  1576, 
Alencon  mustered  thirty  thousand  men,  who  demanded  to  be 
led  directly  to  Paris,  in  order  to  avenge  upon  the  murderers 
the  horrible  deeds  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day. 

Henry  III.  was  not  altogether  unprepared  ;  he  also  had 
German  and  Swiss  mercenaries,  besides  the  French  who 
gathered  round  him.  He  was  of  opinion  afterward  that  it 
would  have  been  better  had  he  met  and  opposed  his  brother 
boldly  ;  that,  however,  was  not  to  the  taste  of  his  mother  or 
his  ministers.  The  Government,  feeling  itself  to  be  as  yet  the 
weaker  party,  commenced  to  negotiate. 

The  great  object  was  to  satisfy  Alencon  ;  he  was  assured 
of  a  provision,  which  was  almost  inconsistent  with  the  royal 
authority.  Conde  also  was  provided  for ;  and  lastly  John 
Casimer  was  induced  to  forego  his  demands,  through  the  in- 
fluence, it  was  said,  of  the  Swiss  upon  his  father.  The  King 
undertook  to  satisfy  his  troops  as  regarded  their  pay,  and  the 
Count  Palatine  immediately  commenced  his  march  home- 
ward. 

The  investigation  of  the  political  grievances  was  referred  to 
the  meeting  of  the  Estates,  which  was  to  take  place  the  same 
year.  The  religious  affairs  were  also  accommodated.  The 
ediot  of  January  was  not  fully  conceded  to  the  Protestants. 
They  were  excluded  from  Paris,  and  from  its  immediate  en- 
virons to  the  distance  of  two  leagues ;  but  in  all  the  rest  of 
*  Languet,  Epistolse  Arcanse,  i.  18G. 


HENRY  THE   THIRD.  293 

the  kingdom  there  was  granted  to  them  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion,  capacity  for  all  offices,  for  the  decision  of  their 
legal  disputes  a  court  of  appellative  instance  in  the  Parlia- 
ments, composed  of  members  of  both  religions,  and  several 
places  in  Guienne,  Auvergne,  and  Languedoc  were  given  up 
to  them  for  their  security.* 

The  Politicians  indulged  in  the  boldest  expectations.  Mar- 
shal Damville  renewed  the  proposal  for  a  national  council, 
to  which  the  Protestants  were  also  to  send  deputies,  in  order 
that  "  through  a  real  reformation  of  the  clergy  the  wrath  of 
God  might  be  appeased."  They  believed  that  after  this  de- 
cision had  proceeded  from  them,  they  would  be  able,  by  means 
of  powerful  representatives,  to  rule  both  in  the  Court  and  in 
the  provinces.  They  were  strong,  but  yet  not  strong  enough 
for  this.  Their  proceedings  had  produced  an  extensive  effect, 
but  one  neither  so  rapid  nor  so  thorough  as  they  expected. 
The  powers  which  they  imagined  they  had  conquered,  offered 
them  once  more  the  most  obstinate  resistance. 

Their  conduct  was  intolerable  to  the  King  especially.  It 
wounded  his  feelings  of  self-esteem  that  a  law  should,  as  it 
were,  be  forced  upon  him  by  a  successful  rising  of  his  vassals, 
aided  by  foreign  troops — a  law  which  he  disapproved  of  in 
his  heart,  for  notwithstanding  all  external  vacillation  he  was 
a  thorough  Catholic.  Throughout  the  country  also  the  inter- 
ests of  the  corporations  and  of  the  provinces,  as  well  as  the 
progressive  Catholic  restoration,  the  effect  of  the  Jesuits' 
preaching  and  instruction,  awakened  a  spirit  of  zeal  which 
would  hear  of  no  reconciliation.  The  Parliaments  were  not 
disposed  to  admit  into  them  the  Reformed,  in  other  chambers 
which  had  been  conceded  to  them.  In  the  great  towns  they 
would  not  hear  of  the  divine  service  of  the  Huguenots,  and 
when  they  assembled  for  worship  they  were  followed  with 
hootings  and  revilings,  and  not  unfrequently  fired  upon.  An 
article  in  the  peace  of  the  Prince  of  Conde  stipulated  particu- 
larly for  the  delivery  of  the  town  of  Peronne  as  a  place  of 
security  to  the  Protestants,  but  this  excited  the  liveliest  op- 
position on  the  part  of  the  townsmen  and  the  neighboring 
nobility.     It  is  quite  possible  that  from  the  Netherlands  all 

*  Paix,  named  "  de  Monsieur,"  May,  1576,  in  Popeliniere,  ii.  399. 


294  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

available  influence  was  exercised  in  order  to  prevent  the  exe- 
cution of  this  article,  for  Peronne  would  have  been  a  most 
convenient  basis  for  aggressive  operations  on  the  part  of  the 
Huguenots.  Another  motive,  still  weightier,  may  have  been 
at  work.  The  spirit  of  provincial  separation  under  one  pow- 
erful chief  had  shown  itself  favorable  to  the  Protestants  in 
Languedoc  :  the  same  spirit  now  operated  in  favor  of  the 
Catholics  in  Picardy.  The  governor,  d'Humieres,  who  was  at 
law  with  the  Montmorencies,  was  on  this  account  particularly 
desirous  to  keep  them  at  a  distance.  He,  therefore,  formed 
an  association,  comprising  the  nobility,  the  clergy,  and  the 
burghers,  against  the  permission  given  to  the  Protestants. 
The  immediate  pretext  may  have  been  that  the  German  aux- 
iliaries, whose  claims  were  not  yet  fully  discharged,  might 
march  upon  the  town,  and  put  Conde  in  possession  of  it  by 
force.  But  the  tendency  went  direct  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  old  ecclesiastical  system  in  all  its  severity.  The  spirit 
of  the  Catholic  association,  which  had  occasionally  shown 
itself  in  1564  and  1568,  began  now  to  manifest  itself  every 
where. 

The  waves  of  opinion  have  at  all  times  been  high  and 
strong  in  France.  From  time  to  time  they  run  in  opposing 
currents.  The  general  bias  of  men's  minds  in  favor  of  the 
Reformation  no  longer  existed.  From  the  opposition  to  the 
massacre  sprang  a  turn  toward  a  moderate  conciliatory  policy, 
but  the  consequence  of  this  was,  that  it  awoke  the  conscious- 
ness of  its  strength  in  the  Catholic  element,  and  it  now  all  of 
a  sudden  took  possession  of  the  arena.  The  complete  alter- 
ation in  public  feeling  was  made  plain  at  the  elections  for  the 
Assembly  of  the  States  which  had  been  summoned.  The 
Protestants  and  the  Politicians  had  greatly  deceived  them- 
selves in  their  expectations  of  the  result :  the  Reformed  were 
almost  entirely  excluded,  the  majority  of  votes  was  against 
them  every  where. 

As  to  the  connection  of  the  Court  with  this  reactionary 
movement,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  approved  of. 
The  Court  used  all  the  power  and  influence  it  could  com- 
mand in  order  to  promote  the  election  of  Catholics  ;  the 
manifestoes  of  the  associations  also,  although  conceived  in  the 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  295 

most  insidious  terms,  do  not  exibit  any  indication  of  the  King's 
having  taken  offense  at  them  ;  he  desired,  on  the  contrary, 
that  they  should  be  formed  every  where  as  in  Picardy,  and 
with  similar  zeal,  and  upon  his  suggestion  they  were  extend- 
ed far  and  wide. 

He  did  not  disguise  the  fact  that  his  only  object  in  the 
negotiations  of  1576  had  been  to  separate  his  brother  from 
the  confederates,  and  to  get  rid  of  their  troops,  but  that  it 
had  never  been  his  intention  to  observe  the  edict  they  had 
forced  from  him  ;  he  joyfully  seized  the  opportunity  which  the 
altered  disposition  of  the  nation  seemed  to  offer  of  relieving 
himself  from  its  stipulations. 

The  Assemby  of  the  Estates  was  opened  at  Blois  on  the 
6th  of  December,  1576,  but  it  was  by  no  means  such  an  As- 
sembly as  the  Protestants  and  the  discontented  had  wished 
and  hoped  for,  nor  such  as  the  King  originally  intended,  in 
which  a  free  consultation  was  to  be  held  between  the  differ- 
ent parties,  whence  might  have  resulted  a  practicable  and 
satisfactory  arrangement.  In  this  one  party  only  was  repre- 
sented, and  the  King  endeavored  to  impel  that  one  still  fur- 
ther than  it  had  itself  at  first  contemplated. 

The  efforts  made  by  the  Court  on  this  occasion  to  bring 
the  Estates  to  make  a  declaration  of  a  character  the  most 
decidedly  unfavorable  to  the  Reformed  are  worthy  of  observ- 
ation. Even  the  leaders  of  the  clergy  and  the  nobility  had 
not  at  first  thought  of  proposing  the  exclusion  of  Protestants 
from  the  kingdom  :  Queen  Catharine  was  obliged  to  use  her 
influence  with  both  Estates  to  bring  them  to  her  views.  The 
clause  referring  to  this  subject  in  the  speech  delivered  by  the 
Speaker  of  the  Court  of  Nobles  was  composed  by  Catharine 
herself,  and  corrected  by  the  King.  In  the  third  Estate  it 
required  the  express  announcement  that  it  was  the  desire  of 
the  King,  and  even  then  their  resolution  was  by  no  means 
so  decisive  as  the  Speaker  Versoris  took  the  liberty  of  express- 
ing it. 

In  the  month  of  December  such  had  been  the  progress  that 
a  requisition  was  presented  to  the  King  by  the  States,  demand- 
ing that  he  would  allow  one  religion  only  in  the  kingdom. 
Henry  III.  declared  his  complete  concurrence  in  these  views, 


296  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

for  he  had  sworn  to  them  at  his  coronation,  and  against  this 
his  first  oath  no  other  could  bind  him.* 

A  general  war  against  the  Huguenots  appeared  now  unavoid- 
able, especially  since,  alarmed  by  these  proceedings,  they  had 
already  taken  the  field.  At  Court  it  was  seriously  considered 
in  what  connection  the  paid  troops  could  be  placed  with  the 
gentry,  who  had  been  summoned  to  take  arms  by  the  provin- 
cial associations,  so  that  they  might  at  the  same  time  assail 
the  strong  places  in  possession  of  the  Huguenots,  and  advance 
against  them  in  the  open  field.  Contracts  were  made  with 
some  of  the  captains  of  the  German  mercenaries  for  the  pur- 
pose of  bringing  an  army  composed  of  these  troopers  into  the 
service  of  France. 

It  was  still  a  question  whether  the  French  Estates,  after 
the  experience  they  had  had  of  the  power  of  resistance  pos- 
sessed by  the  Huguenots,  would  resolve  upon  a  war  of  exter- 
mination against  them — whether,  after  having  complained  so 
loudly  and  frequently  of  the  increase  of  the  debt,  of  the  dis- 
tress and  poverty  of  the  people,  and  of  the  confusion  of  the 
finances,  they  should  consent  to  new  pecuniary  grants  of  large 
amount.  Indications  soon  appeared  that  their  zeal  did  not 
carry  them  quite  so  far. 

The  first  proposition  laid  before  them  referred  to  the  change 
of  indirect  into  direct  taxation,  which  was  to  be  levied  ac- 
cording to  the  number  of  hearths  in  the  kingdom  ;  these  were 
reckoned  at  three  millions,  and  it  was  computed  that  fifteen 
million  livres  might  be  raised  from  them.  But  it  was  im- 
possible that  so  crude  and  untried,  and  at  the  same  time 
comprehensive,  a  scheme  could  be  approved  of,  especially 
when  its  execution  threw  more  power  than  ever  into  the 
hands  of  the  finance  officers,  who  were  partly  foreigners,  and 
altogether  regarded  as  a  band  of  robbers.  The  proposal  was 
rejected  without  debate.  Even  a  more  moderate  demand  for 
an  extraordinary  supply  of  two  millions  was  rejected  by  the 

*  In  the  Journal  of  Nevers,  which  extends  from  December,  1576,  to 
March,  1577,  we  have  authentic  information  concerning  the  consulta- 
tions of  the  Court  and  the  vacillation  of  its  views.  There  is  an  extract 
from  it  in  the  Memoires  de  Nevers,  i.  166,  repeated  in  the  thirteenth 
volume  of  Mayer,  p.  97.  The  journal  in  the  third  volume  of  the  Journal 
of  Estoile,  1744,  is  still  more  complete ;  I  keep  entirely  to  it. 


HENRI   THE  THIRD.  297 

deputies  of  the  third  estate ;  for  their  instructions  went  no 
further  than  concerned  the  relief  of  the  King  from  his  debts, 
and  they  had  no  authority  to  contract  fresh  burdens.  The 
Court  finally  had  recourse  to  a  sale  of  the  domains,  which  it 
was  thought  the  Estates  could  not  refuse.  This  proposition, 
however,  aroused  not  only  a  transient,  but  almost  a  systematic 
opposition.  The  learned  John  Bodin,  deputy  from  Verman- 
dois,  maintained  that  the  King  was  entitled  to  the  usufruct 
only  of  the  crown  lands,  but  that  the  right  of  property  to  them 
was  in  the  people.  In  the  provincial  assemblies  also,  where 
alone  the  alienation  of  the  domains  could  be  properly  resolved 
on,  the  proceeding  was  not  agreed  to,  for  the  assigned  reason 
that  the  deficiency  which  would  thence  arise  would  have 
to  be  covered  afterward  by  the  third  estate,  in  some  other 
way.  : 

In  the  other  estates  also  views  of  an  extraordinary  bearing 
were  discussed.  The  notion  was  propounded,  that  no  ques* 
tion  should  be  made  the  subject  of  any  new  conference  with 
the  royal  Council  except  such  as  had  remained  undecided  in 
the  Estates,  but  that  every  one  concerning  which  they  had 
agreed  should  have  immediately  the  force  of  law.*  It  was 
further  desired  that  the  grievances  complained  of  by  the  States 
should  not  for  the  future  be  referred  to  the  royal  Council  ex- 
clusively, but  that  a  deputation,  to  be  named,  should  consult 
with  the  Council,  and  that  they  should  unitedly  resolve  upon 
the  measures  to  be  taken.  It  was  thought  that  by  this  means 
the  number  of  members  in  the  Council  would  be  limited,  and 
those  of  them  who  appeared  unfit  removed. 

Thus  the  Estates,  instead  of  concurring  unconditionally 
with  the  King  in  his  warlike  views,  commenced  a  dispute 
with  him  upon  the  principles  of  the  constitution.  He  avoided 
going  into  it,  but  its  significancy  was  perfectly  evident  to  him. 

But  even  in  the  Council  itself  objections  Were  raised  to  the 

*  Recueil  de  tout  ce  qui  s'est  negocie  en  la  compagnie  du  Tiers  Etat, 
pris  des  Memoires  de  M.  Bodin,  in  Maier,  13,  299.  Bodin  is  in  his  po- 
litical work  very  full  on  the  subject  of  the  domains  also,  yet,  though  he 
holds  the  fundamental  principle  firmly,  he  does  not  express  himself  in 
such  republican  terms:  De  Republica,  vi.  1002.  An  "alienation  per- 
petuelle"  was  expressly  forbidden  by  an  edict  of  Charles  IX.  given  at 
Moulins  in  February,  1566. 

»t* 


298  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

proposals  of  the  Court.  Believre  drew  attention  to  the  mis- 
chievous operation  which  the  assertion,  that  the  King  was 
absolved  beforehand  by  his  coronation  oath  from  obligations 
which  he  had  subsequently  assumed  with  every  formality, 
must  have  upon  the  foreign  relations  of  the  kingdom. 

In  this  state  of  general  doubt  and  uncertainty,  a  solemn 
consultation  concerning  the  policy  to  be  adopted  was  opened 
in  the  assembled  Council  on  the  28th  of  February,  1577.  The 
spiritual  members,  the  cardinals,  demanded  now,  as  they  had 
before,  the  establishment  of  the  unity  of  religion,  asserting 
that  in  the  face  of  all  difficulties,  men  must  trust  in  God. 
They  were  joined  by  the  Dukes  of  Guise,  Nevers,  and  May- 
enne.  Nevers  still  in  the  warmest  glow  of  Catholic  zeal,  re- 
commended that  the  war  should  be  undertaken  as  a  crusade, 
the  cost  of  which,  he  was  of  opinion,  could  be  obtained  by 
means  of  offerings  laid  before  the  Most  Holy,  not  for  the  King, 
but  for  God.  On  the  other  hand,  some  who  held  themselves 
to  be  not  less  sound  Catholics,  declared  against  these  views — 
the  gallant  Marshals  Byron  and  Cosse ;  the  Duke  of  Mont- 
pensier  spoke  with  peculiar  emphasis,  for  he  had  paid  a  visit 
to  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  was  convinced  that  some  con- 
cessions might  be  expected  from  the  Huguenot  party.  All 
were  now  eager  to  know  what  part  the  Queen  Mother,  who 
still  retained  the  greatest  influence  in  all  affairs,  would  take 
concerning  this  question.  Easily  moved  as  she  was,  and  de- 
cided in  the  course  she  adopted  for  the  time,  she  now  joined 
her  influence  to  that  of  the  moderate  members  of  the  Coun- 
cil. "When  people  can  scarcely  live,"*  said  she,  "whence  are 
the  means  to  be  obtained  for  sustaining  a  war  such  as  this 
must  be  ?  Should  the  kingdom  be  ruined  by  it,  religion  must 
also  be  destroyed,  while  by  upholding  the  former,  the  latter 
would  also  be  preserved.  It  might  be  a  comfort  to  others 
that  they  believed  themselves  able  to  maintain  religion  in  its 
integrity  amidst  the  ruins  of  the  State.  She  did  not  belong 
to  them ;  she  advised  the  king  to  preserve  his  kingdom  and 

*  Thuanus,  lib.  lxiii.  p.  180  :  "  Quod  concordibus  Ordinum  suffragiis 
decemeretur,  id  ratum  esset ;  in  quo  dissiderent,  id  a  Rege  et  Reginse 
parentis,  regii  sanguinis  principum,  et  Franciae  parium,  et  xn.  Ordinum 
delegatorum  sententiä  decideretur." 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  299 

his  person,  in  preference  to  every  thing  else,  and  to  look  forward 
to  a  day  when  the  Divine  power  would  perhaps  unite  the  two 
religious  once  more." 

The  king  decided  in  accordance  with  this  advice,  stating 
that,  under  altered  circumstances,  it  was  lawful  for  him  to 
change  his  opinion. 

These  were  consultations  and  resolutions  of  immeasurable 
importance.  The  Protestants  had  demanded  the  assembling 
of  the  Estates,  in  the  hope  of  finding  them  disposed  in  their 
favor,  and  of  seeing  a  searching  reform  in  accordance  with 
the  decree  of  1560-61  carried  into  effect.  The  King,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  summoned  the  Estates  because  he  contem- 
plated renewing  the  war  against  the  Politicians  and  the  Hu- 
guenots. The  Estates  took  part  with  neither ;  they  were 
Catholics,  and  did  not  betray  the  slightest  sympathy  for  the 
Huguenots ;  but  they  were  by  no  means  so  devoted  to  the 
Crown  as  to  grant  supplies  for  new  undertakings  of  a  warlike 
character. 

The  constant  fluctuation  of  the  antagonistic  powers,  their 
alternate  advances  and  recessions,  were  such  that  neither 
party  could  indulge  the  hope  of  a  complete  victoiy  over  the 
other.  The  Crown  was  compelled  to  return  to  the  course  it 
had  originally  marked  out,  and  to  tolerate  the  one  party  by 
the  side  of  the  other.  The  execution  of  the  ancient  laws  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  reference  to  the  professors  of  the  new 
faith  was  proved  to  be  impossible ;  all  that  appeared  attain- 
able was  to  reduce  the  concessions  made  to  them  in  such  a 
degree  that  Catholicism  might  continue  to  exist  in  their  neigh- 
borhood without  danger.  • 

The  war  had  meanwhile  commenced  in  all  quarters  of  the 
kingdom,  and  must  be  brought  to  a  termination.  The  volun- 
tary service  of  the  nobility,  the  contributions  of  the  clergy, 
and  some  grants  from  the  Pope,  placed  the  King  in  a  position 
to  begin  the  campaign.  When  he  dismissed  the  Estates, 
which  he  did  somewhat  ungraciously,  on  account  of  the  slight 
sympathy  they  had  manifested  with  his  designs,  he  told  them 
he  would  not  repay  evil  with  evil,  but  that,  on  the  contrary, 
he  desired  above  all  things  to  defend  them  against  the  Hugue- 
nots ;  that  he  could  not,  however,  give  occasion  to  a  fresh  de- 


300  HISTORY  OP  FRANCE. 

vastation  of  the  kingdom  for  that  purpose,  and  that  his  views 
were  directed  only  to  the  establishment  of  a  lasting  peace. 

The  war  of  the  year  1577  is  one  of  the  few  wars  in  which 
a  definite  object  was  kept  in  view,  the  attainment  of  which 
sufficed.  Two  royal  armies  appeared  in  the  field,  the  one 
under  the  command  of  the  King's  brother,  with  whom  the 
Duke  of  Guise  was  associated,  the  other  under  the  command 
of  the  Duke  of  Mayenne.  The  former  conquered  La  Charite 
and  Issoire,  two  of  the  most  important  fortresses  in  the  hands 
of  the  Protestants ;  the  latter  pressed  forward  victoriously  into 
Poitou,  relieved  some  places  which  were  threatened,  conquered 
others,  and  once  planted  its  cannon  at  a  quarter  of  a  league 
from  Rochelle  ;  the  Rochelle  fleet  also  suffered  some  loss. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  every  one  was  expecting  that 
these  advantages  would  be  rapidly  followed  up,  the  King 
stopped  short  suddenly.  A  rumor  reached  him  that  a  great 
anti-Catholic  union  was  formed  against  him,  and  that  a  new 
German  army  was  already  on  its  march  to  hasten  the  matur- 
ing of  his  peaceful  resolutions.  Queen  Catharine  undertook 
to  excuse  him  to  the  Pope.* 

The  same  feeling  prevailed  on  the  other  side.  Damville", 
in  the  first  excitement  of  the  moment,  had  resolved  upon  the 
design  of  inviting  the  Turkish  fleet  to  Aigues-Mortes,  which 
would  have  compelled  the  Spaniards,  the  Pope,  and  the  French 
Court  at  the  same  time  to  entertain  thoughts  of  peace ;  but 
the  Protestants  were  already  aware  that  the  King  did  not  in- 
tend their  destruction,  and  were  unwilling  to  assent  to  such 
desperate  measures.  Damville  now  began  to  make  approaches 
to  the  Court,  and  in  all  his  letters  expressed  his  earnest  desire 
for  peace. 

Henry  III.  -was  then  at  Poitiers,  but  the  negotiations  took 
place  chiefly  at  Bergerac,  and  were  conducted  by  the  King  of 
Navarre  and  the  Duke  de  Montpensier.  Immediately  upon 
their  commencement  Henry  of  Navarre  declared  with  great 
solemnity  that  in  the  last  edict  there  -were  a  few  points  which 
could  not  be  carried  out,  and  which  must  therefore  be  struck  out.t 

*  The  chief  edict  of  Poitiers.      The  extraordinary  articles,  which 
were  at  first  kept  secret,  are  dated  from  Bergerac,  September,  17,  1577. 
t  Discours  adresse  au  Due  de  Montpensier,  in  Berger.  i.  147. 


HENRY  THE  THIRD.  301 

He  promised  to  exert  himself  in  the  assembly  of  the  churches 
that  every  thing  which  could  disturb  the  peace  of  France 
should  be  allowed  to  drop. 

Both  parties  were  in  earnest,  and  they  therefore  speedily 
agreed  to  a  treaty,  which  is  called  the  Treaty  of  Poitiers  or  of 
Bergerac,  and  is  among  the  most  important  of  all  that  were 
concluded  between  the  two  parties. 

Its  most  important  object  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  appre- 
hension that  Protestantism  would  overflow  the  whole  king- 
dom, which  had  been  the  chief  occasion  of  the  recent  troubles. 
For  the  exercise  of  the  Reformed  religion  such  places  were  ap- 
pointed as  it  was  practiced  in  on  the  day  of  the  treaty.  The 
high  nobility  were  to  be  free  in  their  own  dwellings,  but  all 
others  were  limited  to  one  appointed  place  in  each  district, 
and  the  new  creed  was  entirely  excluded  from  the  capital 
and  ten  leagues  round  it.  The  Huguenots  consented  that  the 
mixed  chambers  should  be  erected  in  the  four  southern  parlia- 
ments only,  but  they  insisted  upon  remaining  capable  of  all 
offices.*  The  King  obtained  sufficient  command  over  him- 
self to  express  his  displeasure  at  the  excesses  committed  on 
St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  1572.  All  governors  and  officers 
were  to  return  to  the  places  which  they  had  previously  oc- 
cupied. Henry  III.  acknowledged  the  King  of  Navarre  and 
the  Prince  of  Conde  as  his  true  subjects.  The  claims  of  the 
latter  to  Picardy  were  reserved,  and  instead  of  Peronne  the 
much  more  important  town  of  St.  Jean  d'Angely  was  placed 
in  his  hands  for  security.  Meanwhile  all  other  places  were  to 
be  given  up,  except  such  as  were  appointed  for  the  Hugue- 
nots, namely  two  in  Languedoc,  two  in  Provence,  two  in  Dau- 
phine,  and  three  in  Guienne,  of  which  they  were  to  be  put  in 
possession,  and  for  the  cost  of  whose  garrisons  the  King  made 
himself  responsible. 

The  concessions  made  to  the  Huguenots  were  calculated  to 
give  them  security  of  existence,  while  the  limitations  to  which 
they  submitted  would  remove  the  apprehensions  of  the  Cath- 
olics. No  one.  rejoiced  more  at  the  agreement  than  the  King 
himself;  he  called  the  peace  his  own — "  The  King's  Peace" 
■ — and  said  it  was  as  much  so  as  if  he  had  written  the  articles 
*  Maffei,  Gregorio  XIII.  i.  295. 


302  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

with  his  own  hand  ;  he  had  even  the  idea  of  calling  the  town 
of  Poitiers  Ville  de  Paix. 

This  peace,  as  it  was  the  result  of  all  the  earlier  relations 
and  conditions  of  the  kingdom,  is  the  foundation  of  all  the 
later.  It  contains,  not  a  theoretical,  hut  a  practical  solution 
of  the  great  questions  agitated.  It  indicates  the  point  to 
which  the  vigor  and  energy  of  the  powers  opposed  in  the 
struggle  had  brought  affairs. 

In  carrying  out  the  treaty  there  were  still  some  difficulties 
and  hindrances  to  be  overcome.  In  Guienne  it  even  came 
once  more  to  an  imprudent  and  partial  rising,  and  new  re- 
monstrances and  agreements  had  to  be  made  at  Nerac  in 
February,  1579,  and  at  Fleix  in  November,  1580.  "With  all 
this,  however,  the  treaty  of  Poitiers  was  generally  observed. 
France  appeared  desirous  of  reposing  upon  it,  and  it  would 
have  probably  afforded  her  repose,  had  there  not  been  a  power 
in  her  neighborhood  which  would  not  endure  such  an  arrange- 
ment— a  power  which  henceforth  made  it  its  peculiar  occupa- 
tion to  collect  together  the  materials  for  the  production  of  an 
antagonistic  movement  and  new  storms. 


BOOK   V. 
HENRY  III.  AND  THE  LEAGUE. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


INTRODUCTION. 


As  in  antiquity  Athens  can  not  be  thought  of  without 
Sparta,  Rome  without  Carthage,  so  in  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries  France  can  neither  be  comprehended 
nor  understood  without  the  counterpart  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy. 

What  was  it  that  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.  contended  for 
in  their  time  ?  The  Emperor  sought  to  realize  that  univer- 
sal supremacy  which  was  connected  in  theory  with  his  title  ; 
Francis  I.  maintained  the  French  idea— the  idea  of  France. 

There  was  now  no  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  tin.'  Em- 
pire; but  the  son  and  successor  of  the  Emperor,  powerful  in 
the  possession  of  extensive  territories  and  the  gold  of  the  In- 
dies, renewed  the  Spanish  claim  to  a  predominant  authority 
in  the  world,  and  stepped  forth  himself  as  the  champion  of 
the  ancient  faith  against  its  assailants.  In  the  adherents  to 
that  faith  he  met  with  supporters,  by  whose  assent  he  assum- 
ed the  position  and  authority  of  head  of  that  party  generally 
throughout  Europe. 

Coligny's  design  had  been  to  unite  the  energy  of  the  Prot- 
estant impulse  with  the  interests  of  France,  and  to  place 
France  at  the  head  of  the  anti-Spanish  powers  :  he  perished 
on  account  of  it.  The  Government,  however,  although  it 
would  not  follow  the  course  he  had  marked  out,  felt  no  in- 
clination to  associate  itself  with  the  Spanish  system  :  it  feared 
that  by  such  a  connection  it  would  lose  its  independence.  We 
have  seen  how  this  apprehension  promoted  the  pacification^ 
which  was  now  at  length  established.  After  a  long  and 
doubtful  struggle,  which  was  continually  breaking  out  afresh, 


306  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

and  again  extinguished,  the  Reformed  opinions  had  at  last 
won  a  secure  position,  which  was  daily  fortified.  The  recog- 
nition of  these  opinions,  although  forced  from  the  Govern- 
ment, still  constituted,  viewing  the  country  as  a  whole,  and 
the  real  state  of  things,  an  element  of  French  independence. 

It  could  not  be  expected  that  the  King  of  Spain  would  re- 
gard this  state  of  things  with  a  friendly  eye,  or  that  he  would 
even  reconcile  himself  to  it.  The  war  in  the  Netherlands 
still  continued,  and  did  not  fail  again  to  excite  the  sympathy 
which  the  Huguenots  had  previously  shown  for  their  fellow 
Protestants,  as  well  as  the  ambition  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment. Philip  II.  was  actuated  merely  by  a  regard  to  his 
own  interests  when  he  made  use  of  all  the  means  in  his 
power  to  animate  the  strict  Catholic  party,  which  was  fa- 
vorable to  him,  in  its  opposition  to  the  tendencies  adverse  to 
his  views  in  France. 

The  League  was  the  work  of  Spain  and  of  Philip  II.  in  a 
much  greater  degree  than  is  generally  supposed.  It  consti- 
tuted a  decisive  crisis  in  the  antagonism  of  the  two  monar- 
chies. Philip  found  his  most  effective  auxiliaries  in  the  in- 
terior of  France  itself,  where,  notwithstanding  the  pacification 
which  had  been  agreed  to,  the  old  passions  were  kept  in  a 
state  of  continued  excitement  by  the  continuance  of  the  op- 
position between  the  two  creeds.  The  King  who  then  ruled 
in  France  did  not  possess  the  power  necessary  to  hold  his 
subjects  together  for  any  lengthened  period. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

HENRY   III.    AND    HIS    GOVERNMENT    DURING    THE    PEACE. 

Henry  of  Valois  had  while  prince  attained  a  high  mili- 
tary position,  and  acquired,  whether  he  merited  it  or  not,  a 
warlike  reputation.  But  how  astonished  were  the  Poles, 
with  whom  this  reputation  had  contributed  to  his  election, 
when  he  arrived  among  them.  They  expected  to  see  a  man 
of  a  lofty  figure  and  rough  manners,  and  to  hear  discourse  of 
war  and  of  arms  ;  instead  of  which  a  young  man  presented 
himself  to  them  of  weak  physical  organization,  who  wore 
jewels  in  his  ears,  and  yearned  for  the  pleasures  of  French 
society  which  he  had  forsaken. 

To  enjoy  these  pleasures  in  his  own  manner  was  his  prin- 
cipal object  when  he  entered  his  capital  after  the  peace  of 
Poitiers,  with  the  intention  of  taking  up  his  residence  there, 
and  dwelling  there  more  constantly  than  any  French  king 
had  done  hitherto.  He  did  not  care  for  the  chase,  and  was 
seldom  seen  on  horseback,  though  he  rode  well ;  he  hated  all 
violent  bodily  exercise. 

While  his  brother  Charles  had  sought  praise  by  endeavor- 
ing to  show  himself  the  strongest  and  most  indefatigable  of 
the  society  in  which  he  mixed,  Henry  thought  it  an  honor 
to  appear  the  best  dressed  and  most  highly  ornamented  per- 
son in  the  Court.  He  would  not  hold  intercourse  with  any 
except  men  of  the  same  taste.  He  invented  several  new 
forms  of  the  strictest  etiquette. 

In  the  midst  of  the  violent  characters  that  surrounded  him, 
after  so  many  crimes  and  civil  wars,  the  embers  of  which  were 
still  glowing,  and  threatening  every  moment  to  burst  into  a 
fierce  flame,  he  wished  to  lead  a  palace  life,  divided  between 


308  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

pious  exercises,  the  pleasures  of  the  city,  retirement,  and  the 
enjoyment  of  the  reverence  due  to  the  sovereign  magistrate. 

It  was  neither  his  habit  nor  his  inclination  to  cultivate  the 
society  of  old  generals,  politicians,  or  men  of  learning,  who 
might  have  given  him  some  information  and  instruction.  He 
preferred  surrounding  himself  with  young  and  gay  people  of 
handsome  exterior,  who  emulated  him  in  the  faultlessness  of 
their  costume  and  the  brilliancy  of  their  ornaments.  There 
were  in  the  beginning  ten  or  twelve  such  persons  in  attend- 
ance upon  the  King,  but  in  the  year  1579  four  of  them  make 
their  appearance  as  declared  favorites,  and  were  named  at 
Court  the  four  evangelists  ;  these  were  St.  Luc,  D'O,*  Arques, 
and  Saumont.  Sometimes  the  King  retired  with  them  to  one 
of  his  castles  in  the  country,  where  he  would  not  allow  him- 
self to  be  regarded  in  any  other  character  but  that  of  their 
host,  and  every  thing  appeared  to  be  perfectly  harmless.  To 
be  a  favorite  was  not  a  matter  of  momentary  pleasure,  but  a 
kind  of  fixed  position.  When  the  King  returned  to  the  cap- 
ital, however,  it  was  soon  perceived  that  his  young  friends 
had  much  influence  even  in  matters  relating  to  the  State. 

Henry  III.  also  strove  to  distinguish  himself  from  his  brother 
by  not  following  his  mother's  counsel  so  implicitly  in  the  busi- 
ness of  the  government.  She  always  took  the  chief  part  in 
the  morning  consultations,  but  the  resolutions  agreed  upon 
there  were  frequently  altered  afterward  by  the  King  himself,  f 
Still  less  was  it  his  intention  to  give  unlimited  freedom  to  the 
arbitrary  power  of  the  great  families,  or  to  allow  their  private 
interests  to  be  promoted  regardless  of  other  considerations.  He 
found  much  more  satisfaction  in  bestowing  favors  upon  those 
who  were  indebted  to  himself  for  their  elevation.     Arques 

*  Hieronymo  Lippomano,  "  Relatione  di  Francia,"  1580.  D'O,  ac- 
cording to  this,  must  have  been  much  younger  than  is  usually  sup- 
posed :  Lippomano's  secretary  (506)  says  he  was  only  twenty-eight 
years  of  age  in  1579. 

t  Priuli,  Relatione,  1583  :  "  Voltando  sottosopra  le  deliberationi  che 
sono  fatte  alia  presenza  della  madre,  senza  dargliene  alcuna  parte ;  il 
che  viene  attribuito  parte  all'  umor  del  Re,  ch'  e  fatto  molto  ardito  nelle 
resolution!,  e  presumö  grandamente  del  suo  giudltio,  parte  ancora  all' 
autoritä  che  hanno  seco  li  suoi  favoriti,  con  li  quali  in  camera  sua  pri- 
vatamente  ragiona  di  tutte  le  cose." 


GOVERNMENT  OF  HENRY  III.  309 

was  created  Duke  of  Joyeuse,  and  appointed  governor  of 
Normandy  and  Havre-de-Graee.  Saumont  was  made  Duke 
of  Epernon,  and  appointed  successively  governor  of  Metz, 
Boulogne,  Calais,  and  Provence.  Arques  was,  moreover,  in- 
vested with  the  dignity  of  an  admiral,  with  special  authority 
over  the  marine  ;  while  Saumont,  through  the  post  of  colo- 
nel-general of  the  French  infantry,  exercised  an  uncommonly 
important  influence  in  the  appointment  of  officers  to  places  in 
the  army. 

By  these  proceedings,  however,  Henry  III.  came  into  colli- 
sion with  the  most  powerful  party  in  his  kingdom.  The  pro- 
gress which  the  great  provincial  governments  had  made  in 
earlier  times  toward  independence,  had  reached  a  degree  of 
almost  complete  consummation  during  the  civil  war.  The 
two  minorities,  one  following  the  other  in  a  period  of  confu- 
sion and  embarrassment  of  all  kinds,  when  the  Government 
was  necessitated  to  seek  for  support  from  its  subjects ;  the 
indefiniteness  of  the  laws,  and  the  vacillations  of  the  political 
system  generally,  had  opened  an  unrestricted  arena  for  the  am- 
bition and  selfishness  of  a  few  great  families,  with  all  their 
adherents.  In  the  tumult  of  war  and  the  confusion  of  parties, 
when  every  one  had  to  take  counsel  of  himself,  and  to  devise 
measures  for  his  own  security,  and  when  by  the  very  defense 
of  their  own  personal  interests  men  acquired  merit,  the  gov- 
ernors of  the  provinces  had  attained  a  certain  consciousness 
of  independence  upon  the  supreme  power  ;  and  even  the  gov- 
ernors of  fortresses  and  towns  occupied  a  position  which  was 
but  slightly  dependent*  Many  of  them  belonged  to  the  first 
houses  in  the  nation  ;  all  were  united  by  the  spirit  of  party. 
In  this  state  of  things  neither  the  commandants  of  the  towns 
nor  the  governors  of  the  provinces  could  be  removed  from  then- 
places  at  the  pleasure  of  the  supreme  authority.  Each  of 
them  was  convinced  that  he  could  be  removed  from  his  office 
by  the  judgment  and  operation  of  law  only,  and  that  in  case 

*  Aluise  Contarini,  1572.  "  Governi  non  sono  solamente  nei  piu 
grandi  del  regno,  ma  anco  son  tutti  hereditarii,  di  modo  che  quando 
manca  un  governator,  il  Re  e  constretto,  per  non  discontentar  i  heredi, 
consentar  che  i  figliuoli,  se  sono  in  etä,  o  almanco  i  piü.  stretti  parenti, 
entrino  in  loco  del  morto." 


310  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  death  the  claims  of  his  relatives  and  allies  to  tne  vacant 
post  should  be  respected.  The  notion  of  offices  being  hered- 
itary began  to  prevail  even  in  military  organization,  in  the 
same  way  as  it  already  influenced  both  the  financial  and 
judicial  administrations. 

It  must  have  affected  these  powerful  governors  deeply, 
therefore,  when  the  King  not  only  refused  to  acknowledge 
their  pretensions,  but  appointed  others  to  the  places  upon 
which  they  had  claims,  or  in  the  reversion  of  which  they 
were  interested.  No  well-founded  complaint  could  be  made 
against  the  King,  for  he  had  unquestionable  authority  to  do 
what  he  did,  but  it  was  not  expected  from  him,  and  what 
sort  of  persons  were  those  he  preferred  ! 

The  brave  Charles  Brissac,  who  believed  he  had  an  hered- 
itary claim  to  the  post  of  Colonel-general,  saw  himself  super- 
seded by  a  conceited  young  man  destitute  of  all  merit.  The 
Duke  of  Mayenne,  upon  whom  the  reversion  of  the  dignity  of 
Admiral  had  devolved  from  his  father-in-law,  gave  up  his  claim 
with  the  greatest  unwillingness,  although  he  received  a  pecu- 
niary compensation.  In  the  same  manner  Emery  de  Villiers 
was  deprived  of  the  government  of  Caen,  and  Mandelot  dis- 
turbed in  his  government  at  Lyons  by  the  favorites  and  their 
relatives ;  and  they  had  but  little  satisfaction  to  expect  fur- 
ther, since  the  very  men  who  superseded  them  were  the  most 
powerful  at  the  Court. 

The  majority  of  the  aggrieved  governors  belonged  to  the 
party  which  had  identified  itself  with  the  Catholic  views  in 
the  religious  contentions,  who  regarded  the  Huguenots  as  their 
sworn  enemies,  and  to  whom  all  concessions  made  to  Protest- 
antism were  intolerable.  They  naturally  found  allies  in  a 
portion  of  the  Catholic  clergy  who  had  never  relinquished 
their  claims  to  exclusive  ecclesiastical  dominion  in  France, 
and  who  had  many  other  disputes  besides  with  the  King. 

With  the  internal  movement  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Catholic  system  were  associated  the  renewal  of  the  claims  of 
the  hierarchy  in  opposition  to  the  Crown.  The  men  who  in 
ancient  times  had  lallen  in  the  defense  of  such  claims,  such 
as  Thomas  a  Becket,  were  held  up  to  the  reverence  of  the 
people,  and  their  virtues  depicted  in  the  most  lively  colors. 


GOVERNMENT  OF  HENRY  III.  311 

In  the  assembly  of  1579-80,  which  the  clergy  held  in 
Melun,  having  avoided  Paris  lest  their  consultations  should 
be  fettered  by  local  influences,  a  remonstrance  was  adopted, 
in  which  the  two  principal  requisitions  of  the  clerical  party 
were  renewed,  namely  the  adoption  of  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  and  the  re-establishment  of  free  election. 
The  Bishop  of  Bazas  laid  them  before  the  King  with  much 
unction,  but  Henry  rejected  them  without  hesitation.  "  If 
the  clergy  wish  to  reform  themselves,"  says  he,  "they  can 
do  so  by  the  old  decrees  of  the  Church  ;  they  have  only  to 
resolve  to  devote  a  third  part  of  their  income  to  the  support 
of  the  poor,  as  in  ancient  times.  As  to  the  adoption  of  the 
decrees  of  Trent,  the  Pope  himself  no  longer  urges  it,  since  he 
sees  that  they  are  not  suited  to  the  constitution  of  France." 
With  respect  to  the  right  of  free  election,  he  said  that  the 
authority  to  nominate  to  the  bishoprics  and  abbacies  had  de- 
scended to  him  from  his  predecessors,  by  whom  it  had  been 
exercised  with  the  assent  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  Church,  and 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  maintain  it.  He  drew  their 
attention  to  the  party-spirit  and  the  simony  which  were  con- 
nected with  the  clerical  elections,  and  to  the  danger  many 
of  them  would  run  of  not  being  re-elected,  should  a  new 
system  be  introduced.* 

The  corporation  of  the  clergy,  however,  exercised  no  small 
influence  upon  the  political  administration,  in  consequence 
of  the  financial  contract  they  had  entered  into  with  the 
Crown.  They  now,  in  order  to  be  able  to  fulfill  their  duties, 
demanded  the  liberation  of  the  provinces  which  had  been 
taken  possession  of  by  the  Huguenots  ;  they  expressed  them- 
selves on  this  subject  in  such  terms  as  they  might  have  used 
had  they  been  speaking  of  an  occupation  by  a  foreign  enemy, 
thus  indicating  how  little  they  approved  of  the  secure  posi- 
tion which  the  Crown  had  granted  to  the  Reformed. t 

Their  resistance  was  doubly  powerful,  in  consequence  of 

*  The  account  of  Thuanus,  lib.  lxxiii.,  must  be  rectified  by  the  proces 
verbal  of  the  Assembly  at  Melun,  from  which  our  notices  are  drawn. 

t  In  the  "Assemblee  pour  l'audition  et  cloture  des  comptes  du  Re- 
ceveur  General,"  it  was  resolved  that  "  seront  remontrees  les  necessites 
des  provinces  occupees  par  l'ennemi,  lesquelles  attendent  et  requierent 
les  secours  de  S.  M.  pour  leur  delivrance." 


312  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  disorder  that  prevailed  in  the  financial  economy  of  the 
government,  which  brought  every  department  into  a  state  of 
the  most  inextricable  confusion. 

What  was  it,  asks  a  writer  of  the  period,  that  gave  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Valois  their  high  consideration  in  the 
world  ?  Besides  their  heroic  actions  it  was  the  attention  they 
bestowed  upon  their  finances,  and  the  prudent  expenditure  of 
their  income,  which  they  regarded  as  some  of  the  most  import- 
ant duties  of  a  monarch. 

Nothing  in  fact  had  been  of  greater  advantage  to  the  elder 
Valois,  than  the  circumstance  of  their  having  always  the  com- 
mand of  money.  Charles  V.  and  Charles  VII.,  and  in  an 
especial  manner  Louis  XL,  were  remarkable  for  the  order 
they  maintained  in  the  pecuniary  affairs  of  the  kingdom  ;  but 
it  was  also  well  understood  by  Louis  XII.  and  Francis  I.  as  the 
only  means  which  could  enable  them  to  carry  on  their  wars 
successfully.  In  Henry  II.  a  deficiency  in  this  financial 
faculty,  and  a  want  of  attention  to  money  matters,  began  to 
be  observed.  It  was  principally  the  want  of  funds  which 
compelled  him  to  conclude  the  peace  of  1559,  and  when  he 
died,  he  left  a  debt  which  for  France  was  one  of  unexampled 
magnitude.  The  administration  of  his  sons  and  their  mother 
Catharine  de'  Medici  was  still  more  ruinous. 

The  urgent  necessities  of  war  forced  them  to  make  the  most 
exhausting  efforts  ;  there  were  some  years  in  which  double 
the  amount  of  the  income  was  expended,  the  extraordinary 
funds  being  procured  from  the  Italian  capitalists,  who  thus 
obtained  a  leading  influence  over  the  national  credit  and  the 
administration. 

I  shall  have  another  opportunity  of  returning  to  the  subject 
of  the  finances  in  general ;  it  is  sufficient  here  to  remark,  that 
when  Henry  III.  ascended  the  throne  he  found  a  treasury 
deficit  of  one  million. 

The  new  King  endeavored  to  relieve  his  necessities  after 
the  manner  of  his  predecessors.  Sometimes  the  government 
officials  were  not  paid  their  salaries  ;  at  others  the  interest 
of  the  debt  was  kept  back  from  the  creditors  ;  but  the  chief 
expedient  was  the  creation  and  sale  of  new  places,  often  to 
the  very  capitalists  themselves,  who  received  a  heavy  discount 


GOVERNMENT  OF  HENRY  III.  813 

on  the  prices  in  consideration  of  prompt  payment.  This  re- 
source, however,  proved  all  the  more  inadequate,  that  the 
King  regarded  the  quality  of  liberality  as  one  which  should 
peculiarly  characterize  the  possessor  of  the  supreme  authority. 
The  arbitrary  measures  adopted  to  obtain  money,  and  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  afterward  lavished  on  the  favorites, 
are  both  placed  in  juxtaposition,  in  a  journal  kept  by  a  con- 
temporary. The  comparison  was  certainly  calculated  to 
arouse  unpleasant  feelings. 

But  while  the  land  groaned  beneath  the  burden  of  taxation, 
the  Court  could  hardly  obtain  the  means  of  existence.  When 
the  troops  were  mustered,  there  was  frequently  not  a  penny 
in  hand  for  their  pay,  nor  was  there  any  money  to  pay  tho 
garrisons  of  the  frontier  fortresses. 

In  order  to  discover  a  radical  remedy  for  this  complication 
of  evils,  an  assembly  of  the  Notables  was  called  at  St.  Ger- 
main, about  the  close  of  the  year  1583,  in  which  most  import- 
ant proposals  were  made  for  a  thorough  searching  reform. 
The  Parliaments  were  not  in  favor  with  either  the  King  or 
the  nation  J*  the  abuses  which  had  crept  into  them,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  practice  of  selling  judical  offices,  were  made 
the  subject  of  earnest  deliberation ;  the  revival  of  the  old 
companies  of  the  Hommes  d' Armes  was  seriously  considered 
as  a  means  of  defense  against  foreign  enemies  as  well  as  for 
the  preservation  of  domestic  peace  and  subordination  ;  but 
the  subject  to  which  the  greatest  attention  was  given  was  the 
condition  of  the  finances.  We  find,  as  the  result  of  the  de- 
liberations, a  detailed  series  of  resolutions,  full  of  sound  views, 
respecting  the  recovery  of  the  domains,  the  raising  of  the  sums 
paid  by  the  farmers-general  from  the  indirect  revenue,  and 
the  reduction  of  the  taille.f     Nor  were  these  consultations 

*  Priuli:  "Li  parlamenti  si  sono  empiti  di  uomini  di  bassa  condi- 
tione,  Ii  quali  non  hanno  ne  animo  ne  autorita  di  poter  difendere  contra 
li  ministri  piu  Ultimi  del  Re  il  servitio  et  ben  commun."  The  Journal 
of  L'Estoile  mentions  a  "placard,  intitule  Evangile  des  Longs  Vetus." 
"  II  estoit  fait  contre  ceux  de  la  justice,  auxquels  on  en  vouloit  fort,  et 
qu'on  disoit  par  leur  connivence  ouvrir  peu  a  peu  la  porte  ä  ceux  qui  ne 
demandoient  qu'ä  lui  faire  violence." 

t  Articles  et  Propositions,  etc.,  en  l'Assemblee  ä  St.  Germain-en-Lay«, 
au  mois  de  Novembre,  1583  :  Mayer,  xiv.  185. 

0 


314  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

and  resolutions  without  effect :  a  multitude  of  overpaid  offi- 
cials were  in  fact  struck  out  of  the  civil  list.  The  investiga- 
tion of  the  financial  employes,  commenced  in  the  autumn  of 
1584,  and  not  a  few  of  even  the  richest  and  most  distinguished 
of  them  took  to  flight.  A  number  of  judicial  offices  were  also 
abolished  without  consideration  for  those  who  occupied  them. 
The  new  King  took  a  course  which  indicated  a  renunciation 
of  many  of  his  youthful  pleasures,  and  appeared  to  have  placed 
his  personal  inclinations  under  greater  control.* 

The  failings  of  Henry  III.  were  obvious  to  every  one.  His 
deficient  morality,  his  eagerness  for  enjoyment,  and  his  de- 
pendency upon  a  few  favorities,  gave  general  and  but  too  well 
founded  offense.  Occasionally,  however,  he  rose  to  the  full 
height  of  his  vocation ;  he  showed  an  intellectual  capacity 
corresponding  with  his  exalted  position,  and,  although  subject 
to  many  vacillations,  great  susceptibility  of  mind  and  goodness 
of  disposition.  The  nation  was  indebted  to  him  for  the  Pa- 
cification ;  and  though  his  favorites  had  places  in  the  Council, 
he  took  care  that  there  were  in  it  also  men  of  talent,  by  whom 
they  were  controlled.  The  government  comprehended  the 
necessities  of  the  political  admininstration,  and  took  pains  to 
supply  them — to  enforce  the  rights  of  the  Crown  against  the 
powerful  governors,  as  well  as  against  the  claims  of  the  clergy 
— to  favor  the  general  well-being  of  the  state,  in  opposition  to 
the  abuses  of  the  officers,  both  of  the  judical  and  financial 
systems. 

No  prince  ever  did  so  much  for  the  capital  as  Henry  III. 
The  former  kings  preferred  their  castles  on  the  Loire  to  a 
residence  in  Paris.  Francis  I.  spent  most  of  his  time  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  or  St.  Germain,  in  the  neighborhood ;  Henry  II. 
held  his  court  somewhat  more  frequently  in  the  metropolis, 
and  Charles  IX.  was  generally  confined  to  it  by  the  troubles 
of  the  religious  war  ;  but  Henry  III.  took  up  his  abode  there 
voluntarily,  and  resided  there  regularly.  It  is  impossible  to 
describe  the  rapid  manner  in  which  the  city  increased  under 
him,  both  in  population  and  the  number  of  houses  erected. 
The  institutions  of  culture,  which  were  formerly  looked  for  in 

*  Augerii  Busbequii  Epistolae,  Ep.  31  :  "  Rex  urget  institutura  in 
melius  conversae  vitse." 


GOVERNMENT  OF  HENRY  III.  315 

Italy,  were  now  found  in  Paris.  Without  giving  offense  to 
the  old-fashioned  portion  of  the  nation,  Henry  III.  patronized 
the  rising  comedy  as  well  as  the  clerical  ceremonies,  the  art- 
istic confraternities,  and  literary  unions.*  He  took  part  him- 
self in  an  academy  intended  for  the  cultivation  of  languages 
and  philosophy,  and  inscribed  his  name  in  its  statutes. 

Let  us  throw  a  glance  upon  this  intellectual  movement, 
which  consisted,  as  we  have  mentioned  above,  in  the  ad- 
vance of  classical  studies,  and  at  the  same  time  of  the  highly- 
cultivated  art  and  literature  of  Italy  into  medieval  France, 
and  which  made  constant  progress  during  the  civil  war,  and 
provailed  widely  in  the  subsequent  interval  of  peace. 

*  Lettres  de  Pasquier,  ix.  12. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

A    GLANCE    AT    FRENCH    LITERATURE. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  there  flourished 
in  France  some  philologists,  who,  in  the  comprehensiveness 
and  depth  of  their  knowledge  of  classical  antiquity,  exceed- 
ed any  scholars  whom  Italy  had  yet  produced,  and  whose 
equals  have  perhaps  never  since  appeared. 

The  most  learned  of  all  printers,  Henricus  Stephanus,  sig- 
nalized the  otherwise  unhappy  year  of  1572  by  the  publica- 
tion of  a  work  sufficient  in  itself  to  form  an  epoch  in  the  an- 
nals of  learning — it  was  his  Greek  Lexicon,  which  may  be 
regarded  as  the  treasury  of  that  language  ;  in  it  he  collected 
and  digested,  for  the  benefit  of  succeeding  generations,  all  the 
knowledge  of  Greek  literature  which  had  been  previously  ac- 
quired. 

Besides  him  rose  above  the  multitude  his  fellow-laborer, 
Joseph  Scaliger,  a  man  who,  in  the  full  possession  of  an  eru- 
dition which  was  universal,*  never  lost  himself  in  it,  and 
compensated  for  the  petulance  with  which  he  sometimes  be- 
haved by  a  faculty  of  discrimination  which  looks  almost  like 
a  power  of  divination,  and  which,  even  in  the  present  day, 
excites  the  wonder  of  kindred  intellects. 

A  step  lower  down  we  find  learned  and  sensible  expositors 
and  successful  imitators  of  the  ancient  languages,  such  as 
Lambin  and  Muret,  who  by  their  labors  brought  antiquity 
nearer  to  the  common  comprehension.  For  in  France,  if  any 
where,  a  penetrating  influence  of  classical  studies  was  con- 
centrated upon  the  life  and  habits  of  the  people. 

Peter  de  la  Ramee  can  not  be  properly  estimated  if  viewed 

*  As  Casaubon  especially  estimates  it,  Epist.  486. 


FRENCH  LITERATURE.  317 

through  the  medium  of  those  works  which  he  devoted  to  the 
reformation  of  logic ;  but  even  these  are  well  worthy  of  at- 
tention, exhibiting  as  they  do  his  declination  from  the  Aristo- 
telian scholastic  methods  to  the  Platonic  dialectics,  and  the 
grounding  of  rhetoric  upon  the  imitation  of  nature,  and  of  the 
great  authors  without  regard  to  long-acknowledged  formulae. 
But  the  whole  basis  of  his  intellect  appears  in  the  plans 
which  he  had  conceived  for  the  general  reform  of  studies, 
and  of  educational  establishments.  He  wished  to  forsake  in 
all  things  the  path  hitherto  trodden,  to  alter  the  entire  sys- 
tem of  doctors  and  professors  in  the  university,  and  to  make 
the  works  of  the  ancients  the  immediate  text-books  of  the 
different  branches  of  study — the  codex  of  the  Civil  Law  in 
jurisprudence,  Galen  and  Hippocrates  in  medicine,  and  in 
theology  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.* 

The  last  was  impossible,  at  least  in  Paris,  for  it  involved 
one  of  the  most  important  of  the  demands  concerning  which 
the  great  struggle  had  taken  place.  The  Sorbonne  would 
not  tolerate  for  a  moment  any  departure  from  the  Vulgate ; 
upon  this  point  they  had  contended  with  members  of  their 
own  society  who  thought  differently  from  the  faculty,  and 
with  the  rising  order  of  the  Jesuits,  who,  recognizing  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  time,  had  not  scrupled  to  borrow  much  even 
from  Calvin  and  Beza. 

In  the  other  branches,  on  the  contrary,  the  operations  of 
classical  literature  appeared  exceedingly  effective.  Physi- 
cians arose  who  brought  into  practice  once  more  the  deserted 
rules  of  Hippocrates ;  and  it  soon  went  so  far,  as  Ambrose 
Pare,  the  reformer  of  surgery,  said,  that  people  were  not  con- 
tent with  what  they  found  in  the  ancients,  but  began  to  re- 
gard their  writings  as  watch-towers  from  which  more  might 
be  discovered. 

In  jurisprudence,  where  study  and  practice  touch  each 
other  most  closely,  appeared  Cujacius,  who,  by  close  investi- 
gation and  thorough  comprehension  of  the  ancient  sources  of 
law,  made  its  philosophy  his  own  peculiar  intellectual  pro- 
perty, and  found  in  numerous  members  of  the  great  juridical 

*  Extract  from  a  memorial  directed  to  Charles  IX.  in  Crevier's 
"  Histoire  de  l'Universite  de  Paris,"  vi.  90. 


318  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

corporation  zealous  imitators  and  disciples,  who  sought  to 
apply  their  knowledge  of  Roman  law  to  the  improvement  of 
the  national  code. 

Dumoulin  had  already  prepared  the  way  for  such  a  blend- 
ing of  both  systems,  and,  with  equal  knowledge  of  ancient 
and  modem  law,  composed  a  practical  commentary  on  the 
Coutumes  de  Paris,  by  which  he  earned  the  title  of  the 
Papinian  of  Paris.  Dumoulin,  besides  this,  opposed  his 
knowledge  of  the  Roman  and  ancient  French  laws  to  the 
intrusion  of  the  Papal  authority.  It  is  impossible  to  peruse 
a  more  impressive  and,  at  the  same  time,  learned  defense  of 
the  secular  authority  than  his  judicial  opinion  against  the 
adoption  of  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  The  con- 
troversy between  the  spiritual  and  temporal  powers  called 
forth  the  most  lively  intellectual  efforts ;  and  Stephen  Pas- 
quier,  who,  like  most  of  the  learned  jurists,  had  joined  the 
party  of  the  Politicians,  made  it  the  peculiar  field  of  his  fame. 

In  the  presence  of  studies  like  these  the  old  mythic  repre- 
sentations of  the  royalty  of  the  lilies,  which  had  animated 
the  Maid  of  Orleans  in  her  day,  could  not  long  hold  their 
ground.*  But  men  did  not  continue  steadily  in  the  directly 
opposite  way  on  which  they  had  entered  at  last ;  even  the 
literature  of  the  age  is  not  always  to  be  taken  according  to 
its  verbal  expression.  What  we  are  disposed  to  regard  as 
the  progress  of  ideas,  frequently  proves  to  be  a  mere  moment- 
ary excitement.  The  doctrines  of  Hottman  and  his  associates, 
which  they  propounded  under  the  immediate  impression  made 
upon  them  by  a  deed  of  sanguinary  violence,  which  had  been 
approved  of  by  the  sovereign  authority,  were  obliged  to  re- 
cede when  further  inquiry  was  made  into  law  and  history, 
and  once  more  the  supreme  power  was  regarded  as  a  bulwark 
against  faction.  Even  then  it  was  so  viewed  by  John  Bodin, 
in  his  "  Book  of  the  State,"  the  most  elaborate,  well-digested, 
and  best-known  work  upon  that  subject  which  the  century 
produced.     Bodin  disdained  to  found  the  superiority  of  the 

*  Lib.  i.  c.  viii. :  "  Si  urget  reipublicce  necessitas  .  .  .  non  est  expe- 
tenda  consensio  populi,  cujus  salus  agitur,  quae  ...  in  principis  pruden- 
tiä  consistit"  (142).  According  to  the  preface  of  1584,  the  most  im- 
portant articles  were  first  composed  for  the  Latin  edition. 


FRENCH  LITERATURE.  319 

sovereign  power  upon  a  pretended  abdication  of  the  people — 
a  doctrine  from  which  the  most  dangerous  results  had  already 
issued.  Even  the  right  of  consenting  to  taxation,  which  he 
approved  of  and  recommended,  he  was  of  opinion  ought  not 
to  be  absolute ;  for  cases  might  occur  in  which  the  prince,  to 
whose  keeping  the  general  weal  was  intrusted,  could  not  wait 
for  the  sanction  of  the  people.  He  appears  penetrated  in  an 
especial  manner  with  the  idea  of  the  majesty  which  belongs 
to  the  prince,  above  whom  there  is  God  alone  ;  from  this  he 
deduces  the  right  of  making  war  or  peace,  the  power  of  life 
and  death,  exemption  from  the  law,  the  sovereign  jurisdiction, 
and  especially  the  superiority  over  the  clergy,  whose  riches, 
privileges,  and  independent  authority  appear  to  him  objec- 
tionable. He  regards  it  as  a  misfortune  that  there  should  be 
more  than  one  religion  in  a  kingdom  ;  but  when  God  permits 
it  so  to  be,  the  prince  should  rather  tolerate  the  separatists 
than  endanger  the  State ;  and,  above  all  things,  he  should 
never  take  up  arms  against  them,  for  in  doing  so  he  would 
put  it  to  the  test  whether  he  could  be  conquered  by  his  sub- 
jects or  not. 

The  study  of  the  ancients  obtained  a  general  and  almost 
overwhelming  influence  upon  the  poetical  literature  of  the 
age.  A  few  youthful  spirits,  animated  by  the  genius  of  an- 
tiquity, turned  from  the  ballads  and  rondeaux  with  which 
the  poets  of  the  day  satisfied  the  taste  of  the  uneducated  mul- 
titude, to  the  ancients,  whom  they  studied  to  imitate  day  and 
night.  They  undertook  to  naturalize  in  their  native  land,  in 
free  French  imitations,  Homer  and  Pindar,  the  Greek  tragedy, 
not  without  the  chorus,  Horace  and  Virgil,  Anacreon  and  Cat- 
ullus. Ambitious  to  prove  the  capacity  of  their  language, 
they  attempted  it  in  new  syntactic  arrangements ;  for  they 
regarded  the  opposite  of  what  was  common  and  usual  as  in 
itself  poetic  ;  they  did  not  despair  even  of  being  able  to  intro- 
duce the  measures  of  the  ancients,  and  making  prosody  the 
sovereign  rule  of  the  art  of  poetry  in  France.  It  was  some- 
thing like  an  invasion  of  the  philological  tendencies  upon  the 
realm  of  modern  literature.  For  a  moment  they  gained  the 
victory.  Pierre  Ronsard,  who  says  of  one  of  his  books  that 
he  sets  no  value  upon  those  who  are  not  Grecians  and  Latin- 


320  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ists,  appeared  to  his  contemporaries,  and  to  himself,  as  one  of 
the  greatest  poets  the  world  had  ever  seen.  Philologists  of 
reputation  commented  upon  his  works  as  they  did  upon  those 
of  the  ancients.  For  all  this,  he  exhibits  the  acerbity  of  a 
new  and  partial  undertaking,  to  which  individual  effort  lends 
the  tang  of  capriciousness.  He  is  far  from  possessing  the 
solid  value  of  the  classics,  but  they  must  be  willfully  blind 
who  would  deny  to  him  a  brilliant  talent  for  appropriation 
and  utterance,  or  that  elevation  and  vigor  of  intellect  which 
was  indispensable  to  the  striking  out  of  a  new  course.  At 
all  events  he  satisfied  his  own  age.  It  was  boasted  of  by 
his  contemporaries  that  Ronsard  had  reproduced  some  of  the 
most  beautiful  passages  in  the  ancient  poets,  which  every  one 
had  held  to  be  inimitable  :  such  as  the  descriptions  of  night, 
of  the  commencement  of  a  sea  voyage,  and  of  a  storm,  in 
Virgil ;  of  the  spinning  Parca3  in  Catullus  ;  or  one  of  Bembo's 
admired  sonnets ;  or  the  splendid  commencement  of  a  canto 
of  Ariosto.  Many  deemed  that  he  surpassed  the  originals.* 
Ronsard,  with  his  friends  and  pupils,  joined  the  Court,  by 
which  they  were  sustained  and  with  which  they  lived.  They 
were  most  of  them  priests,  provided  with  good  benefices,  and 
firm  adherents  of  the  Catholic  party ;  but  that  did  not  pre- 
vent them  from  introducing  into  France  the  whole  system  of 
poetic  heathendom,  nor  from  allowing  themselves  every  kind 
of  poetic  liberty  even  in  their  lives.  They  emulated  the 
ancients  also  in  the  boldness  and  nakedness  of  their  represent- 
ations. 

To  many  serious  men  of  their  own  party  their  manner  and 
spirit  appeared  objectionable,  much  more  therefore  to  the 
strictly  moral  Huguenots ;  the  caustic  and  zealous  Aubigne 
turns  from  them  with  moral  disgust. 

The  Huguenots  had  also  their  poet,  who,  in  one  of  his 
effusions,  celebrated  the  peace  granted  by  Henry  III.,  and  at 
the  same  time  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  it  afforded 
to  finish  another  work  which  was  for  several  years  the  object 

*  Compare  Pasquier,  "  Recherches  de  la  France,"  vii.  8,  St.  Beuve 
upon  Desportes  :  "  Naturellement  paiens  de  forme  et  d'imagination, 
les  poetes  .  .  .  resterent  bons  Catholiques  en  pratique,  et  purement 
courtisans." 


FRENCH  LITERATURE.  321 

of  universal  applause  far  beyond  the  ecclesiastical  circle. 
This  was  William  de  Saluste,  Seigneur  du  Bartas.  His  work 
is  entitled  "  The  Week  of  the  Creation  ;"*  and  in  composing 
it  he  too  took  for  his  model,  as  is  evident,  a  production  of  the 
latter  antiquity — that  of  Georgius  of  Pisidia.  He  too,  in  his 
descriptions,  occasionally  vies  with  the  most  renowned  poets. 
Retired  in  his  castle  at  Armagnac,  and  secluded  from  all 
companionship  with  cultivated  society,  he  took  less  care  than 
even  Ronsard  to  avoid  those  daring  metaphors  in  which  the 
meanest  ideas  are  sometimes  combined  with  the  most  sublime, 
and  strange  formations  of  words ;  but  he  is  pregnant  with 
thought,  rich  in  imagery,  and  not  destitute  of  elevation,  and 
his  diction  and  rhythm  flow  easily  and  without  effort.  He  is 
chiefly  distinguished  from  those  clerical  poets  by  the  serious- 
ness which  characterizes  his  religious  contemplation  of  the 
universe.  He  will  not  be  numbered  among  the  poets  whom 
Plato  banished  from  his  republic,  because  they  made  the  good 
bad,  and  the  bad  still  more  depraved,  through  whom  Helicon 
became  a  place  of  lewd  extravagance.  He  devotes  himself 
to  the  service  of  the  muse  Urania,  who  appears  to  him  hold- 
ing a  wreath  in  her  virgin  hand,  which  he  modestly  states  he 
is  eager  to  approach,  not  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  it  to  adorn 
his  brow,  but  to  touch  it  only  with  the  tip  of  his  finger.  He 
undertook  to  deliver  the  whole  sacred  history  to  his  contempo- 
raries in  a  poetical  form  ;  he  has  described  the  loss  of  Paradise, 
the  Deluge,  the  deeds  of  the  Patriarchs,  of  Moses,  of  the 
Judges,  and  of  the  Kings.  His  design  was  to  depict  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Christian  dispensation,  and  to  conclude  with 
the  consummation  of  all  things — the  Sabbath  of  Sabbaths  : 
— a  vast  undertaking  in  the  plan,  but  almost  too  comprehen- 
sive to  be  completed  with  unity  of  design  and  execution,  or 
to  be  transmitted  to  future  times  in  diction  that  would  last 
forever. 

These  works  are  in  general  chiefly  remarkable  for  the 
effect  they  have  had  upon  subsequent  times.     Du  Bartas  is 

*  "  Les  CEuvres  Poetiques  et  Chrestiennes  de  G.  de  Saluste,  Sr.  du 
Bartas,  prince  des  Poetes  Francois"  (the  Huguenots  gave  this  title  to 
Saluste,  but  the  Catholics  claimed  it  for  Ronsard).     Geneve,  1632. 


322  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  patriarch  of  Protestant  poetry".  Milton  studied  and  made 
use  of  his  works.  The  most  important  object  accomplished 
by  Ronsard  and  his  friends,  consisted  probably  in  the  fact 
that  they  attempted  in  the  French  tongue  the  different  species 
of  poetry  which  had  been  established  among  a  more  polished 
people,  and  introduced  this  side  the  Alps  the  principles  of 
modern  classical  taste  as  they  had  been  developed  in  Italy. 
But  it  was  reserved  for  other  times,  and  different  talents,  to 
bring  these  principles  to  a  fuller  perfection. 

This  epoch  however  produced  one  author,  Michel  Montaigne, 
whose  merit  was  recognized  at  the  time,  and  has  not  been 
since  disputed. 

Montaigne's  mind  also  was  formed  by  the  study  of  antiquity. 
If  De  la  Ramee  turned  from  Aristotle  to  Plato,  Montaigne 
gave  the  Skepsis  the  preference  over  the  Academics ;  yet  he 
only  used  it  in  order  to  exhibit,  in  accordance  with  the  con- 
victions awakened  in  him  by  other  studies,  especially  those 
of  the  latter  antiquity,  by  travel  and  intercourse,  as  well  as 
by  the  habits  and  the  events  of  the  age,  the  truth  of  his  sub- 
jective ideas,  in  the  midst  of  a  conflict  of  systems  which  to 
him  were  all  doubtful.  In  the  naive  development  of  these 
ideas  consists  his  talent  and  his  merit.  Montaigne,  if  he  does 
not  describe  human  nature  generally,  has  yet  with  perfect 
truth  represented  the  Frenchman,  with  all  the  doubts  and 
errors  which  characterize  him,  the  enjoyments  which  give 
him  pleasure,  the  desires  and  hopes  which  he  cherishes,  and, 
in  short,  his  whole  intellectual  and  sensual  being.  The 
peculiar  genius  of  the  people  is  reflected  in  him.  How  many 
are  observed  to  be  influenced  by  his  very  manner  when  they 
only  speak  of  him  !  Next  to  the  tales  of  Glueen  Margaret, 
Montaigne's  Essays  have  maintained  the  first  place  in  the 
enduring  favor  of  the  nation. 

French  culture  appeared  to  be  in  the  act  of  rising  in  this 
form  from  the  broadest  foundation — the  extensive  and  free 
study  of  classical  antiquity  in  connection  with  the  efforts  of 
other  nations,  and  this  is  in  the  most  various  directions.  The 
poetical  productions  of  the  Middle  Ages  were,  however,  by  no 
means  as  yet  suppressed.     The  Romances,  the  various  tradi- 


FRENCH  LITERATURE.  323 

tional  cycles,  still  issued  from  the  press  both  of  Paris  and 
Lyons,*  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  con- 
dition of  French  literature  corresponded  with  that  of  the  State 
and  of  the  country,  in  which  manifold  peculiarities  were  still 
to  be  recognized. 

It  is  a  question  whether  it  was  possible  for  these  rich 
germs  to  unfold  themselves  together  in  France  or  not.  We 
will  not  anticipate  history.  But  already  many  dreaded  the 
return  of  the  civil  war,  with  its  destructive  influences  under 
the  pretext  of  religion :  Montaigne,  Du  Bartas,  and  Bodin, 
have  a  manifest  presentiment  of  such  an  event. 

The  direction  in  which  the  thoughts  of  many  were  tending 
may  be  discovered,  from  among  other  sources,  in  a  hymn  of 
Du  Bartas,  in  which  he  expresses  his  wish  that  the  King  of 
Navarre  may  speedily  make  his  horse  drink  from  the  Ebro, 
and  that  the  Duke  of  Alencon  be  able  to  unite  the  divided 
Netherlands,  and  to  make  them  feel  either  his  favor  or  the 
strength  of  his  arm.f  It  was  precisely  from  efforts  of  this 
kind,  however,  that  the  new  struggle  in  the  interior  of  the 
land  was  destined  to  arise. 

*  Araadis  de  Gaul;  Lyons,  1575:  Paris,  1577.  Don  Flores  de 
Grece  ;  Lyons,  1572;  Paris,  1573.  Gui  d'Antone ;  Lyons,  1579. 
Olivier  de  Castille  ;  Paris,  1587.  Huon  de  Bordeaux,  1586.  Tristan, 
1577.     Lancelot  du  Lac,  1591.     Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  1580. 

t  "  Que  tout  le  Pays  Bas  esprouve  sa  clemence,  ou  l'enort  de  son 
bras." 


CHAPTER  XX. 

COMPLICATION    OP    THE    FOREIGN    RELATIONS. 

The  youngest  of  Catharine's  sons,  Francois  de  France, 
formerly  Duke  of  Alencon,  now  of  Anjou,  obtained  in  the 
peace  of  1576,  an  establishment  which  gave  him  a  species 
of  independence  on  the  crown.  He  was  placed  in  possession 
of  five  dukedoms  and  four  counties,  with  authority  to  nomi- 
nate to  all  spiritual  and  secular  offices  within  their  limits  as 
he  should  think  proper,  and  a  large  share  in  the  prerogatives 
of  the  crown  generally  :  the  decisions  of  his  court  of  justice 
in  Alencon  were  final  over  life  and  death.  Former  princes 
had  had  apanages  of  fifty  thousand  scudi ;  his  were  worth 
more  than  five  times  as  much,  falling  little  short  of  one  mill- 
ion of  francs.  His  court  was  not  much  less  splendid  than 
that  of  the  King  ;  his  pages  followed  him  in  just  as  rich  live- 
ries. He  had  his  guards  of  infantry  and  cavalry — a  Swiss 
guard — his  own  particular  chapel,  and  hunting  establish- 
ment. In  appearance  he  was  the  very  antithesis  of  the  King. 
His  figure  was  small,  but  firmly  built,  and  his  movements 
showed  considerable  vigor.  His  features,  which  were  not 
handsome,  were  deeply  marked  with  the  small-pox  ;  their  ex- 
pression was  lowering,  which  was  not  lessened  by  a  thick 
mass  of  black  hair,  which  hung  at  each  side  of  his  counte- 
nance, but  the  quick  and  lively  movement  of  his  eyes  reliev- 
ed his  otherwise  sombre  aspect.  He  made  no  pretensions 
to  the  affability  of  his  brother,  but  affected  rather  the  rude 
bearing  which  becomes  a  warrior  ;  he  read  with  avidity  the 
history  of  those  ancient  and  modern  captains  to  whose  fame 
he  aspired,  maintained  a  friendship  with  soldiers  of  reputa- 
tion and  talent,  like  De  la  Noue,*  and  undertook  foreign  en- 
terprises on  his  own  responsibility. 

*  Priuli,  who  only  follows  the  general  report :  "e  liberalissimo,  vigi- 
lante, di  animo  grande." 


COMPLICATION  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  325 

In  the  year  1578  he  was  induced  to  yield  to  the  instances 
of  the  Count  of  Lalaing,  who  was  desirous  of  adding  to  the 
German  troops  collected  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  an  auxiliary 
force  of  strict  Catholic  principles,  and  appeared  in  Mons  at 
the  head  of  ten  thousand  men,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting 
the  warlike  undertakings  of  Don  John  of  Austria.  The  affair 
made  the  greater  noise,  as  it  was  asserted  the  King  of  France 
had  approved  of  his  brother's  proceedings.  Lippomano  as- 
serts that  this  was  an  empty  rumor;  that  the  campaign  was 
commenced  not  only  without  the  King's  consent,  but  against 
his  will ;  that  he  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances, for  he  had  been  himself  engaged  in  the  negotiations 
to  which  they  had  given  rise ;  that  when  the  matter  had 
proceeded  so  far  the  King  was  unwilling  to  adopt  measures 
against  his  brother — that  this  was  the  extent  of  his  com- 
plicity ;  how  easily  might  Anjou,  with  his  own  troops  and 
his  German  auxiliaries,  have  turned  their  arms  against 
France  itself !  * 

The  whole  undertaking  foundered  at  that  time  through  its 
own  internal  difficulties,  the  mutual  distrust  of  all  the  differ- 
ent parties,  and  the  want  of  clearness  in  their  common  rela- 
tions. The  Duke  was  not  particularly  displeased  with  this 
result. 

After  some  time,  under  altered  circumstances,  which  prom- 
ised sympathy  with  his  enterprise,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
renew  it. 

It  is  a  proof  the  extreme  weakness  of  the  public  feeling  in 
Europe  at  this  period  that  the  King  of  Spain  should  have 
succeeded  so  easily,  in  the  year  1580,  in  taking  possession  of 
the  vacant  throne  of  Portugal.  The  claim  which  he  set  up 
of  having  derived  his  right  from  his  mother,  a  daughter  of 
King  Manuel,  was  by  no  means  unquestionable,  for  there  was 
in  Portugal  an  ancient  law  by  which  all  foreigners  were  ex- 
cluded from  the  throne.  The  Duke  of  Braganza,  who  had 
married  the  daughter  of  a  brother  of  the  deceased  king,  main- 

*  "  Essendo  andato  di  giä  in  Fiandria  cos}  di  nascosto,  et  trovandosi 
in  essere  tanta  quantita  di  gente  come  haveva,  si  risolse  il  Re  di  non 
impedirlo  di  quella  gagliarda  maniera  che  forse  avrebbe  potuto,  dubit- 
ando  che  .     .  sdegnato  dappoi  ritornaese  con  Casimiro." 


326  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

tained  that  the  right  of  succession  was  in  him  and  in  her  chil- 
dren, by  virtue  of  the  rule  of  representation.  There  was  be- 
sides a  natural  son  of  the  royal  house,  Antonio,  Prior  of  Crato, 
the  shade  upon  whose  birth  did  not  absolutely  exclude  him 
from  the  throne  of  a  dynasty  whose  founder  was  of  spurious 
descent,  and  who  moreover  endeavored  to  prove  that  he  had 
been  born  in  lawful  wedlock.  All  these  deductions,  however, 
vanished  before  the  power  of  King  Philip,  who  thought  it 
sufficient  that  his  claims  had  been  approved  of  by  his  own 
theologians  and  jurists,  and  by  force  of  arms  took  possession 
of  the  throne  which  made  him  sole  ruler  of  the  Pyrenean  pen- 
insula, and  sovereign  lord  of  both  the  Indies. 

The  whole  was  effected  before  any  earnest  apprehension 
of  the  consequences  likely  to  result  from  such  a  preponderance 
of  power  was  felt  in  either  England  or  France.  Then  indeed 
Catharine  formed  the  resolution  of  setting  herself  in  opposition 
to  King  Philip. 

She  advanced  claims  of  her  own  upon  Portugal,  which  she 
derived  from  the  house  of  Boulogne  ;  but  the  general  opinion 
then  was  that  her  chief  object  in  this  was  to  show  to  the 
world  that  she  also  belonged  to  one  of  the  reigning  families 
of  Europe.  Notwithstanding  these  claims,  however,  she  re- 
cognized Don  Antonio,  and  after  Portugal  was  lost  she  en- 
deavored to  put  him  in  a  condition  to  maintain  himself  at 
least  in  Terceira,  for  every  thing  depended  upon  preventing 
Philip  from  taking  possession  of  the  Azores,  then  the  great 
place  of  refreshment  for  voyagers  from  both  the  Indies.  Could 
this  be  effected,  he  would  not  be  able  to  derive  any  advantage 
from  either  the  Portuguese  colonies  or  his  own,  and  Portugal 
would  become  a  burden  to  him  rather  than  a  source  of 
strength.*  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Glueen  had  stipu- 
lated for  the  cession  of  Brazil  to  herself  in  the  event  of  Don 
Antonio  proving  victorious.  I  find  a  fort  mentioned,  which 
the  French  raised  soon  after  in  Brazil. 

The  resistance  of  Europe  to  the  increasing  power  of  Spain 
showed  its  chief  force,  however,  in  the  Netherlands. 

*  She  said  so  to  the  English  ambassador  in  a  conversation  which 
took  place  in  the  garden  of  the  Tuilleries. — Memoires  de  Walsingham, 
493. 


COMPLICATION  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  327 

Just  at  this  time  the  northern  provinces  formally  renounced 
the  dominion  of  King  Philip,  and  elected  the  Duke  of  Anjou 
their  sovereign,  under  conditions  which  they  deemed  necessary 
for  the  preservation  of  their  freedom.  The  Duke  seized  with 
joy  the  offer  of  a  prospect  so  gratifying  to  his  ambition. 

The  town  of  Cambray,  which  had  still  a  garrison  of  the 
Estates,  but  was  sorely  pressed  by  the  Walloon  troops  of  Prince 
Alexander  of  Parma,  solicited  aid  from  the  Duke  of  Anjou. 
He  immediately  collected  a  considerable  army,  composed 
chiefly  of  the  nobility,  to  whom  war  had  become  almost  in- 
dispensable. The  Walloons  retreated  before  him  ;  he  reached 
Cambray  in  August,  1581,  and  declared  himself  lord  of  the 
city. 

The  project  of  his  marriage  with  Queen  Elizabeth  appeared 
now  to  be  taken  up  in  earnest.  Having  accomplished  some- 
thing, he  paid  a  visit  to  England,  where  he  was  received  in 
the  most  gracious  manner  by  the  Q,ueen,  and  rings  were  ex- 
changed between  them.  The  betrothing  was  celebrated  in 
the  Netherlands  with  public  rejoicings.  In  February,  1582, 
the  Prince  appeared  at  Antwerp,  furnished  with  a  considera- 
ble sum  of  money,  and  took  possession  of  the  dukedom  of  Bra- 
bant, with  the  ancient  customary  forms.  Not  long  afterward 
he  was  also  chosen  Count  of  Flanders,  with  the  approval  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  it  seemed  as  if  there  would  not  be 
any  great  difficulty  in  expelling  the  Spaniards  from  the  Wal- 
loon provinces. 

The  Duke  at  this  moment  occupied  a  very  important  posi- 
tion. In  the  Netherlands  the  native  nobility,  who  were  sat- 
isfied with  his  high  rank,  as  well  as  all  who  yet  adhered  to 
Catholicism,  united  with  him.*  He  appeared  destined  to 
effect  that  union  between  England  and  France,  in  opposition 
to  Spain,  which  the  Admiral  had  once  contemplated.  His 
marriage  with  Glueen  Elizabeth  was  made  contingent  upon 

*  Priuli,  "  Relatione  di  Franza,"  1583 :  "  La  nobilitä  non  poteva 
patire  che  il  Principe  d'Oranges  fusse  a  loro  di  cosi  gran  lungo  superi- 
ore,  e  pareva  loro  che  si  andasse  a  strada  di  introdur  un  governo  popo- 
lare ;  .  .  .  non  potevano  sopportare  che  fusse  levato  del  tutto  1'  esercitio 
della  religion  Catolica  :"  all  motives  which  subsequently  favored  the  re- 
storation of  the  Spanish  dominion. 


328  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  conclusion  of  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  between 
the  two  powers. 

The  King  of  France  now,  as  formerly,  declined  any  direct 
participation  in  his  brother's  enterprise  ;  he  even  showed  him 
the  adverse  side  of  it  in  conversation  ;  but  the  influence  of  his 
mother,  who  took  the  most  vivid  interest  in  the  proceedings, 
was  overpowering.  Among  other  incidents  which  show  how 
Anjou  was  favored,  the  supplies  furnished  by  France  to  the 
Spanish  Walloon  provinces  were  prohibited,  and  several  Ital- 
ian bankers  who  had  remitted  sums  of  money  to  the  Spaniards 
were  expelled  the  kingdom. 

A  fortunate  military  action  might  have  then  been  of  im- 
measurable consequence.  Contemporaries  remark  how  much 
depended  upon  the  French  fleet,  which  put  to  sea  under  Fi- 
lippo  Strozzi,  of  Brouage,  in  order  to  defend  the  Azores  against 
the  Spaniards ;  *  had  he  been  successful  they  were  of  opinion 
that  all  the  Portuguese  would  have  been  set  in  motion,  and 
that  the  discontented  even  in  Spain  would  be  excited  to 
movements  which  must  have  issued  in  an  insurrection. 

But  still  the  repose  of  the  Spaniards  was  united  with 
strength,  and  superior  to  the  French  nobility  ;  besides  the 
Spaniards,  through  the  build  of  their  ships,  were  better  pre- 
pared for  naval  operations  upon  those  waters,  and  better  fur- 
nished with  artillery.  Strozzi  was  defeated  and  slain  on  the 
26th  of  July,  1582,  and  all  Don  Antonio's  prospects  vanished 
in  the  air.  The  Spanish  admiral  caused  it  to  be  announced 
to  the  French  whom  he  had  taken  prisoners,  that  as  no  war 
had  been  declared  between  the  two  kingdoms,  they  could  be 
regarded  only  as  pirates.  He  caused  such  of  them  as  were 
gentlemen  to  be  beheaded,  and  the  rest  he  put  to  death  in  an 
ignominious  manner. 

The  intelligence  of  this  excited  a  powerful  and  passionate 
sensation  among  the  French,  to  which  the  Duke  of  Anjou  was 
not  a  little  indebted  for  a  new  and  considerable  force,  which 
marched  to  his  assistance  under  leaders  of  reputation,  and 
placed  him  in  a  position  to  undertake  some  decisive  move- 
ment against  the  Spaniards.  Instead  of  immediately  attack- 
ing the  enemy,  however,  he  felt  encouraged  by  the  presence 
*  Connestaggius,  De  Portugalli®  Conjunctions,  473. 


COMPLICATION  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  329 

of  so  many  brave  warriors  to  attempt  making  himself,  first, 
actual  sovereign  of  the  country,  and  then  master  of  Antwerp. 
The  citizens  of  Antwerp,  however,  proved  themselves  capable 
of  making  a  more  obstinate  resistance  than  he  looked  for  ;  the 
tumultuary  assault  of  the  French  ended  in  their  defeat,  and 
with  the  failure  of  this  attempt  their  whole  enterprise  must 
be  regarded  as  at  an  end. 

This  event  was  of  more  advantage  than  Anjou's  success 
would  have  injured  him  to  the  King  of  Spain.  The  taking 
of  Cambray  induced  the  Walloons  to  receive  Spanish  troops 
once  more — which  made  the  complete  re-establishment  of  the 
Spanish  superiority  again  possible.  The  disorder  which  arose 
among  his  enemies  in  consequence  of  the  failure  before  Ant- 
werp removed  his  fear  of  any  danger  from  that  side,  and 
opened  to  him  the  way  to  further  conquest.  The  Duke  of 
Anjou,  blamed  by  every  one  for  having  undertaken  such  ob- 
jects, and  dissatisfied  with  himself  for  not  having  succeeded, 
though  still  refusing  to  give  them  up,*  returned  to  France, 
where,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  he  was  seized  with  an  illness 
which  terminated  in.  his  death.  Alexander  of  Parma,  mean- 
while, proceeded  from  one  conquest  to  another — now  in  Bra- 
bant, and  now  in  East  and  West  Flanders.  Ypres  was  taken, 
Bruges  and  Freie  again  acknowledged  the  King  of  Spain, 
Ghent  surrendered  after  the  murder  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
and  Brussels  and  Antwerp  were  closely  pressed,  and  in  the 
most  imminent  danger. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  conviction  was  felt  with 
double  force  in  all  the  unsubjugated  provinces  that  the  re- 
storation of  the  Spanish  government  was  inevitable,  unless 
the  King  of  France  should  oppose  it.  The  Netherlands  did 
not  conceive  it  possible  that  France  could  contemplate  the 
progress  of  the  Spaniards  with  calmness.  They  hoped  that, 
as  Henry  II.  had  once  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  Germans 
against  Charles  V.,  the  son  of  the  King  would  protect  them 
against  the  son  of  the  Emperor.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1585  a  solemn  embassy  from  the  united  provinces  of 

*  From  Busbequius's  letter  of  May  20,  1583,  we  should  be  led  to  the 
conclusion  that  he  intended  to  make  Dunkirk,  which  was  still  the  sub- 
ject of  negotiation,  the  seat  of  his  government.     Ep.  18,  504. 


330  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Brabant,  Flanders,  Holland,  Zealand,  Guelders,  Zutphen, 
Utrecht,  Friesland,  and  Mechlin,  appeared  at  the  French 
Court  to  offer  to  the  King  of  France  the  sovereignty  in  the 
same  manner  as  Charles  V.  had  possessed  it,  with  the  re- 
servation of  their  laws  and  their  religion  only,  and  to  induce 
him,  if  possible,  to  unite  those  lands  indissolubly  with  the 
French  crown,  offering  him  at  the  same  time  their  oath  of 
allegiance. 

A  proposal  like  this  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  rouse  the 
ambition  of  the  French  ;  but,  perhaps,  the  difficulties  which 
the  Duke  of  Anjou  had  met  with  were  still  too  fresh  in  their 
memories ;  besides  this,  however,  many  disapproved  of  the 
undertaking  on  the  ground  that  the  union  of  the  Netherlands 
with  France  could  not  be  accomplished.  Still  the  King  of 
Spain  was  manifestly  aiming  at  the  predominant  authority 
in  Christendom.  It  would  be,  therefore,  an  incalculable  ad- 
vantage if  those  rich  provinces  could  be  wrested  from  him  in 
any  degree.  With  these  views  Catharine  de'  Medici  refused 
to  surrender  Cambray,  the  right  to  which  had  devolved  upon 
her  as  inheritrix  to  her  son. 

To  other  French  princes  and  in  other  times  such  an  offer 
would  have  been  irresistible,  but  to  Henry  III.  it  appeared  to 
contain  something  terrific. 

He  was  dissatisfied  with  the  political  administration,  which, 
though  conducted  by  himself  or  in  his  name  during  his  reign, 
was  not  attended  with  the  wished-for  consequences.  He  felt 
the  general  agitation  which  kept  the  nation  in  a  state  of  fever- 
ish excitement  as  a  personal  misfortune.  For  the  first  time  he 
recalled  to  his  memory  the  designs  he  had  cherished  when  he 
arrived  in  France  to  take  possession  of  the  throne,  and  as- 
cribed all  the  evils  which  had  since  arisen  to  the  false  coun- 
sel then  given  him,  and  which  he  had  been  unhappily  in- 
duced to  follow.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  effusions  of  a 
royal  mind  which  has  ever  seen  the  light,  is  the  letter  of 
Henry  III.,  which  he  addressed  on  one  occasion  when  his 
mind  was  filled  with  such  thoughts,  to  Villeroy,  the  Secretary 
of  State.  "  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures,"  he  says,  "  that 
one  of  the  Jewish  kings  was  ruined  through  evil  counsel :  may 
not  this  lesson  find  an  application  to  the  King  of  France  ?    The 


COMPLICATION  OF  FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  331 

good-will  of  our  subjects  is  lost,  and  we  are  diverging  further 
from  the  way  in  which  it  might  be  regained.  From  the  press- 
ure of  debts  there  is  no  relief  to  be  obtained  even  in  times  of 
peace.  The  very  circle  nearest  to  the  King  swarms  with 
heretics  ;  attempts  against  the  State  are  as  common  as  eating 
and  drinking ;  the  number  of  the  discontented  exceeds  compu- 
tation, and  is  daily  increasing ;  every  one,  except  those  who 
preserve  their  truth  and  fidelity,  most  carefully  makes  his  own 
party,  and  the  whole  system  of  the  nation  is  shaken.  I  think 
I  see  very  clearly  what  would  be  of  advantage  to  us,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  but  I  am  like  those  who,  out  of  obedience,  would 
rather  be  drowned  than  save  themselves.  I  might  be,  too, 
the  only  one  who  entertained  such  views,  and  I  may  be  de- 
ceiving myself!"* 

This  was  the  same  prince  who  had  acquired  his  reputation 
in  the  struggle  with  the  Huguenots,  and  adopted  the  fearful 
executions  of  the  bloody  nuptials,  and  who  was  animated 
by  a  thoroughly  Catholic  spirit.  He  had  granted  a  pacifica- 
tion, but  it  was  limited  according  to  his  own  good  pleasure, 
and  every  advance  of  Protestantism  was  adverse  and  distaste- 
ful to  him,  and  its  presence  hateful.  He  maintained  the 
most  friendly  relations  with  England,  and  wore  the  En- 
glish orders  which  had  been  sent  to  him  at  the  close  of 
1584,  and  which  he  had  received  with  all  pomp,  but  at 
the  same,  time  he  anathematized  Queen  Elizabeth  in  his 
heart. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  either  he  or  his  mother  were  in 
earnest  in  their  last  friendly  advances  to  England.  In  the 
State  papers,  in  which  the  Court  strove  to  justify  its  conduct 
toward  the  other  Catholic  powers,  sharp-sighted  contempora- 
ries imagined  they  could  discover,  beneath  the  surface,  that 
nothing  would  have  been  more  agreeable  than  a  new  alliance 
with  Spain,  to  be  brought  about  perhaps  by  means  of  a  mar- 
riage, with  the  Netherlands  for  a  dowry.  Catharine  did  in 
fact  confess  something  of  this  design  to  the  Venetian  Priuli 
when  he  was  taking  his  leave  in  the  year  1583.  She  told 
him  that  she  was  disposed  only  to  go  so  far  as  to  enter  into 

*  Letter  of  the  King  to  Villeroy,  Lyons,  August  12,  1 584,  printed  in 
Groen's  Archives,  Supplement,  229. 


332  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

an  agreement  with  the  King  of  Spain,  which  might  termin- 
ate all  disputes,  and  bring  the  difficulties  regarding  Portu- 
gal and  the  Netherlands  to  a  conclusion  by  means  of  a  mar- 
riage.* 

But  even  this  must  not  be  regarded  as  a  revelation  of  her 
real  intentions  ;  for  to  negotiate  upon  opposite  sides  had  now 
become  the  habit,  and  the  very  nature,  of  Catharine. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected,  however,  that  King  Henry, 
whose  heart  was  filled  with  Catholic  zeal,  and  who  loved 
peace  above  all  things,  even  though  political  necessity  some- 
times led  him  to  take  a  different  course,  would  resolve  upon 
undertaking  an  entei-prise  which  would  have  brought  him  in 
the  closest  confederacy  with  the  Protestant  element,  and  in- 
volved him  in  a  war,  the  termination  of  which  could  not  be 
predicted.  He  heard  the  offers  of  the  Netherlands  without 
disapproval,  commited  the  negotiations  concerning  them  to 
his  chancellor,  appeared  to  yield  upon  some  difficulties  aris- 
ing out  of  individual  questions,  but,  in  conclusion,  all  proved 
useless.  He  adorned  the  embassadors  with  gold  chains,  but 
he  declined  their  proposals. 

But  while  he  delayed  and  hesitated,  and  at  last  showed  a 
decided  inclination  to  peace,  Philip  regarded  him  in  no  other 
light  than  as  his  antagonist.  Proceeding  constantly  in  his 
gloomy  career,  and  not  without  reference  to  this  embassy, 
which  was  not  as  yet  dismissed,  the  Spanish  monarch  at 
length  resolved  upon  decisive  measures  of  precaution.! 

*  Priuli :  "  A  me  disse  S.  M.  che  lei  aveva  messo  pensiero  alle  cose 
di  Portogallo  con  questo  fine  solamente,  di  vedere  se  poteva  tirare  il  Re 
Cattolico  a  fare  un  fascio  di  tutte  le  difficolta  che  versano  al  presente  et 
per  le  cose  di  Portogallo  et  per  quella  di  Fiandria,  e  venir  a  una  buona 
compositione  col  mezzo  di  qualche  matrimonio." 

t  According  to  the  Venetian  Embassador  in  Spain,  Philip  gave  the 
following  as  his  reasons  :  "  Che  quel  Re  ascolta  li  suoi  ribelli  anzi  che 
tratta  .  .  .  di  ricever  il  possesso  di  Fiandria." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ORIGIN   OF    THE    LEAGUE. 

Philip  II.  had  been  already  frequently  urged  by  his  most 
confidential  ministers,  as  the  Cardinal  Granvella,  to  meet 
and  oppose  the  indirect  hostility  of  the  French  by  an  open 
declaration  of  war — a  course  which,  they  maintained,  he 
would  have  been  completely  justified  in  adopting.  The 
King,  who  was  naturally  indisposed  to  adopt  new  views  of 
his  own  free  choice,  and  was  moreover  fully  occupied  with 
enterprises  of  a  far  different  character,  had  never  yet  resolved 
upon  the  course  which  such  counsels  pointed  out.  He  became 
by  degrees  possessed,  on  the  contrary,  with  the  notion  of  re- 
paying like  with  like,  and  of  responding  to  the  support  which 
the  French  Court  had  given  to  the  Netherlands,  by  offering 
assistance  to  the  French  rebels,  and  especially  since  these 
were  Catholics. 

In  these  views  the  Guises  and  their  party,  not  yet  rebels, 
but  very  much  inclined  to  be  so,  fully  concurred. 

In  consequence  of  the  ancient  community  of  religious  and 
political  principles  which  existed  between  Henry  III.  and  the 
Guises,  and  especially  since  his  consort  belonged  to  their 
family,  they  had  cherished  the  hope  of  being  able  to  exercise 
a  great  influence  upon  the  Government.  Instead  of  this  they 
saw  themselves  forced  by  a  few  favorites  into  a  subordinate 
position,  excluded  from  the  sight  of  the  King,  and  removed 
from  all  participation  in  the  management  of  affairs — their 
claims  not  only  neglected  but  their  position  imperiled.  Their 
jealousy  of  the  Princes  of  the  blood  never  slept  for  a  moment, 
but  the  Duke  of  Epernon  was  to  them  the  most  hated  of 
mankind.     The  King  had  even  suggested  to  Duke  Henry  of 


334  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Guise,  that  he  should  resign  the  place  which  he  held  of  a 
Grand-maitre  in  favor  of  Epernon.  Sometimes  we  find 
them  giving  expression  to  their  complaints  to  the  Spanish 
envoys,  who  occasionally  visited  them  in  secret.  They  were 
less  affected  on  account  of  religion  than  they  were  by  the 
personal  offenses  they  had  received,  aud  feared  to  receive, 
which  were  almost  exclusively  the  moving  causes  of  their  dis- 
affection. As  yet,  however,  they  betrayed  no  symptoms  of  a 
definite  understanding  with  Spain.* 

That  Philip  had  long  previously  entered  into  a  peculiar  con- 
nection with  this  house  in  opposition  to  the  royal  authority  in 
France,  is  a  complete  error. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  entreaties  addressed,  many 
years  before,  by  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  to  King  Philip,  and 
that  they  were  not  attended  to.  As  the  events  did  not  occur 
which  were  apprehended,  it  was  not  deemed  necessary  on 
either  part  to  proceed  further  in  establishing  a  general  good 
understanding.  Sometimes,  even  as  in  the  year  1570,  the 
house  of  Guise  was  rather  opposed  to  the  views  of  Spain  than 
in  their  favor. 

In  the  years  1577  and  1578  negotiations  took  place  between 
the  Duke  of  Guise  and  the  Spanish  envoy  Vai'gas ;  but  it 
appears,  from  the  correspondence  of  Vargas,  that  they  were 
only  of  a  general  character,  affecting  chiefly  a  plan  concern- 
ing Scotland,  which  never  was  carried  into  effect.! 

The  declaration  of  a  Spaniard,  named  Salcedo,  in  the  year 
1582,  created  an  intense  sensation.  He  had  been  arrested 
for  having  formed  a  design  against  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and 
accused  a  whole  multitude  of  Frenchmen,  who  were  zealous 
Catholics,  and  of  considerable  note,  as  participating  in  his 
guilt.  He  retracted  these  charges  afterward,  and  was  con- 
demned to  death  for  having  falsely  made  them.  If  the  decla- 
rations made  upon  oath  by  the  most  distinguished  of  the  ac- 

*  In  Cabrera's  Felipe,  ii.  1010,  there  is  a  description  of  the  state  of 
things  at  the  French  court,  by  Alonzo  de  Sotomayor,  who  had  been 
with  Guise.  Its  date  must  be  later  than  that  which  it  bears,  for  Cau- 
mont  appears  in  it  as  Duke  of  Epernon.  He  is  described  as  all  power- 
ful :  "  Animo  cauteloso,  ambitioso,  atrevido,  absoluto,  dado  a  placeres," 
etc. 

*  Extracts  in  Mignet,  "  Antonio  Perez,"  p.  24. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  LEAGUE.  335 

cused  parties  may  be  believed,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
charges  were  wholly  destitute  of  truth,  and  were  eveu  the  re- 
sult of  fraud.*  Salcedo  was  notorious  for  his  fraudulent  and 
violent  conduct.  The  Spaniards,  who  were  probably  innocent 
in  the  transaction,  saw  these  proceedings  without  displeasure  ; 
they  imagined  that  from  the  distrust  and  suspicion  to  which 
they  must  give  rise  among  the  French,  something  might  re- 
sult to  their  advantage. 

But  charges  of  this  kind,  founded  upon  a  general  probabil- 
ity, are  frequently  the  precursors  of  great  events.  In  the 
year  1583  we  find  actual  serious  negotiations  going  on  be- 
tween Philip  and  the  Guises. 

John  Moreo,  an  Aragonese  and  a  Knight  of  Malta,  was 
commissioned  by  Philip  II.  to  take  up  his  residence  in  France 
lor  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  actual  position  of  affairs, 
and  of  confirming  the  discontented  in  their  disposition,  by 
holding  out  to  them  hopes  of  aid  from  the  King  of  Spain. 
The  Duke  of  Mayenne,  whom  he  found  in  Poitou,  with  a  few 
more  trustworthy  Catholics,  accompanied  him  immediately  to 
Paris,  in  order  to  form  a  definitive  resolution  with  Guise,  upon 
whom  every  thing  depended.  Guise  was  greatly  inclined  to 
join  them,  but  he  felt  some  scruples  at  the  idea  of  rising  in 
open  insurrection  against  his  king  ;  the  Jesuits  who  surround- 
ed him,  and  particularly  Father  Claude,  recommended  him  at 
least  to  fortify  his  conscience  with  a  word  of  encouragement 
from  the  Pope.  There  was  one  agreement  entered  into  for 
that  time,  and  Moreo  hastened  into  Spain  to  report  proceed- 
ings to  his  king. 

In  the  spring  of  1584  negotiations  were  once  more  resumed 
between  the  French  and  Spanish  courts  for  an  arbitration  of 
all  their  differences.  The  Spanish  embassador  was  convinced 
that  if  Cambray  were  given  up  to  the  French,  not  as  their 
right,  but  by  a  seasonable  concession,  they  would  bind  them- 
selves to  interfere  no  further  in  the  affairs  of  the  King  of 

*  Villeroy,  Memoires  ;  "  Je  jure  et  appelle  Dieu  et  ses  anges,  suppli- 
ant sa  divine  justice  que  son  ire  soit  sur  moi  et  mes  enfans." — Busbeck 
told  the  Emperor,  October  1,  1582,  that  Salcedo  had  coined  false  money, 
■with  which  he  purchased  an  estate,  and  that  when  he  was  obliged  to 
leave  it  he  set  it  on  fire. — Epp.  478. 


336  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Spain.*  The  embassador,  Juan  Baptista  de  Tassis,  main- 
tained at  the  same  time  a  close  correspondence  with  Henry 
of  Guise,  but  there  was  nothing  more  spoken  concerning  his 
rising  against  the  King.  Guise's  thoughts  were  much  more 
decidedly  directed  at  this  time  toward  Scotland ;  he  was  per- 
suaded that  King  James  was  ready  to  adopt  the  old  religion, 
and  to  emancipate  himself  from  the  dominion  of  the  English 
faction.  For  the  promotion  of  this,  he  demanded  assistance 
both  in  men  and  money,  as  well  as  the  promise  of  future 
supplies.  The  Spanish  embassador  advises  his  master  to 
comply  with  these  demands ;  for  he  says  the  world  may  one 
day  assume  such  an  aspect  as  will  prove  that  such  money  had 
been  right  well  laid  out. 

As  yet  we  observe  that  there  was  no  project  of  an  associa- 
tion against  the  King  of  France,  but  that  certainly  there  was 
established  an  excellent  understanding,  and  a  close  connec- 
tion. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou  and  Alencon,  as  has  been  already  men- 
tioned, died  on  the  10th  of  June,  1584.  He  left  no  memorial 
of  himself  through  great  deeds,  actions,  or  results ;  his  death 
was  more  momentous  than  his  life. 

For  what  had  been  hitherto  spoken  of,  but  as  if  of  some 
secret  matter  which  was  read  of  in  the  stars,  now  acquired  a 
nearer  probability  in  respect  to  political  prospects  ;  for  as 
Henry  III.,  the  last  scion  of  the  Valesian  line,  was  childless, 
the  extinction  of  that  race  was  foreseen,  and  with  that  was 
associated  the  prospect  of  the  greatest  changes.  The  right  of 
succession  to  the  throne  would,  in  that  case,  devolve  upon  the 
chief  of  the  Bourbons,  the  King  of  Navarre,  who  was  a  Hu- 
guenot. It  can  not  be  wondered  if  the  anticipation  of  such 
an  event  caused  an  excitement  throughout  the  whole  realm, 
and  roused  even  neighboring  nations. 

The  Netherlanders  had  this  probability  in  view  when  they 

*  Letter  of  Tassis,  May  10,  1584;  "Agora  mas  que  antes  holgarian 
de  que  V.  M.  saliese  a  la  proposition  hecha  los  dias  passados  de  la  dicha 
Reyna  en  lo  de  Cambray,  y  que  por  aqui  se  entallasse  alguna  reconcili- 
acion  y  renovacion  de  arnistad  .  .  .  se  les  quisiesse  desar  pacifica  esta 
possession  figura  se  me,  que  de  muy  buena  gana  se  obligarian  a  no  em- 
pacharse  en  ninguna  cosa  mas  que  nos  toque." 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  LEAGUE.  337 

made  their  offer  to  King  Henry ;  if  they  had  not,  they  would 
not  have  gone  so  far  as  they  did. 

But  if  the  Spaniards,  twenty  years  before,  saw  a  danger  in 
the  evanescent  and  dubious  authority  which  Anthony  of  Na- 
varre acquired  as  Lieutenant-General  only  of  France,  how 
much  greater  must  have  been  their  apprehension  at  the  pros- 
pect of  the  devolution  of  the  French  crown  itself  upon  the 
head  of  his  active  and  energetic  son.  They  were  convinced 
that  they  ought  to  prevent  it,  for  it  would  render  the  war  be- 
tween the  two  nations  inevitable,  and  imperil  the  existence 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy  and  the  whole  European  system. 
King  Philip's  son  was  just  seven  years  of  age  ;  what,  it  was 
asked,  could  be  expected  of  him  in  the  face  of  such  a  formid- 
able enemy,  should  any  misfortune  befall  the  King  ? 

Philip  II.  might  have  been  induced  to  tolerate  a  weak 
Protestant  party  in  France  ;*  but,  as  his  embassador  Tassis 
said,  that  a  man  "  who  was  a  heretic"  should  receive  into  his 
own  hands  the  entire  authority  of  the  French  kingdom,  to  that 
the  exalted  Catholic  position  he  held  would  not  permit  him 
to  consent.  "I  see  no  arm,"  adds  the  embassador,  "which 
is  able  to  prevent  this  event  from  taking  place  except  the  arm 
of  the  Duke  of  Guise." 

Regarded  in  themselves,  the  Guises  were  by  no  means  ca- 
pable of  effecting  all  the  embassador  states.  Their  hereditary 
possessions  were  unimportant,  and  they  exercised  over  their 
governments  such  authority  only  as  the  King  had  delegated 
to  them.  That  which  lent  them  weight  and  influence  was 
their  party  position,  as  the  Spaniards  saw  from  the  beginning 
— the  attachment  felt  to  them  by  the  zealous  Catholics,  whose 
dissatisfaction  with  the  toleration  shown  to  the  Huguenots 
was  constantly  increasing. 

We  have  been  made  acquainted  already  with  this  perpetu- 
ally fermenting,  energetic,  and  violent  element  of  Catholicism 
in  France.  After  it  had  succeeded  in  consolidating  itself  in 
Paris,  and  extruding  all  Huguenotic  forms,  in  the  year  1 562, 

*  He  had  also  occasionally  negotiated  with  Henry  of  Navarre  ;  but 
what  Hieronymo  Lippomano  wrote  once  from  Spain  is  probably  quite 
true  :  "  Intendo  che  a  quel  di  Navarra  segli  daranno  buone  parole,  a 
quel  di  Guisa  buoni  fatti." 

P 


338  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

it  exhibited  independent  movements  from  time  to  time  in  the 
provinces.  We  have  mentioned  the  association  of  the  nobility, 
in  the  years  1564  and  1568,  which  would  have  assumed  a 
threatening  aspect  toward  the  Court,  had  it  not  remained  true 
to  Catholicism.  The  alliance  formed  in  the  year  1572,  be- 
tween the  governors  whose  places  were  imperiled,  and  the 
fanaticism  of  the  multitude,  and  the  League  of  1576,  which 
arose  in  a  province,  but  under  the  authority  of  the  Court  ex- 
tended itself  over  the  whole  kingdom,  and  which  it  was  found 
more  difficult  to  break  up  than  had  been  anticipated.  It  had 
imbued  itself  with  municipal  and  clerical,  as  well  as  aristo- 
cratic interests,  and  it  now  joined  heartily  with  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  whose  father  had  fallen  in  defense  of  its  cause. 

It  has  been  said  that  Henry  of  Guise,  relying  on  these 
powerful  confederacies,  and  anticipating  what  was  likely  to 
occur  from  them,  had  long  since  begun  himself  to  indulge 
ambitious  notions  in  reference  to  the  Crown.  It  had  been 
alleged  that  the  Guises  were  descended  from  Charlemagne, 
and  therefore  possessed  a  more  legitimate  right  to  the  French 
crown  than  the  reigning  dynasty.  Genealogies  were  com- 
posed for  the  purpose  of  supporting  this  view ;  the  book  usu- 
ally quoted  was  the  work  of  Francis  de  Rosieres,  a  priest  of 
high  rank  in  the  Church,  at  Toul,*  and  for  many  years  a 
traveling  companion  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  In  this 
book  the  claims  of  the  Guises  are  traced  to  a  period  of  still 
higher  antiquity. 

According  to  this  author  even  old  Merovius  was  a  usurper  ; 
he  had  dispossessed  the  lawful  heir,  Albero,  son  of  Clodin, 
from  whom  sprang  in  the  direct  line  Itta,  who  brought  her 
rights  to  her  husband,  Eustache  de  Boulogne.  The  Carlovin- 
gians  also  sprang  from  Albero,  but  in  the  collateral  line  only. 
In  Eustache,  however,  who  was  a  descendant  of  Charlemagne's 
both  paternally  and  maternally,  the  rights  of  both  lines  were 
thus  united,  and  descended  in  the  course  of  time  to  the  house 
then  ruling  in  Lorraine.     The  Capetians  were  all  represented 

*  "  Stemmatum  Lotharingiaa  ac  Barri  Ducum  tomi  vii.,  ab  Anteriore 
ad  hffic  Caroli  III.  tempora  :"  Parisiis,  1580.  Compare  "  Proces  Verbal 
du  Pardon  demande  par  Fr.  de  Rosieres,"  in  the  appendix  to  the  "Sa- 
tyre  Menippee,"  ii.  406. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  LEAGUE.  339 

as  usurpers,  and  Hugh  Capet  as  a  tyrant.  The  author  does 
not  derive  the  Lorraine  family  directly  from  Charles  of  Lower 
Lorraine,  but  he  brings  them  into  connection  with  him.  He 
endeavors  to  show  that  the  house  of  Lorraine,  for  which  he  is 
animated  with  a  thoroughly  provincial  and  peculiar  fanati- 
cism, is  not  only  completely  French,  but  that  it  is  of  nobler 
extraction  than  more  powerful  royal  races.  He  handles  the 
then  living  king,  Henry,  in  the  same  manner  as  he  does  the 
whole  of  the  French  dynasty,  with  the  most  astonishing  con- 
tempt. His  observations  concerning  the  death  of  the  Cardinal 
of  Lorraine  are  satirical.  He  blames  the  King  for  giving 
himself  up  to  the  guidance  of  persons  who  have  made  him 
effeminate  and  useless.*  All  is  not  historically  false  in 
Rosieres's  work,  and  in  those  times  it  must  have  created  a 
powerful  sensation.  We  know  that  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine 
thought  the  Salic  law  ought  not  to  be  observed  ;t  and  the 
principles  advanced  in  this  book  of  one  of  his  friends,  accorded 
perfectly  with  the  design  of  placing  a  prince  of  the  house  of 
Lorraine  upon  the  throne  of  France. 

But  leaving  out  of  view  this  lofty  mark  of  their  ambition, 
the  prospect  which  the  succession  of  the  King  of  Navarre  to 
the  throne  opened  before  the  Guises,  was  one  in  the  highest 
degree  inimical  to  their  position  as  French  magnates.  Henry 
III.  directed  Epernon  to  proceed  with  a  splendid  retinue  to 
the  King  of  Navarre,  and  to  say  that  the  French  monarch 
was  prepared  to  recognize  him  as  heir-presumptive  to  the 
crown,  provided  he  would  become  a  Catholic  and  visit  the 
Court.  Before  leaving  the  city  Epernon  took  leave  of  all  the 
nobility  of  the  Court,  but  to  the  Guises  he  paid  no  compli- 
ment whatever.  They  regarded  it  as  sufficiently  dangerous 
that  Henry  had  agreed  to  the  proposal,  since  the  position  of 
the  favorite  would  have  been  made  still  more  secure  by  an 
alliance  with  the  successor  to  the  throne  ;    but  how  much 

*  "  Jam  ä  publico  rerum  statu  alienior  domestics  curse  indulgere  coe- 
pit,"  p.  369.  He  also  mentions  the  Paris  Matins  :  "  Hisce  S.  Barthol- 
omffii  matutinis  pie  absolutis." 

t  Pasquier,  Lettres,  xi.  Compare  the  Florentine  despatch  in  Alberi, 
Catarina  Medici,  194.  Toward  the  close  of  1584  the  favorites  endeav- 
ored "  per  abassare  le  parte  del  Duca  di  Guisa  e  crescere  quella  del  Re 
di  Narvarra,  col  quale  sono  legati  per  la  volonta  del  Re." 


340  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

more  so  would  it  be  if  the  Navarrese  prince  should  remain 
firm  in  his  religion  and  yet  succeed  to  the  thi'one  !  The 
champions  of  Catholicism  in  France  were  as  little  willing  as 
the  Spaniards  that  such  an  event  should  take  place. 

Henry  of  Guise  had  still  a  scruple.  The  embassador  who 
carried  on  the  negotiations  with  him,  asserts  that  he  feared 
to  appear  as  a  rebel.*  He  asked  the  Pope,  Gregory  XIII., 
for  his  opinion  upon  the  proposal. 

The  Pontiff  answered,  that  "  if  the  object  was  of  a  religious 
nature  alone,  he  gave  it  his  blessing"  f — an  oracular  response, 
which  the  Pope  could  maintain  under  all  circumstances,  and 
which  Guise  interpreted  in  his  own  favor  ;  for  his  most  im- 
portant object  was,  in  fact,  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  and  all  others  might  appear  as  simply  means  to  that 
end. 

There  is  a  little  cabinet  in  the  castle  at  Joinville  which 
has  long  been  pointed  out  as  the  chamber  in  which  the 
League  was  formed.  In  the  middle  of  January  there  were 
assembled  there  the  two  delegates  of  the  King  of  Spain,  Tas- 
sis  and  Moreo,  who  had  carried  on  the  negotiations,  the  Dukes 
of  Guise  and  Mayenne,  who  at  the  same  time  represented  the 
Cardinal  Guise  and  the  Dukes  of  Aumale  and  Elbceuf,  and 
besides  these  a  delegate  from  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon.  They 
concluded  the  Convention  with  some  secret  articles  which 
have  hitherto  remained  almost  unknown.  The  sense  of  both 
is  as  follows. 

Proceeding  from  the  fundamental  principal  that  a  heretic 
could  not  be  King  of  France,  they  declare  themselves  of 
one  mind,  that  the  crown  shall  not  pass  to  the  King  of  Na- 
varre, but  to  his  uncle,  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon,  a  younger 
brother  of  King  Anthony,  who,  by  his  plenipotentiary,  joined 
the  League  and  adopted  this  claim.  Further,  their  union  is 
intended  to  effect  the  complete  extirpation  of  Protestantism, 

*  Tassis,  443,  speaks  of  the  "  rebellionis  nota,  quam  abhorrebat 
Guisius  .  .  .  nactus  religionis  fundamentum,  ad  cujus  conscrvationeui 
nihil  esse  credebat,  quod  non  liceret,  animum  ad  arripienda  arma  com- 
ponere  coepit." 

t  Maffei,  Gregorio  XIII.  c.  ii.  319.  The  Duke  de  Nevers  was  not, 
however,  by  any  means  satisfied  with  the  declaration  from  Rome,  ae  he 
stated  at  length  to  Thuanus,  lib.  Ixxxi.  p.  11. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  LEAGUE.  341 

not  only  in  France,  but  in  the  Netherlands  also.  The  King 
of  Spain  promised  for  the  first  year  a  subsidy  of  one  million 
scudi.  The  French  princes,  on  the  other  hand,  regarding 
themselves  as  already  in  possession  of  the  royal  authority, 
bound  themselves  to  renounce  the  alliance  with  the  Turks, 
as  well  as  the  system  of  piracy  carried  on  in  the  "West  Indian 
waters  ;  to  restore  Cambray,  and  to  assist  in  completing  the 
conquest  of  the  Netherlands.  In  a  few  special  articles  they 
add  some  other  very  extraordinary  conditions.  They  promise 
to  deliver  Anthony,  the  Prior  of  Crato,  into  the  hands  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  but  under  stipulations  that,  although  he  is  to 
be  kept  in  secure  custody,  he  is  to  be  treated  with  kindness. 
On  the  declination  of  the  King  of  Navarre  from  the  Catholic 
religion,  they  formed  the  further  design  of  putting  the  King 
of  Spain  in  possession  of  all  his  teritories  beyond  the  frontiers 
of  France,  as  Lower  Navarre  and  Beam.*  Guise  and  May- 
enne  bound  themselves  for  the  delivery  of  the  Prior,  and  the 
Cardinal  of  Bourbon  undertook  for  the  residue  of  Navarre,  so 
decisively  did  the  territorial  interests  of  Spain  influence  the 
formation  of  this  treaty.  Philip  judged  that  he  was  not  only 
promoting  the  cause  of  religion,  but  also  advancing  the  in- 
terests of  his  kingdom,  when  he  sent  to  the  confederates  large 
sums  of  money,  which  placed  them  in  a  condition  to  prepare 
for  the  contest. 

King  Henry  III.  was  still  engaged  in  those  deliberations 

*  "  Instrumentum  de  dedendo  Antonio  Portugalensi,"  and  further, 
"  Instrumentum  donationis  factae  a  Cardinale  Bourbonio  in  favorem 
Regis  Gatholici,"  which  appear  also  as  articles  48th  and  49th  of  the 
treaty,  are  to  be  found  in  the  commentaries  of  Tassis,  quoted  above, 
p.  456.  The  original  document  of  the  Convention  itself  is  dated  "  ulti- 
mo die  anni  1584."  The  first  instrument  is  dated  "diebus  Calendis 
.lanuarii,  1585  ;"  the  second,  on  the  16th  of  January  :  according  to 
Tassis.  the  latter  is  the  true  date  of  these  agreements  (446).  The  se- 
cret articles  are  wanting  in  Dumont,  whose  impression  possesses  in 
general  but  little  authenticity  :  they  have  been  overlooked  up  to  the 
present  time.  A  brochure,  entitled  "  Ragguaglio  delle  Prattiche  tenute 
con  il  Re  di  Spagna  degli  »Signori  Guisi,"  was  circulated  at  the  time, 
and  may  still  be  found  in  collections  of  political  papers.  According  to 
its  authority  the  greater  part  of  the  stipulated  sum  was  not  to  be  paid 
until  the  League  had  delivered  either  the  city  of  Marseilles  or  Lyons 
into  the  hands  of  the  King  of  Spain.  There  is  no  authentic  proof  of 
this  condition,  nor  any  trace  of  it  in  the  actual  treaty. 


342  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

noticed  above,  under  the  idea  that  peace  and  war  in  Europe 
depended  upon  the  course  he  might  adopt ;  when  he  saw  all  of 
a  sudden  a  warlike  movement  which  he  had  not  commanded 
in  actual  operation  in  his  own  kingdom.  His  first  thought 
was  to  secure  Henry  of  Guise  in  Joinville,  and  a  division  of 
the  garrison  at  Metz  was  appointed  to  execute  the  design ; 
but  Guise  was  apprised  of  it  at  the  critical  moment,  and  fled 
to  Chalons,  where  the  gates  were  opened  to  him,  in  opposition 
to  the  royalist  commandant.  A  great  number  of  other  places 
also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Guises,  either  through  the  con- 
trivance of  the  burghers  or  the  consent  of  the  governors. 

Their  manifesto  appeared  in  the  middle  of  April. 

It  is  principally  directed  against  the  favorites,  who  had 
thrust  all  others  from  the  administration  of  the  State,  and 
taken  exclusive  possession  of  it  themselves.  They  had  not 
only  made  the  decree  issued  by  the  last  assembly  of  the  Es- 
tates, which  was  to  have  restored  all  France  to  its  religion, 
of  none  effect,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  all  favors  were  be- 
stowed upon  the  persecutors  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The 
setting  up  of  a  successor  to  the  throne  was  in  accordance  with 
that  disposition,  but  in  the  Most  Christian  kingdom  it  must 
never  come  to  pass  that  a  heretic  should  obtain  the  supreme 
authority.  The  subjects  of  the  kingdom  are  in  no  way  bound 
to  recognize  the  dominion  of  a  prince  who  is  not  a  Catholic, 
for  the  first  oath  taken  by  the  King  on  his  coronation  is  to 
maintain  the  Catholic  Apostolic  Roman  religion.* 

Let  us  pause  a  moment  to  consider  this  manifesto,  in  which 
religious  views  are  associated  with  various  objects  of  a  polit- 
ical character. 

The  spirit  of  the  ancient  autonomy  of  the  French  magnates 
animated  the  Guises  in  all  its  power.  They  could  not  live 
without  exercising  some  influence  upon  general  affairs,  and 
their  first  object  was  to  maintain  their  own  position  unassailed. 

*  I  take  this  from  a  letter  of  Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  April  5, 
1585.  The  garrison  at  Metz  was  ordered,  "  que  saliendo  a  la  deshilada 
viniesse  a  Chamvilla  a  prender  al  Duca  de  Guisa."  I  have  not  been 
able  to  find  any  thing  in  contemporary  documents  of  what  Cardinal 
Ossat  says  concerning  Guise's  first  intention  to  seize  the  capital  and 
the  person  of  the  King.  It  appears  to  have  been  merely  a  proposal, 
and  to  have  been  rejected  by  Guise. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  LEAGUE.  343 

They  repi*esent  it  as  one  ot  the  principal  grievances  that  per- 
sons who  had  obtained  places  by  meritorious  services  were 
compelled  to  give  them  up  in  consideration  of  a  pecuniary 
compensation.  They  demand  that  such  shall  no  longer  be 
the  practice,  and  that  persons  shall  not  be  deprived  of  their 
offices  except  in  the  cases  which  were  clearly  designated,  and 
by  the  sentence  of  regular  judges  taken  from  the  Parliaments.* 

They  adopt  as  their  own  all  the  old  complaints  of  the  no- 
bility, the  clergy,  and  the  towns.  They  ask  for  regular  meet- 
ings of  the  Estates  every  three  years,  in  which  every  one  may 
bring  forward  his  grievances  in  perfect  freedom.  The  manner 
in  which  they  express  themselves  respecting  these  meetings  is 
worthy  of  remark,  They  are  conferences,  they  say,  between 
the  prince  and  the  people  for  the  purpose  of  considering  and 
taking  account  of  their  equally  ancient  and  equally  sacred 
mutual  obligations. 

In  most  of  the  great  towns,  as  in  Paris,  the  municipal  and 
the  Catholic  interests  had  entered  into  a  certain  alliance  with 
each  other.  As  the  Government  had  interfered  with  other 
customary  laws,  such  as  those  of  jurisdiction,  for  example,  so 
did  it  now  appear  as  a  similar  interference  when  it  demanded 
tolreations  for  those  of  another  creed.  The  Guises  could  reckon 
upon  approval  when  they  warned  the  towns  against  receiving 
royal  garrisons. 

Thus  the  attempt  at  reform  in  the  year  1583,  however 
justifiable  in  itself,  now  turned  out  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
King.  We  are  informed  that  the  League  was  supported  by 
the  credit  of  a  high  finance  officer,  who  had  been  compelled 
to  resign  his  place  in  consequence  of  the  examination  which 
had  been  instituted  regarding  that  administration,  and  who 
had  fled  into  Franche  Comte.  In  the  Parliament  they  had. 
during  the  time  of  their  authority,  acquired  a  multitude  of  re- 
tainers, who  now  thought  themselves  threatened  by  the  King, 
and  regarded  their  ancient  protectors  as  a  refuge  from  his 
power. 

In  this  way  the  Guises  enlisted  the  selfish  feelings  of  the 

*  Joannis  Baptistae  de  Tassis  Commentariormn  de  Tumultibus  Bel- 
gicis  sui  temporis  libri  octo  :  Hoynck  van  Papendrecht,  Analecta  Bel- 
gica,  torn.  ii.  pars  i.  p.  433. 


344  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Estates,  of  the  administration,  of  the  judicial  authority,  and 
of  the  great  magistrates,  in  a  struggle  against  the  Govern- 
ment, not  only  against  its  abuses,  but  even  against  its  justifi- 
able proceedings. 

The  most  extraordinary  feature  of  the  case  was  that  those 
who  called  themselves  "the  better  and  sounder  portion  of  the 
nation,"  for  that  is  the  expression  they  use,  should,  at  the 
same  time  that  they  took  up  arms  for  the  restoration  of 
France,  enter  into  a  confederacy  with  the  ancient  enemy  of 
the  kingdom.  The  attempt  to  establish  the  monarchy  within, 
and  to  give  it  freedom  of  operation  externally,  however  weak 
it  might  be — and  its  weakness  was  probably  owing  to  its  want 
of  energy — must  now  come  to  an  end.  But  the  religious  prin- 
ciple embraced  every  thing,  excused  every  thing,  and  con- 
cealed all  contradictions. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE    RENEWED    WAR   AGAINST    THE    HUGUENOTS. 

The  determinate  character  of  this  opposition  left  no  room 
to  expect  any  other  result  than  an  internecine  struggle  be- 
tween the  two  parties. 

Had  Henry  III.  known  the  entire  extent  of  the  confederacy 
formed  against  him,  there  was  no  resource  left  him  but  to  join 
with  the  Huguenots  in  the  interior  of  the  kingdom,  to  direct 
his  efforts  to  the  maintenance  of  the  pacification,  and  to  oppose 
with  their  aid  the  pretensions  of  the  Guises ;  and,  as  regarded 
foreign  affairs,  to  accept  the  offers  of  the  Netherlanders,  and 
to  come  to  an  open  rupture  with  the  King  of  Spain.  When 
we  consider  that  the  ancient  antipathy  against  the  Spaniards, 
which  had  exhibited  itself  very  vividly  a  short  time  before, 
might  have  been  easily  again  enkindled  ;  that  even  among 
the  Catholics  all  were  by  no  means  of  one  mind  with  the 
Guises,*  especially  the  Bourbon  princes  of  the  blood,  and  a 
great  part  of  the  nobility,  who  felt  a  natural  obligation  to- 
ward the  princes,  or  were  accustomed  to  reside  at  the  Court ; 
that  there  were  in  the  middle  Estate  many  who  held  that  a 
revolt  on  account  of  religion  was  not  justifiable,  and  several 
who  were  old  friends  of  the  Guises,  held  back  from  them 
through  conscientious  scruples ;  it  will  be  seen  that  the  King 
did  not  want  the  means  for  a  great  and  decisive  resistance. 

But  this  required  a  man  of  different  character — more  per- 
spicacious and  acute  than  the  King,  capable  of  resolving  upon 

*  "  Comraentarii  delle  cose  successe  nel  Regno  de  Francia,"  MS.  in 
the  Grand-Ducal  library  at  Carlsruhe  :  "  Parte  de'  Cattolici,  aborrendo 
tal  attione,  come  quella  che  pareva  lor  peccato  di  lesa  maestä,  si  misero 
col  Re  e  lo  esortavano  a  far  la  guerra." 


346  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

measures  attended  with  danger,  and  inclined  to  war.  Villeroy 
represented  to  him  that  he  ought  not  on  any  account  to  allow 
before  his  eyes  the  rise  of  a  faction  which  professed  to  be 
Catholic,  and  which  placed  the  champions  of  Catholic  ideas 
at  its  head.  The  King  resolved  rather  to  conclude  a  treaty 
with  his  enemies  than  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  arbitration 
of  war. 

It  was  his  fate,  and  the  fate  of  his  whole  house,  ever  to 
lose  themselves  and  fall  into  confusion  in  the  conflict  of  relig- 
ious ideas  with  the  power  of  the  State,  without  being  able  to 
find  the  path  that  might  have  led  them  forth  into  safety. 

The  Guises,  in  their  manifesto,  had  called  on  the  Queen 
Mother,  of  whom  they  said  that  "  without  her  wisdom  the 
kingdom  would  long  since  have  fallen  to  ruins,"  to  avail  her- 
self of  the  present  opportunity  for  its  salvation,  not  without 
an  intimation  that  she  had  now  less  share  than  she  deserved 
in  the  management  of  affairs.  The  King  himself  committed 
the  negotiations  to  her,  and  notwithstanding  her  age,  her 
gout,  and  the  cough  by  which  she  was  shaken,  she  undertook 
the  task.  Catharine  herself  felt  terrified  at  the  prospect  of 
Henry  of  Navarre's  accession  to  the  throne  ;  she  feared,  as 
she  said,  that  he  would  in  that  case  cause  her  daughter,  his 
consort,  to  be  put  to  death,  for  the  most  contradictory  ele- 
ments had  met  in  their  union,  and  it  is  certain  that  Margaret 
was  at  that  time  set  in  opposition  to  her  husband  by  the 
Leaguers.*  Had  Catharine,  when  she  broke  with  her  son- 
in-law,  actually  the  design  in  view  of  setting  her  grandson, 
the  Prince  of  Lorraine,  upon  the  throne  ?  It  does  not  appear 
with  complete  certainty,  but  she  said  to  Henry  Duke  of  Guise 
that  she  believed  he  would  be  the  staff  of  her  age.f 

The  Guises  themselves  were  already  not  indisposed  to  an 
arrangement ;  the  money  sent  them  by  Philip  II.  was  soon 
expended,  and  it  would  have  been  very  agreeable  to  them  to 

*  Letter  of  Guise  to  Philip  II.,  asking  for  help:  "Elle,  que  nous 
avons  etablie  comme  ostacle  aux  desseins  de  son  mari,  est  instrument 
fort  propre  pour  contraindre  le  Roi  a  la  guerre." — Papers  of  Simancas. 

t  "  Que  havia  de  ser  el  bastion  de  su  vejez,  pues  bien  savia,  que  a 
ningun  estariar  peor  que  el  de  Navarre  fuese  Rey,  que  a  ella,  porque 
havia  Iuego  matar  a  su  hija." — Papers  of  Simancas. 


RENEWED  WAR  AGAINST  THE  HUGUENOTS.       347 

be  able  to  secure,  amidst  the  tumultuous  agitation  which  then 
rising  had  every  where  excited,  the  advantages  which  an  ac- 
commodation offered  to  them. 

The  difficulties  of  Catharine's  negotiation  lay  rather  in  the 
personal  claims  of  the  confederates  than  in  their  religious 
requisitions  ;  they  complained  loudly  of  the  favorites,  and 
wished,  if  they  could  not  overturn  their  authority,  at  least  to 
secure  themselves  in  the  best  manner  against  its  influence. 

The  Queen  succeeded  so  far  in  her  diplomacy  that  it  was 
not  necessary  to  deliver  up  Metz  to  the  Guises,  as  they  had 
originally  desired  :  but  in  other  respects  she  made  them  some 
very  important  concessions.  Verdun,  Toul,  St.  Dizier,  and 
Chalons  were  given  up  to  the  Duke  of  Guise  ;  Soissons  to  the 
Cardinal  of  Bourbon  ;  and  the  strong  places  in  Burgundy, 
Brittany,  and  Picardy  to  Mayenne,  Mercosur,  and  Aumale. 
All  were  permitted  to  maintain  their  own  life-guards,  and  to 
pay  them  out  of  the  income  of  the  provinces.  As  the  chiefs, 
so  did  their  most  distinguished  followers  obtain  important 
personal  advantages.*  An  edict  was  issued,  in  which  their 
armed  rising  was  approved  of,  and  described  as  agreeable  to 
the  King. 

The  religious  interests  of  the  dispute  appear  much  more  as 
the  principal  object  in  this  edict  than  they  do  in  the  manifesto. 
All  the  edicts  of  pacification  previously  issued  are  revoked, 
the  surrender  of  the  cautionary  places  conceded  to  the  Hugue- 
nots demanded,  and  the  mixed  Chambers  abolished.  The 
edict  of  July,  1585,  goes  still  further  than  that  issued  in  the 
year  1568,  and  after  St.  Bartholomew's  Day.  It  forbids  not 
only,  like  that,  the  exercise  of  any  other  religion  than  the 
Catholic,  but  it  prohibits  the  Confession  generally  :  "we  have 
commanded,  and  command,"  it  states,  "that  all  who  adhere 
to  the  new  religion  shall  forsake  the  same,  and  within  six 
months  make  confession  of  the  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Ro- 
man religion,  or,  if  they  refuse  to  do  so,  that  they  depart  from 
our  kingdom  and  the  lands  within  our  allegiance."  The  most 
severe  hierarchical  laws,  against  which  so  long  a  struggle  had 
been  maintained,  were  renewed,  and  the  simple  confession  of 

*  Articles  accordes  ä  Nemours  au  nom  du  Roi,  7  Juillet,  1585  (Me- 
moires  de  Nevers,  which  complete  the  Memoirs  of  the  League,  i   688  ) 


348  HISTORY  Ol*"  FRANCE 

a  variation  of  religious  opinion  from  the  Catholic  standard 
threatened,  as  of  old,  with  confiscation  of  goods  and  the 
pains  of  death.  The  King,  in  accordance  with  the  requisi- 
tion of  the  Guises,  caused  this  edict  to  be  registered  in  his  own 
presence  in  the  Parliament,  July  28,  1585. 

He  was  not  opposed  to  it  in  his  heart ;  not  only  in  his 
youth  had  he  given  expression  to  similar  principles,  but  also 
in  later  years  in  the  Estates  at  Blois.  It  appeared  to  him 
also  a  great  gain  that  the  whole  kingdom  should  be  brought 
back  to  religious  unity.  As  in  Blois  all  had  been  frustrated 
by  the  unwillingness  of  the  Estates  to  grant  the  necessary 
pecuniary  supplies  for  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  Hu- 
guenots, it  now  gave  the  King  a  secret  pleasure  to  see  them 
compelled  by  the  movements  of  a  faction  to  put  forth  all  their 
power  in  efforts  to  provide  for  a  similar  war.  He  expressed 
this  feeling  with  ironical  humor  on  one  occasion  to  the  heads 
of  the  clergy  and  the  deputies  of  the  capital.*  All  ideas  of 
reform  and  economy  Avere  thrown  aside  under  these  circum- 
stances ;  the  officers  of  finance  purchased  exemption  from  the 
investigation  which  had  been  commenced  with  large  sums  of 
money,  the  judicial  offices  which  had  been  abolished  were  re- 
established, and  fresh  purchasers  found  for  them.f 

All  was  now  in  a  state  of  preparation  for  war.  The  King 
of  Navarre  was  very  uneasy  at  this  state  of  things.  We  may 
again  call  to  mind  the  moment  of  extreme  hopelessness  which 
once  possessed  him. 
^King  Henry  III.  did  not  concede  every  thing  yet  in  refer- 
ence to  him.  He  did  not  acknowledge  that  the  King  of 
Navarre  could  never  ascend  the  throne  :  but  what  the  vivid 
feeling  of  legitimacy  which  he  cherished  would  not  permit 
him  to  concede  was  effected,  and  doubtless  with  far  greater 
power,  as  far  as  the  faithful  Catholics  were  concerned,  by  the 
agency  of  Home.  A  formal  process  was  instituted  at  Rome 
against  the  two  Huguenot  princes  of  the  house  of  Bourbon, 
the  King  of  Navarre  and  the  Prince  of  Conde,  on  the  author- 
ity of  which  Pope  Sixtus  V.,  who  had  just  ascended  the  chair 
of  St.  Peter,  issued  the  bull  which  astonished  mankind.     In 

*  Speech  in  Dupleix,  "  Histoire  de  Henry  III.,"  118. 
t  Pasquier,  Lettres,  liv.  x.  i.  9. 


RENEWED  WAR  AGAINST  THE  HUGUENOTS.       349 

this  he  declares  the  two  princes  not  merely  as  heretics,  but, 
as  patrons  and  leaders  of  those  who  had  relapsed  once  more 
to  the  crime  of  heresy,  to  have  forfeited  all  their  possessions, 
especially  their  claims  upon  the  throne  of  France.  This  bull 
caused  a  discord  between  the  new  confederates.  The  Guises 
believed  that  they  were  bound  to  warn  their  friend  Catharine 
de'  Medici,  as  she  was  opening  negotiations  with  Henry  of 
Navarre,  not  to  venture  too  near  the  abyss  of  excommunica- 
tion. In  case  of  any  agreement  which  might  yet  take  place 
between  the  two  kings,  they  had,  they  told  her,  adopted  a 
formal  resolution  at  Orcamp  to  the  effect  that  their  religious 
duty  relieved  them  from  all  the  obligations  of  subjects.* 

The  course  of  the  affair  itself,  however,  did  not  include  the 
sole  ground  of  misunderstanding ;  another  arose  from  the  con- 
nection of  the  G  uises  with  Spain.  Philip  II.  was  by  no  means 
satisfied  with  the  peace  which  had  been  hastily  concluded  by 
the  Guises,  especially  as  they  had  promised  to  renounce  all 
foreign  alliances.  Weighing  the  most  distant  consequences 
as  well  as  the  immediate  effects  of  this  act,  he  perceived  a 
possible  danger  should  Henry  succeed  in  subduing  the  Hugue- 
nots ;  for  how  easily  could  he  in  that  case,  with  the  power 
of  his  kingdom  now  become  entirely  Catholic,  turn  his  arms 
against  Spain  !  Philip  II.  urged  Henry  of  Guise  to  give  him 
an  assurance  that  he  would  never  bear  arms  against  Spain, 
nay  rather  revolt  from  his  King,  should  he  at  any  time  attack 
a  Spanish  territory,  and  the  Duke  actually  allowed  himself  to 
be  induced  to  give  it.  He  declared  that  when  he  renounced 
all  foreign  alliances,  he  only  meant  such  as  might  be  injurious 
to  the  kingdom,  not  such  as  might  contribute  to  its  advantage, 
like  that  with  Spain. f 

Though  promises  of  this  kind  were  merely  made  in  secret, 
they  destroyed  every  thing  like  unity  of  co-operation  among 
the  confederates.  The  existence  of  two  distinct  Catholic  par- 
ties became  daily  more  and  more  evident.     The  royalists  were 

*  "  Le  devoir  Chretien  les  devoit  transporter  par  dessus  toute  sub- 
jection," etc. — Bouille,  iii.  192. 

t  "  Que  lo  de  las  ligas  rinunciadas  se  entendia  de  las  que  eran  contra 
el  reyno,  y  no  desta  que  era  en  bien  del  y  en  servicio  de  Nuestro  Senor, 
per  lo  qual  la  mantiendra  siempre." 


350  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

desirous  of  drawing  over  the  legitimate  successor  to  the  throne 
and  his  adherents  to  their  own  creed,  and  to  unite  France  in 
one  religion,  in  that  manner  which  would  make  the  kingdom 
all  the  more  powerful.  The  Leaguers  desired  to  exclude  the 
heir-presumptive  under  all  conditions,  to  annihilate  the  Hu- 
guenots and  to  take  possession  of  their  estates.  They  held 
far  more  firmly  by  the  idea  of  the  universal  church  than  they 
did  by  that  of  France,  and  were  more  attached  to  the  King 
of  Spain  than  to  their  own  sovereign. 

The  year  1586  was  marked  by  various  warlike  enterprises.* 
but  the  opposite  views  came  into  collision  even  in  the  Catholic 
armies.  The  King  appointed  subordinate  commanders  under 
the  Duke  of  Mayenne,  whom  he  never  entirely  trusted,  and 
by  whom  he  was  never  completely  obeyed.  The  Duke  of 
Guise  endeavored,  where  he  commanded,  to  remove  the  royal- 
ist officers,  and  to  surround  himself  with  such  as  were  im- 
plicitly devoted  to  him.  The  tactics  of  the  Guises  were 
observed  to  be  vigorous  and  decided  in  such  cases  only  as 
furthered  their  own  interests.  When  it  was  necessary  to  re- 
cover a  town  which  had  fallen  off  from  them,  as  in  the  case 
of  Auxonne,  or  to  obtain  for  themselves  a  fortress  of  which 
the  Protestants  had  become  masters,  as  in  the  case  of  Rocroy. 
their  chief  efforts  were,  in  accordance  with  the  King  of  Spain, 
directed  against  Sedan  and  Jamets.  In  the  south  of  France 
their  object  was  more  of  a  political  than  of  a  military  kind  : 
while  they  fought  with  the  Duke  of  Montmorency  in  Langue- 
doc,  their  intention  was  not  so  much  to  subdue  him  by  force, 
which  would  have  been  to  the  advantage  of  the  Crown,  as  to 
gain  him  over  to  their  own  views.  United  with  him,  they 
would,  as  they  said  themselves,  be  sufficiently  strong  to  pre- 
scribe the  law  to  the  King  himself. 

But  would  Damville  de  Montmorency  now  unite  with  the 
ancient  enemies  of  his  house,  and  give  up  the  design  of  bring- 
ing the  adherents  of  both  confessions  to  live  together  peace- 
ably, which  he  had  professed  at  the  beginning  ?  He  held 
firm  by  Henry  of  Navarre.      The  assault  of  the  Catholics, 

*  Guise  to  Mendoza,  February  3,  1586:  "Et  seroit  necessaire  quo 
le  (lit  Mr.  (Montmorency)  s'alliät  avec  nous  plustöt  qu'avec  le  Roy  meme, 
afin  que  d'un  commun  accord  noue  puissions  donner  la  loi  " 


RENEWED  WAR  AGAINST  THE  HUGUENOTS.       351 

however  threatening  it  might  have  been  at  first,  was  of 
little  importance  in  its  results ;  the  Huguenots  obtained 
possession  of  as  many  places  as  the  Catholics  did  on  their 
side. 

The  sympathy  of  the  co-religionists  in  neighboring  lands 
gave  the  Huguenots  better  prospects  for  the  ensuing  year. 

It  was  not  a  light  matter,  however,  to  put  the  military 
power  of  the  Protestants  in  motion.  Queen  Elizabeth  must 
be  solicited  to  send  a  subsidy  in  money ;  smaller  sums  were 
sent  from  the  south  of  France  to  Switzerland,  and  from 
Rochelle  to  Hamburg,  but  they  were  seldom  sufficient  for 
the  current  necessities.  But  at  the  same  time  a  more  lively 
participation  in  the  cause  was  exhibited.  It  was  not  forgot- 
ten in  Germany,  and  Joachim  Frederick  of  Brandenburg,  then 
administrator  of  Magdeburg,  expressly  brought  it  to  remem- 
brance, that  the  Empire  was  indebted  for  its  religious  peace 
to  a  King  of  France,  who  had  taken  up  arms  to  assist  in  ob- 
taining its  establishment.  It  was  generally  looked  upon  as 
merely  the  fulfillment  of  a  duty  imposed  by  gratitude,  now  to 
send  the  French  assistance  from  Germany,  in  order  to  secure 
for  them  a  similar  peace.  The  Huguenots,  in  fact,  desired 
nothing  more  ardently  ;  Du  Plessis  Mornay  said  that  the 
German  army  should  be  the  midwife  of  the  French  peace  ; 
but  a  Swiss  army  now  joined  the  German  auxiliaries,  which 
had  so  often  come  to  the  aid  of  the  French.  The  evangelical 
cantons  were  thrown  into  a  state  of  the  greatest  agitation  by 
the  alliance  between  the  Catholics  and  King  Philip  :  in  case 
the  forces  of  League  should  be  victorious  in  France,  they  dis- 
cerned not  only  a  general  danger,  but  also  one  that  threatened 
themselves  particularly.  It  thus  happened  that  what  had 
been  always  hitherto  obviated  through  the  ancient  influence 
of  the  French  Crown  upon  the  Swiss  confederacy  now  took 
place.  The  magistracy  of  Berne,  Zurich,  Bale,  and  Schaff- 
hausen allowed  in  their  territories  enlistments  in  favor  of 
the  Huguenots.*     It  was  no  longer  mere  single  adventurers, 

*  That  they  allowed  it,  appears  from  all  authentic  papers  ;  among 
others  from  the  Memoirs  of  Sillery,  1587-1593.  MS.  at  Berlin.  It  is 
there  stated,  "  Ceux  des  cantons  .  .  .  s'  eteient  tellement  oublies  que 
d' avoir  permis  a  un  grand  nombre  de  leurs  sujets  ä  marcher,"  etc. 


352  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

but  three  great  corps  amounting  to  sixteen  thousand  men, 
which  commenced  their  march  toward  the  Palatinate,  where 
they  formed  a  junction  with  the  German  troops. 

John  Casimir,  out  of  neighborly  respect  for  Lorraine,  did 
not  think  it  advisable  on  this  occasion  to  lead  the  troops  into 
the  field  himself,  although  the  authority  of  his  high  rank  and 
experience  was  greatly  desired.  He  had  in  his  service  a 
Prussian  nobleman,  Fabian,  Burgrave  of  Dohna,  who  had 
been  introduced  to  him  by  Hubert  Languet,  and  who  had 
afterward  accompanied  him  in  his  journeys  to  the  Nether- 
lands and  to  England,  as  well  as  in  his  enterprise  at  Cologne, 
on  behalf  of  Gebhard  Fruchsess.  The  Burgrave  was  a  man 
inspired  with  the  general  Protestant  zeal,  and  not  without  a 
knowledge  of  arms,  and  to  him  the  conduct  of  the  campaign 
was  committed.  The  army  that  pressed  forward  into  Lor- 
raine, under  Dohna,  comprised  four  thousand  German  cav- 
alry, a  few  squadrons  of  Landsknechte,  and  three  thousand 
five  hundred  French  ;  united  with  the  Swiss  they  formed  a 
very  considerable  army. 

Henry  of  Navarre  without  hesitation  acknowledged  this 
force  as  his  own  ;  for  it  appeared  to  him  lawful  to  bring  in 
foreign  assistance  against  his  enemies  of  Guise  and  Lorraine, 
whose  object  was  to  overturn  and  ruin  the  kingdom  of  France  ; 
he  believed  it  to  be  incumbent  upon  him  to  liberate  the  King 
of  France  from  their  power. 

The  intention  of  the  King  was  now,  however,  by  no  means 
to  allow  himself  to  be  thus  liberated.  He  was  conscious  that 
there  was  truth  in  what  Henry  of  Navarre  advanced ;  for 
although  he  may  not  have  comprehended  the  entire  extent  of 
the  connection  between  the  Guises  and  the  Spaniards,  yet  he 
knew  so  much  of  it  as  that  the  former  received  Spanish  money, 
and  was  perfectly  aware  that  they  contended  for  their  own  in- 
terests, not  for  his.  So  far  Henry  of  Navarre  appeared  to  him 
as  his  natural  ally  ;  but  still  he  could  not  approve  of  his  con- 
duct in  uniting  himself  independently  with  a  foreign  military 
force. 

Henry  III.  still  hoped  to  be  able  to  subdue  both — to  damp 
the  ardor  of  the  Huguenots,  to  coerce  the  Guises,  and  to  carry 
into  full  execution  his  own  Catholic  and  governmental  ideas. 


RENEWED  WAR,  AGAINST  THE  HUGUENOTS.       353 

He  sent  one  of  his  favorites,  Joyeuse,  into  the  field  against 
Henry  of  Navarre,  intending  to  march  himself  against  the 
approaching  German  and  Swiss  army.  "When  he  left  Paris 
for  this  purpose,  it  was  under  the  conviction  that  he  was 
about  to  undertake  a  great  task,  fraught  with  infinite  import- 
ance and  difficulty.  The  Nuncio,  in  one  of  his  reports,  de- 
scribes how  the  King  rose  from  his  bed,  on  the  morning  of 
his  departure  from  the  capital,  and  undressed  as  he  was, 
threw  himself  upon  his  bare  knees,  and  prayed  for  a  long 
time  ;  he  then  received  the  Eucharist ;  and,  thus  prepared, 
under  emotions  of  a  religious  nature,  took  the  field. 

This  campaign  has  been  called  the  war  of  the  three  Henrys, 
for  Henry  III.,  Henry  King  of  Navarre,  and  Henry  Duke  of 
Guise  each  performed  his  own  peculiar  part  in  it. 

The  King  of  Navarre  had  the  good  fortune,  with  the  small 
but  experienced  body  that  accompanied  him,  to  obtain  a  com- 
plete victory  over  the  splendid  army  which  Joyeuse  led  against 
him  on  the  plains  of  Coutras.  Joyeuse  himself  was  slain. 
This  was  the  first  battle  won  by  the  Huguenots  during  a 
quarter  of  a  century  of  civil  war ;  the  young  Prince  of  Na- 
varre taught  them  at  last  to  conquer  in  the  open  field. 
Whether  he  had  not  sufficient  authority  over  them  to  retain 
them  together,  when  they  wished  to  return  to  their  homes 
with  the  booty  they  had  acquired,  or  whether  it  was  owing 
to  himself,  that  he  did  not  more  completely  follow  up  his 
victory,  is  an  old  question,  which  we  will  not  presume  to  de- 
cide. 

King  Henry  III.  took  possession  of  both  banks  of  the  Middle 
Loire,  in  order  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  Swiss  and  Ger- 
man army  with  that  of  the  Huguenots  of  the  south  of  France. 
He  was  completely  successful.  Fabian  Dohna  allowed  him- 
self to  be  deceived  by  the  splendid  hopes  held  out  to  him,  and 
to  be  led  away  from  the  passages  across  the  Loire,  which  lay 
higher  up  ;  lower  down,  however,  he  found  the  King.  Pro- 
ceeding constantly  in  a  westerly  direction,  without  meeting 
with  any  decided  resistance — for  the  skirmish  at  Vimory, 
where  he  and  Mayenne  met  personally,  is  hardly  worth  men- 
tion— but  also  without  any  success  as  far  as  Chartres  ;  he  was 
compelled  at  length  to  halt.      King  Henry  III.  had  no  inten- 


354  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

tion  of  giving  him  hattle,  for  these  people  would  have  fought 
with  desperation  ;  hut  he  found  other  means  to  induce  them 
to  retreat.  The  enlistments  were  permitted  in  Switzerland 
chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the  troops,  as  it  was  averred,  were 
not  intended  to  act  against  the  King,  but  against  the  Guises. 
Henry  determined  to  make  use  of  this  principle  to  his  own 
advantage.  A  Zurich  captain,*  who  served  in  the  army,  has 
described  how  the  King  first  gave  him  to  understand  his  aston- 
ishment at  seeing  Swiss  confederates  opposed  to  him,  contrary 
to  the  perpetual  peace  and  the  firm  alliance  established  be- 
tween him  and  them  ;  and  how  immediately  the  resolution 
was  formed  among  the  Swiss  to  convince  the  King  of  his  error, 
and  for  this  purpose  to  send  delegates  to  him  ;  and  how  these, 
when  they  made  their  obeisance  to  him,  were  much  better 
instructed  by  him  in  the  character  of  their  expedition.  The 
King  declared  that  it  was  not  in  his  favor,  but  against  him. 
He  said  it  to  them  himself — he,  the  King.  He  was  no  phan- 
tom, he  stood  before  them.  They  answered  that  they  carried 
neither  halbert  nor  sword  against  the  crown  of  France.  When 
the  delegates  returned  to  the  camp,  they  imparted  to  the  other 
leaders  the  change  which,  had  taken  place  in  their  views. 
Not  one  of  them  would  have  any  thing  to  do  with  an  enter- 
prise against  the  French  crown.  They  accepted  money  from 
the  King  ;  and  thus  he  had  the  merit  of  putting  an  end  to 
this  irruption — which  was  as  much  dreaded  in  Paris  as  if  it 
had  been  a  new  Helvetic  immigration — in  the  very  midst  of 
its  career,  and  without  striking  a  blow. 

Meanwhile  it  was  the  good  fortune  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  to 
acquire  the  superior  honor  of  the  transaction.  The  relation 
in  which  he  stood  to  the  King  was  one  of  the  most  extraor- 
dinary character.  It  is  certain  that  Henry  III.  wished  to 
appear  as  strong  as  possible  in  the  field,  not  only  for  the 
purpose  of  meeting  the  enemy,  but  also  because  he  wanted 
to  reduce  Guise  to  his  proper  subordinate   position  by  his 

*  John  Haller,  whose  manuscript  chronicle  in  the  town  library  at  Zu- 
rich contains  much  that  is  in  general  new.     According  to  a  letter  of 
Catharine  de  Medici   (November  8),  the  Swiss  told  the   King,   "  que 
leurs  piques  ne  piqueront  ni  leurs  espees  ne  trancheront  jamais  contre 
-le  Roi." 


RENEWED  WAR  AGAINST  THE  HUGUENOTS.       355 

own  presence.*  It  is  equally  certain  that  Guise  was  support- 
ed by  the  Spaniards,  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to  main- 
tain his  position  in  presence  of  the  King  of  France. f  They 
gave  him  money  for  the  express  purpose  of  strengthening  him 
in  his  opposition  to  the  King,  and  for  enabling  him  to  satisfy 
his  friends. 

They  might  be  compared  with  Bomilcar  and  Hanno,  or 
with  two  Roman  consuls  who  cherishing  a  mutual  and  deadly 
hatred,  yet  fight  against  the  same  enemy,  were  not  their  case 
rendered  still  more  peculiar  by  the  fact  that  here  one  of  the 
two  was  king,  while  the  other  was  only  a  governor  and  mili- 
tary leader. 

Up  to  the  present  time  Guise  had  not  effected  much  against 
the  enemy.  Now,  however,  the  effect  of  the  royal  declaration 
upon  the  Swiss  troops  suggested  to  the  Burgrave  the  idea  of 
marching  with  his  army  to  attack  Guise,  against  whom  the 
Swiss  felt  no  scruples  in  fighting.  He  hoped  to  defeat  Guise 
in  open  battle,  as  Joyeuse  had  been  defeated  by  Henry  of 
Navarre.  At  the  same  moment  Guise,  who  was  eager  ibr 
battle,  and  who  better  understood  the  nature  of  men  and 
things  in  the  country,  set  himself  in  motion  to  meet  his 
enemy. 

Dohna  had  the  good-natured  folly  not  to  take  military  pos- 
session of  the  castle  commanding  the  little  town  of  Auneau,  in 
which  he  took  up  his  quarters  one  evening.  Guise  won  over 
the  commander  with  money  and  promises,  and  induced  him 
to  open  the  castle  during  the  night.  In  the  morning,  when 
Dohna  was  preparing  to  resume  his  march,  while  the  cavalry 
were  either  at  their  breakfast  or  engaged  in  accoutring  their 
horses,  and  the  streets  were  filled  with  baggage-wagons,  Guise 
rushed  from  the  castle.     They  were  unable  to  collect  more 

*  "  Che  (il  Re)  volea  per  due  fini  presso  di  se  il  nervo  maggiore  :  uno 
per  sicurezza  in  ogni  evento,  qualor  dovesse  combattere ;  1'  altro  per 
tener  in  soggezione  il  Guisa,  quando  pur  rimanesse  per  ventura  vinci- 
tore  degli  Alemanni." — Tempesti,  Vita  di  Sisto  V.,  i.  320. 

t  "  Volebat  Parmensis  iis  auxiliis  conservari  et  unionem  et  Guisios," 
Tassis,  Commentarii,  477.  Tassis  was  then  again  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  shows  himself  much  better  informed  concerning  the  affairs  of  the 
Netherlands  than  he  does  concerning  the  events  which  had  taken  place 
in  France. 


356  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

than  a  single  company  ;  the  rest  were  surprised  in  their  quar- 
ters, and  either  cut  down  upon  the  spot  or  made  prisoners.* 
The  Burgrave  saved  himself  with  his  banner,  and  made  every 
effort  to  collect  the  cavalry  and  Swiss  out  of  the  neighboring 
quarters,  for  an  attempt  to  retake  the  town,  but  he  was  far 
from  possessing  sufficient  authority  to  effect  his  purpose.  The 
Swiss  would  not  now  fight  even  against  Guise,  and  drew  over 
some  of  the  German  captains  and  their  troopers  to  join  them 
in  their  design  of  marching  homeward.  Thus,  in  increasing 
confusion  and  want  of  counsel,  and  assailed  on  both  sides  by 
the  royal  troops  and  by  those  under  the  command  of  G  uise, 
the  invading  army  commenced  its  retreat  along  the  Loire. 
They  despaired  of  being  able  to  join  the  Huguenots,  and  at 
last  gave  ear  to  the  exhortations  of  the  King,  that  they  should 
leave  the  kingdom.  He  was  well  pleased  to  see  them  depart, 
and  offered  no  obstruction,  satisfied  with  the  promises  they 
had  given  never  again  to  bear  arms  against  him.  The  French 
who  might  desire  to  separate  from  them  he  permitted  to  re- 
main in  the  country,  under  the  proviso  that  they  should 
submit  to  the  edict  which  had  been  issued  on  the  subject  of 
religion. 

In  this  manner  the  army  returned  from  the  field.  The  con- 
sequences of  the  campaign  were  so  far  important,  that  the 
Protestant  German  force  was  driven  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  the  kingdom,  pursued,  and  almost  annihilated  by  Guise, 
who  gave  little  heed  to  any  capitulation.  As  regarded  the 
French  domestic  question,  it  decided  nothing.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  favorites  was  not  abandoned.  Epernon  maintained 
his  old  and  hated  superiority,  while  the  victory  of  Coutras  had 
strengthened  the  feeling  of  self-dependence  in  the  Huguenots. 
Guise's  thoroughly  open  opposition  prevented  the  King  from 
undertaking  any  thing  decisive  against  Henry  of  Navarre. 
When  pressed  to  do  so,  he  constantly  answered  that  Navarre 
was  not  his  worst  enemy ;  he  required  that  every  one  should 
obey  him. 

*  According  to  Leuthinger  (De  Marchia.  lib.  xxiv.  528),  Buch  was 
also  in  the  village.  Yossius  (De  Rebus  Gestis  Fabiani  a  Dohna) 
expresses  himself  rather  in  an  apologetic  than  in  a  narrative  manner  : 
p.  65. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


THE    BARRICADES. 


In  this  conjuncture  a  hostility  of  the  most  formidable  de- 
scription manifested  itself  against  the  King  in  the  very  midst 
of  his  capital.  The  Catholic  union  had  here  assumed  a  new 
and  alarmingly  threatening  aspect. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1587  the  intelligence  of  war- 
like preparations  in  Germany  had  excited  all  men's  minds. 
It  was  said  that  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  heretics 
were  summoned  to  take  arms,  and  that  they  were  about  to 
invade  France  in  order  to  annihilate  the  good  Catholics,  and 
that  the  hypocritical  King  was  in  secret  a  party  to  the  enter- 
prise. The  idea  was  suggested  that  the  Catholic  princes  alone 
were  too  weak  to  meet  such  a  danger,  and  that  a  civic  organ- 
ization should  be  grounded  in  order  to  support  them.  A  rich 
citizen,  who  was  in  the  service  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  Charles 
Hottmann  by  name,  was  the  first,  as  far  as  is  known,  who 
originated  this  notion.*  He  imparted  it  to  a  few  preachers 
whose  popular  eloquence  gave  them  great  power,  the  chief 
of  whom  were  Jean  Prevost,  Matthieu  Launay,  and  Jean 
Boucher.  They  seized  the  idea  with  joy,  and  proceeded  im- 
mediately to  carry  it  into  effect.  According  to  the  informa- 
tion dispatched  to  Rome,  the  new  and  as  yet  not  numerous 
confederacy  took  shape  on  the  25th  of  January  and  the  2d 
of  February,  1587.  Sixteen  men  were  first  appointed,  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  quarters  into  which  the  city  of  Paris 
was  then  divided,  each  of  whom  was  to  conduct  the  affairs 

*  "Avea  sentito  susurrare,  che  veniesse  contra  Francia  un  esercito 
di  trecento  mila  eretici,  risolsi  di  unire  insieme  altrettanti  Francesi  Cat- 
tolici." — Anonymo  Capitolino. 

u 


358  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

of  the  association  in  his  own  department.  Ten  more  were 
then  named,  among  whom  were  the  four  originators  of  the 
scheme,  and  who  were  to  have  the  general  management  of 
the  proceedings.  No  one  was  to  be  received  as  a  member  of 
the  confederacy  without  their  consent.  The  union  progressed 
rapidly,  in  consequence  probably  of  its  absorbing  the  elements 
of  one  which  had  been  previously  formed  in  the  year  1576,  as 
well  as  through  the  influence  of  the  better  and  more  affluent 
middle  class,  to  which  Hottmann  himself  belonged.  The 
chief  obligation  under  which  the  members  laid  themselves 
was  to  pay  into  the  funds  of  the  union  as  much  money  as  the 
Council  of  Ten  should  assess.* 

Henry  of  Guise  comprehended,  at  the  first  word  spoken  to 
him  concerning  this  confederacy,  what  a  powerful  instrument 
it  offered  to  his  hand  for  any  enterprise.  In  a  short  time 
Mayenne  came  to  the  city,  and  in  the  most  profound  secrecy 
effected  an  understanding  with  the  citizens,  who  almost  re- 
garded it  as  an  honor  that  the  great  nobles  were  willing  to 
unite  with  them.  An  alliance  was  formed,  with  the  twofold 
object  of  extirpating  all  heresy  in  France,  and  of  abolishing 
the  abuses  of  the  judicial  system.  Those  who  held  similar 
principles  in  other  cities  and  towns,  were  to  be  invited  to 
concur  in  the  movement. 

Even  in  the  very  beginning  of  their  proceedings — that  is, 
in  the  month  of  March,  1587 — the  idea  was  broached  of  de- 
ciding the  whole  matter  at  once  by  seizing  the  person  of  the 
King.  It  was  intended  to  remove  the  favorites,  and  to  com- 
pel him  to  adopt  unconditionally  the  policy  of  the  League. 
They  did  not,  however,  succeed  in  their  design,  whether  it 
was  that  the  King  was  warned  in  time,  or  that  affairs  were 
not  yet  ripe  for  the  attempt. 

*  The  "  association  faite  particulierement  par  aucuns  bourgeois  de 
Paris,"  of  which  mention  is  made  in  the  records  of  the  States  of  Blois, 
1576,  Des  Etats  Generaux  xiii.  271.  According  to  Doschius,  "Vita 
Francisci  Hottomanni,"  the  family  of  Hottmann,  which  showed  itself  so 
active  on  both  sides,  came  originally  from  Breslau.  Lambert,  the 
founder  of  the  family,  had  two  sons — John,  who  contributed  greatly  to 
obtain  the  funds  required  for  the  ransom  of  Charles  I.,  and  Peter,  who 
held  office  in  the  adminstration.  Francis  Hottmann  was  son  of  the 
latter,  Charles  Hottmann  was  grandson  of  the  former. 


THE  BARRICADES.  359 

For  some  time  the  concealed  and  extensive  union,  which 
embraced  an  innumerable  multitude,  manifested  itself  merely 
in  popular  opposition. 

There  was  a  demagogue  named  Roland,  who  displayed  "his 
zeal  chiefly  against  the  peace  with  the  Huguenots,  and  in- 
dulged generally  in  the*  fiercest  language.  When  he  was 
arrested,  the  League,  both  princes  and  citizens,  resolved  that 
they  would  not  allow  him  to  sutler  any  damage,  and  between 
them  they  compelled  the  Government  to  liberate  him.*  An- 
other person,  on  the  contrary,  who  had  written  against  the 
League  and  the  Papal  Bull,  remained  in  prison. 

Master  Prevost  placed  upon  the  church  of  St.  Severin  a 
picture  representing  the  cruelties  practiced  against  the  Catho- 
lics in  England,  which  set  the  people  in  a  rage  "  against  the 
Huguenots  and  the  Politicians."  The  Government  caused 
the  picture  to  be  removed.  The  act  was  replied  to  by  placards 
of  the  most  offensive  character,  and  from  the  pulpits,  which 
thundered  with  constantly  increasing  vehemence.  An  at- 
tempt to  imprison  one  of  these  preachers,  in  September,  1587, 
aroused  the  quarters,  in  which  it  was  made  to  a  general  in- 
surrection. 

In  this  disposition  of  the  city,  all  the  intelligence  that  ar- 
rived from  the  field  was  received  with  contempt  for  the  King, 
and  admiration  for  the  Duke.  To  him  the  people  ascribed 
the  salvation  of  the  city.  His  most  trifling  achievements  were 
made  the  subjects  of  ballads,  printed  on  flying  sheets,  and 
listened  to  with  enthusiasm ;  but  the  surprise  of  Auneau 
appeared  an  extraordinary  action.  He  was  celebrated  by  the 
preachers  as  the  Gideon  of  faithful  France ;  they  applied  the 
words  of  Scripture  to  him,  "Saul  has  slain  his  thousands,  but 
David  his  ten  thousands."  It  was  held  to  be  shameful,  a 
species  of  treason,  in  the  King,  to  come  to  a  convention  with 
the  enemy,  for  it  was  owing  to  him  alone  that  all  these  rob- 
bers had  not  been  cut  to  pieces.  But  it  was  clearly  evident 
that  he  had  invited  them  at  first,  paid  them  for  coming,  and 
now  sent  them  back  again,  t 

*  Compare  Guise's  letter,  in  Bouille,  211,  with  L'Etoile,  of  June  4, 
1517. 

t  L'Etoile,  beginning  of  December,  1587 :  edition  of  Champollion,  234. 


360  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

The  King,  who  had  really  performed  the  decisive  part  in 
the  campaign,  and  expected  to  receive  honor  for  it,  was  as- 
tounded that  the  public  voice  should  thus  declare  against 
him.  The  reception  he  met  with  on  his  return  was  cold, 
and  the  vive-le-roi 's  with  which  he  was  greeted,  were  pur- 
chased. Soon  after  his  arrival  in  the  capital  he  was  induced 
to  summon  the  insurrectionary  preachers  before  himself,  and 
to  make  known  to  them  his  displeasure  and  contempt ;  Pope 
Sixtus,  he  told  them,  would  have  sent  them  to  the  galleys 
for  similar  behavior ;  but  that  he  would  forgive  them  for 
this  time,  but  advised  them  to  amend.*  He  saw  the  storm 
brewing  round  him.  Did  he  fear  to  bring  it  to  an  outbreak  ? 
or  did  he  believe  it  possible  to  allay  it  by  admonition  ? 

The  Duchess  of  Montpensier,  nee  Guise,  sister  of  Duke 
Henry,  gave  the  preachers  special  encouragement.  She  boast- 
ed that  she  was  able  to  effect  more  by  their  tongues  than  her 
brother  could  by  his  troops.  The  King  showed  her  his  dis- 
pleasure, but  he  suffered  her  to  remain  in  the  capital. 

The  Carnival  of  1588  was  observed  under  these  circum- 
stances, and  the  city  occupied  and  filled  with  careless  and 
scandalous  enjoyments,  as  if  there  were  no  League,  no  enemy 
of  the  kingdom  in  France.  There  was  not  an  individual  at 
the  Court  of  whom  the  most  shameful  things  were  not  re- 
peated ;  all  there  was  in  a  state  of  hostility  and  common 
antagonism. 

"Distrust,"  said  the  Papal  nuncio,  "has  crept  into  the 
council,  the  house,  the  very  chamber  of  the  King ;  no  one  is 
trusted  except  those  with  whom  people  are  connected  by  the 
most  intimate  personal  interests ;  every  one  seeks  to  deceive 
his  neighbor,  and  then  laughs  at  him.  Even  the  Q,ueen 
Mother  could  not  maintain  whatever  remains  of  credit  she 
possesses,  in  opposition  to  the  ruling  favorite  Epernon." 
One  day  Epernon  paid  her  a  visit,  and  knelt  before  her  with 
his  head  uncovered  ;  she  begged  earnestly  that  he  would  rise, 
but  he  remained  fixed  and  obstinate  in  his  position,  until  he 
had  informed  her  that  he  had  never  done  and  never  contem- 


*  L'Etoile :  "  II  en  demeurait  la ;  habens  quidem  animum,  sed  non 
satis  animi." 


THE  BARRICADES.  361 

plated  any  thing  adverse  to  her.*  I  do  not  believe  that  he 
either  persuaded  or  convinced  her. 

Meanwhile  fresh  dissensions,  having  reference  to  posses- 
sions and  authority,  sprang  up  between  the  King  and  the 
Guises. 

The  government  of  Normandy  was  vacated  by  the  death 
of  Joyeuse :  Guise,  supported  by  his  friends,  and  relying  upon 
his  merit,  demanded  it  for  himself;  the  King  transferred  it  to 
Epernon. 

The  government  of  Picardy  was  also  vacated  by  the  death 
of  Conde,  who  was  believed  to  have  died  of  poison  at  St.  Jean 
d'Angely :  the  Guises  demanded  it  for  Aumale  ;  the  King 
handed  it  over  to  the  Duke  of  Nevers. 

Glueen  Catharine  at  this  moment  showed  herself  somewhat 
inclined  to  the  party  of  the  Guises,  and  is  said  to  have  ap- 
proved of  a  serious  enterprise,  against  the  King  of  Navarre  ;  t 
but  all  her  good  counsel  on  that  subject  was  steadily  resisted 
by  her  son,  and  at  last  they  came  to  an  open  breach  in  regard 
to  it.  Henry  III.  reproached  his  mother  with  the  evil  con- 
sequences of  her  former  proposals,  and  told  her  at  last  that  he 
wished  for  the  future  to  act  according  to  his  own  views,  and 
begged  her  never  again  to  meddle  in  his  affairs,  t 

This  was  a  remarkable,  but  at  the  same  time  a  necessary 
turn  of  circumstances.  The  first  rising  of  the  Guises  had 
rekindled  the  King's  old  anti-Protestant  zeal,  but  it  had  also 
aroused  his  dislike  toward  them,  and  this  dislike  had  been 
increased  and  strengthened  by  every  thing  that  had  since  oc- 
curred, until  it  had  at  last  become  almost  his  ruling  passion. 
He  was  in  that  condition  that  he  was  obliged  to  show  favor 

*  Morosini,  in  Tempesti,  Vita  <H  Sisto  V.,  i.  380. 

t  According  to  a  rumor  then  widely  circulated,  "la  Reine  desseig- 
noit  de  faire  tomber  la  couronne  entre  les  mains  des  enfans  de  sa  fille 
de  Lorraine.  M.  de  Guise  n'y  etoit  employe  que  comme  serviteur  de 
M.  de  Lorraine." — Memoires  Singuliers,  in  Egerton,  297.  I  have 
found  no  proofs  of  this  sufficient  to  remove  all  doubt ;  I  therefore  will 
not  assert  it,  but  I  can  not  altogether  reject  it. 

X  One  of  the  best  informed  authorities  is  Morosini,  the  Nuncio,  after- 
ward Legate,  excerpts  from  whose  dispatches  are  given  by  Tempesti ; 
according  to  him  Henry  said,  "  Essendo  io  risolutissimo  di  voler  fare  e 
disfare,  sensa  consigli,  la  prego  a  non  volersi  piü  ingerire  in  questi 
affari."  i.  373. 

a 


362  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

to  those  against  whom  he  was  engaged  in  war,  and  to  dread 
those  who  stood  upon  his  side. 

As  the  mediation  of  the  Q.ueen  Mother  was  now  also  at  an 
end,  the  state  of  things  assumed  daily  a  more  and  more  threat- 
ening aspect.  The  Guises  presented  obstacles  to  Epernon's 
taking  possession  of  the  government  in  Normandy.  They 
refused  to  admit  royal  garrisons  in  Picardy.  In  both  prov- 
inces they  had  a  large  party ;  in  the  latter,  the  entire  nobility 
were  on  their  side.  The  King  caused  Aumale  to  be  sum- 
moned to  receive  the  royal  garrisons  in  Picardy,  and  to  quit 
the  province,  with  the  threat  that  if  he  did  not  obey,  the 
King  himself  would  come  and  cast  his  head  at  his  feet.* 
Aumale  replied,  "  that  if  he  were  to  be  forgotten,  as  well  as 
his  father,  who  had  fallen  in  battle  before  the  King's  eyes,  he 
had  still  heart  enough  and  friends  sufficient  to  defend  both 
his  life  and  honor." 

The  Nuncio  had  already  informed  the  Pope  of  the  increas- 
ing danger  of  a  war  among  the  Catholics  themselves.  The 
ladies  of  the  palace  remarked,  that  the  whole  affair  might 
have  a  tragical  issue. 

On  their  side,  the  confederate  nobles  assembled  first  at 
Nancy,  in  the  palace  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  afterward 
at  Soissons,  in  just  as  hostile  an  attitude  as  ever.  The  con- 
tempt with  which  they  regarded  the  proposals  of  the  King 
may  be  seen  from  a  letter  of  Guise  to  the  Spanish  embassador. 
"  He  is  determined  not  to  allow  the  Picards  to  be  injured  fur- 
ther than  by  threats,  and  not  even  this  shall  they  have  to 
bear ;  the  King  shall  not  have  traveled  far  from  Paris,  when 
he  (Guise)  will  so  order  matters,  that  he  will  be  compelled  to 
return  again."  t  A  manifesto  immediately  appeared,  in  which 
the  old  demands  of  the  religious  and  political  opposition  were 
advanced  afresh.  It  appeared  as  if  the  confederates  them- 
selves intended  to  come  to  Paris,  in  order  to  present  it  with 
the  greater  publicity. 

*  "  Altrimenti  sarebbe  egli  andato  in  persona  con  tutte  le  forze,  per 
gittarli  la  testa  a  piedi." — From  the  reports  of  the  Nuncio,  in  Tempesti, 
i.  390. 

t  "  Si  le  Roy  part  de  Paris,  je  le  feray  plustot  penser  a  revenir  qu'il 
n'aura  approche  les  Picards  d'une  journee  :"  in  Bouille,  iii.  260. 


THE  BARRICADES.  363 

During  these  proceedings,  the  fermentation  in  the  capital 
increased  daily.  There  is  nothing  in  the  world  blinder  than 
the  suspicion,  so  wise  in  its  own  eyes,  which  interprets  all  that 
happens  in  accordance  with  preconceived  opinions.  The  city 
had  not  the  most  distant  idea  of  the  peculiar  position  of  Henry 
III.  in  reference  to  the  Guises.  The  people  regarded  him 
who  had  formed  an  alliance  with  a  foreign  king,  and  one  op- 
posed to  French  interests,  as  a  defender ;  while  the  King, 
who  had  at  least  preserved  the  honor  of  France,  they  looked 
upon  as  a  traitor  and  an  enemy. 

In  April,  as  a  preacher,  who  had  delivered  rebellious 
harangues,  was  about  to  be  brought  before  the  King,  or  prob- 
ably to  be  put  in  prison,  an  armed  mob  assembled  with  the 
determination  to  prevent  it.  This  resistance  might  without 
doubt  have  been  suppressed,  but  the  Court  avoided  violent 
measures,  thinking  it  better  to  occasion  no  further  alarm. 
This  advantage,  however,  gave  the  members  of  the  League 
still  greater  confidence.  Much  was  said  to  the  King  of  the 
military  organization  of  the  city  in  its  five  quarters,  each  of 
which  had  its  own  leader.*  Upon  the  declaration  of  the 
Parisians,  that  they  were  strong  enough,  and  prepared  for  any 
enterprise,  and  that  they  wanted  nothing  further,  except  the 
presence  of  Guise,  he  answered  that  they  should  not  have  long 
to  wait  for  him.  The  city  was  now  filled  with  men  of  sus- 
picious appearance.  The  civic  authorities  made  one  attempt 
to  remove  persons  of  that  description,  but  they  found  it  im- 
practicable. 

The  King  was  now  in  the  greatest  embarrassment.  Should 
he  leave  the  city,  it  would  be  lost  to  him  ;  while  by  remain- 
ing in  it,  his  authority,  if  not  his  personal  safety,  would  be 
endangered.  He  resolved  to  bring  into  the  suburbs  of  St. 
Denis  and  St.  Martin  a  detachment  of  the  Swiss  and  French 
guards  who  were  quartered  in  the  neighborhood.  He  counted 
upon  finding  a  moderate  party  among  the  citizens,  who  ad-- 

*  Proces  Verbal  de  M.  Poulain,  at  the  end  of  the  '  Journal  de  L'- 
Etoile  ;'  Petitot,  xlv.  434.  This  is  the  Polledro  of  Davila,  and  the 
Polinius  of  De  Thou,  who  plays  so  important  a  part  in  the  writings  of 
this  historian.  The  credibility  of  his  statements  has  been  always  dis- 
puted, but  that  they  are  authentic  has  never  been  questioned. 


364  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

liered  to  the  chief  magistrate,  the  Prevot  des  Marehands,  and 
among  whom  were  a  few  of  the  trainband  captains.  The 
question  which  occupied  all  men's  minds  did  not  refer  so 
much  to  the  dispute  between  the  Huguenots  and  the  Catho- 
lics, as  to  the  opinions  of  the  Catholics  themselves  concerning 
the  position  they  occupied  in  regard  to  the  Huguenots.  The 
one  party  insisted  that  the  heretics  should  be  exterminated 
with  fire  and  sword — that  the  Church  principle  was  the 
foundation,  which  should  be  maintained  by  all,  and  uncondi- 
tionally. The  others  answered  that  that  would  result  in  the 
destruction  of  the  country,  and  the  ruin  of  the  State,  upon  the 
order  of  which  every  thing  rested.  This  matter  was  spoken 
of  in  all  companies,  and  where  men  came  together  in  large 
numbers  it  became  the  subject  of  debate.  The  King,  driven 
for  a  moment  from  his  usual  policy,  returned  to  it  again,  and 
appeared  as  if  he  wished  to  lean  upon  that  moderate  party 
which  had  been  named  Politicians  ;  but  upon  this  very  point 
arose  the  excitement  of  the  popular  confederacy.  A  rumor 
was  spread  abroad  that  the  King  wished  to  make  the  Politi- 
cians masters  of  the  city,  and  to  expel  the  members  of  the 
League,  nay  to  arrest  the  most  distinguished  and  best  affected 
of  the  citizens  ;  a  list  of  those  who  were  said  to  be  devoted  to 
destruction  was  circulated  from  hand  to  hand.  To  the  re- 
ligious and  political  passions  of  the  people  was  now  added 
apprehension  for  their  own  lives ;  and,  if  it  had  not  been 
done  previously,  the  Duke  of  Guise  was  now  requested  to  come 
to  the  capital  and  protect  the  true  Catholics,  his  adherents. 

Duke  Henry  of  Guise,  like  the  King,  was  the  son  of  an 
Italian  mother ;  they  had  grown  up  together,  and,  like  their 
mothers,  had  been  united  with  each  other  in  good  and  evil, 
but  the  nature  of  the  Duke  had  taken  a  development  alto- 
gether different  from  that  of  the  King.  The  Italians  could 
not  sufficiently  admire  the  harmonious  union  of  mental  energy 
and  corporeal  vigor  which  was  displayed  in  Henry  Guise. 
On  one  occasion  he  was  seen  to  swim  against  the  current  of 
a  stream  in  complete  armor.  In  the  game  of  tennis,  in 
pugilism,  and  all  military  exercises,  he  was  unrivaled,  and 
no  hardship  seemed  to  fatigue  him.  He  was  a  tall  and  fine- 
looking  man,  with  fair  flowing  hair  and  lively  piercing  eyes ; 


THE  BARRICADES.  365 

his  countenance  was  not  disfigured  by  a  scar  on  one  of  his 
cheeks,  the  relic  of  a  wound  received  in  battle — it  seemed 
rather  to  increase  his  soldierly  appearance  ;  in  the  judgment 
of  many  he  presented  the  very  type  of  a  man.*  Although 
brought  up  in  the  lap  of  luxury,  he  cheerfully  put  up  -with 
the  privations  and  difficulties  of  the  camp.  We  read  nothing 
of  great  campaigns  conducted  by  him,  but  he  was  a  courage- 
ous and  gallant  captain,  and  successful  in  many  daring  adven- 
tures. He  did  not  think  long  consultations  and  reflection  neces- 
sary, for  in  war  he  believed  that  every  thing  depended  upon 
rapid  execution.  Under  the  impression  of  concurring  intelli- 
gence, perhaps  at  table,  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous  company, 
he  would  form  his  plan,  from  the  accomplishment  of  which  he 
would  not  afterward  allow  himself  to  be  diverted  by  any 
objection.  As  he  was  willing  to  share  in  the  pains  and  labors 
of  his  soldiers,  so  was  he  also  desirous  of  dividing  with  them 
his  rewards  and  honors.  In  a  poetic  eulogy,  the  artist  who 
painted  his  portrait  is  asked  why  he  had  not  given  him  a 
laurel  wreath  around  his  brows.  The  poet  himself  answers 
his  own  question  on  behalf  of  the  painter,  by  saying  that  the 
Duke  would  have  plucked  off  the  leaves  and  distributed  them 
to  his  companions  in  arms.  He  never  forgot  either  who  he 
was  or  what  he  wished  to  be ;  but  he  avoided  every  appear- 
ance of  overweening  arrogance.  His  letters  of  which  many 
remain,  are  redolent  of  Italian  courtesy.  He  condescended 
even  to  those  of  the  lowest  rank,  and  seldom  refused  an  in- 
vitation to  a  baptism,  a  wedding,  or  any  other  domestic 
festivity.  He  had  been  seen  to  cross  the  street,  hat  in  hand, 
to  salute  an  acquaintance,  sometimes  of  mean  condition.  In 
a  company  of  hundreds  he  distinguished,  at  the  first  glance, 
those  of  them  with  whom  he  had  a  particular  connection, 
and  could  let  thern  know,  by  a  movement  of  the  eye  or  a 
turn  of  the  head,  that  he  recognized  them.  In  short,  he 
possessed  that  quality  which  attaches  men  more  than  any 
thing  else — carelessness  for  himself,  combined  with  attention 

*  Description  by  an  Italian  who  knew  him,  from  a  collection  of  letters 
in  the  Library  at  Stuttgard,  No.  181  ;  "Di  tempcramento  giovale,  be- 
nigno,  grave,  attraeva  la  gente  di  amarlo  e  di  seguitarlo."  Compare 
Davila. 


366  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

to  others.  He  was  also  generous,  though  far  from  being 
rich.  Let  us  figure  to  ourselves  a  man  possessed  of  these 
qualities,  and,  at  the  same  time,  of  illustrious  descent  and 
exalted  rank,  in  the  midst  of  an  excited  multitude,  whose 
most  passionate  feelings  he  shared  in  hatred  against  the  pro- 
fessors of  another  creed.  How  could  it  otherwise  be  than  that 
all  should  cling  to  him  ?  King  Henry  III.  once  said  that  it 
was  true  he  wore  the  crown,  but  that  Guise  was  the  king  of 
minds.* 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Guise's  conduct,  if  conformable  to 
his  nature,  was,  at  the  same  time,  calculated  for  the  produc- 
tion of  such  effects  ;  for  Henry  Guise  was,  in  the  most  dis- 
tinguishing characteristics,  a  party  chief.  He  united  in  him- 
self, as  men  even  then  observed,  the  heroic  qualities  of  his 
father  and  the  subtlety  of  his  uncle. 

Of  the  manifold  motives  which  determined  him  at  any  time 
in  a  particular  course,  he  knew  just  as  well  as  his  uncle  how 
to  present  those  which  were  most  consonant  with  the  disposi- 
tions of  those  with  whom  he  was  treating.  The  others  he 
reserved  even  from  his  most  confidential  friends — his  own 
brothers  could  not  extract  them  from  him.  His  word  or 
promise  was  not  to  be  relied  upon.  "We  have  seen  through 
what  a  miserable  subterfuge  he  considered  himself  relieved 
from  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Nemours.  He  was  not 
fond  of  regular  preparation,  even  in  political  affairs;  he  was 
at  home  in  disorder  and  tumult ;  and  looked  for  all  success 
as  the  result  of  his  popularity  and  his  star. 

He  obtained  a  certain  superiority  over  the  King  by  the 
fact  that  the  latter,  while  prince,  had  belonged  to  the  same 
party  ;  that  they  had  borne  arms  together  against  the  Hugue- 
nots ;  prepared  together  for  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  ;  and  that 
the  League  of  1576  was  their  work  in  common.  The  King 
had  since  adopted  another  policy,  and  while  Guise  set  him- 
self in  opposition  to  it  he  retained  a  certain  sympathy  in  the 
King's  early  reminiscences,  and  in  the  strict  Church-maxims 
he  had  formerly  recognized,  and  from  which  Henry  III.  could 
not  emancipate  himself.     In  the  Duke,  on  the  other  hand, 

*  According  to  Morosini,  it  was  once  said  to  King  Henry  III.,  "  Egli 
(il  Duca  di  Guisa)  e  il  Re  nelT  affetto,  se  la  M.  V.  e  Re  nell'  effetto." 


THE  BARRICADES.  367 

all  was  consistent — his  descent,   conviction,  party  position, 
religious  and  political  objects. 

The  contention  between  them  had  been  enkindled  afresh. 
Guise  had  offered  conditions  to  the  King,  the  acceptance  of 
which  would  have  fully  secured  the  superiority  of  his  party 
in  France.  He  had  also  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the  favorite 
who  had  just  departed  for  Normandy  in  order  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  government  of  that  province.  Guise  was,  in  short, 
resolved  to  carry  out  his  own  designs.  The  King  had  given 
him  an  express  intimation  not  to  come  to  Paris ;  upon  the 
requisition  of  the  city,  in  the  apparent  pressure  of  the  con- 
juncture, as  well  as  from  apprehension  and  ambition,  the 
Duke  resolved  to  pay  no  attention  to  this  prohibition,  and  ap- 
peared in  the  capital  on  the  9th  of  May,  1588 ;  his  attend- 
ance was  small,  but  he  did  not  require  a  greater. 

He  alighted  at  the  palace  of  the  Q,ueen  Mother,  with  whom 
he  was  not  without  some  connection.  Catharine,  who  saw 
at  one  view  all  the  consequences  of  his  arrival,  trembled  as 
she  gazed  on  him.  She  asked  what  had  brought  him  to  Paris 
so  unexpectedly ;  he  answered,  with  some  Avarmth,  that  he 
had  heard  there  was  a  design  in  contemplation  to  surprise  the 
Catholics  and  destroy  them  in  one  night,  and  that  he  had 
come  to  defend  them,  or  else  to  die  with  them.  It  has  been 
said  that  he  expressed  himself  in  a  similarly  disrespectful 
manner  to  the  King ;  but  the  most  credible  reports  contain 
no  proof  of  his  having  done  so.  Henry  III.  saw  Guise,  for  the 
first  time  after  his  return,  in  the  apartment  of  the  Q,ueen 
Consort,  and,  collecting  himself  for  the  effort,  he  spoke  chiefly 
of  Epernon,  who  he  said  was  his  friend,  and  therefore  had 
claims  upon  the  friendship  of  the  Duke  of  Guise.  The  Duke 
replied,  that  Epernon  must  first  learn  to  acknowledge  the  dif- 
ference which  existed  between  them,  both  in  nature  as  well 
as  birth,  and  afterward  they  might  be  friends»*  Those  who 
saw  the  King  and  the  Duke  together  would  never  have  sus- 
pected that  there  existed  between  them  a  feeling  of  discord, 
which  was  so  soon  to  break  out  with  violence.     Even  as  late 

*  This  is  the  report  of  the  Nuncio  to  Sixtus  V.  It  is  as  a  version 
grounded  upon  distinguished  evidence  at  least,  and  possesses  in  itself 
the  greatest  probability. 


368  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

as  the  11th  of  May  Guise  fulfilled  his  office  of  Lord  Steward 
of  the  Household  at  the  supper-table  with  all  the  duty  and 
observauce  of  a  contented  subject. 

Uneasiness  and  apprehension  increased  however,  each  suc- 
cessive moment,  through  the  arrival  of  zealous  and  authorit- 
ative members  of  the  League,  such  as  the  Archbishop  Espinac 
of  Lyons,  as  well  as  through  the  boundless  popularity  which 
Guise  enjoyed.  On  one  occasion  an  old  woman  forced  her 
way  through  the  crowd,  and  told  him  that  she  was  now  will- 
ing to  die,  since  God  had  vouchsafed  her  the  grace  of  seeing, 
with  her  own  eyes,  the  preserver  of  the  faithful.  A  tiler,  at 
the  risk  of  his  life,  jumped  down  from  the  roof  of  a  house 
upon  which  he  was  at  work,  in  order  to  have  a  nearer  view 
of  the  Duke,  who  was  passing  in  the  street  below.  What 
would  have  been  the  consequence  if  the  address  of  Soissons 
had  been  presented  under  these  circumstances,  and  Guise  had 
undertaken  to  be  the  interpreter  of  the  general  desire  ?  How 
could  the  King  have  ventured  to  offer  any  resistance  ?  the 
universal  voice  would  have  overpowered  him. 

I  do  not  find  that  Guise  had  any  further  object  immediately 
in  view,  or  that  he  contemplated  the  employment  of  force. 
The  King  was  also  far  from  being  disposed  to  such  a  course. 
But  the  presence  of  so  many  strangers  of  equivocal  position 
and  character,  and  the  doubtful  fidelity  of  the  civic  militia — 
a  division  of  which  had  abandoned  an  important  post  with- 
out orders — suggested  to  the  Council,  at  a  sitting  held  on  the 
11th  of  May,  in  which  Catharine  de'  Medici  took  no  part,  the 
resolution  to  bring  the  French  and  Swiss  troops,  which  were 
quartered  in  the  suburbs,  into  the  city.  But  where  such  hos- 
tile elements  come  into  contact,  there  is  soon  no  authority  that 
can  prevent  a  collision  and  the  shedding  of  blood.  The  troops 
consisted  of  eleven  Swiss  companies  and  nine  French.  On 
the  morning  of  the  12th  of  May  they  marched  through  the 
gates  with  fifes  and  drums,  and  took  possession  of  the  Halles, 
the  Place  de  Greve,  and  the  bridges  and  streets  round  the 
Louvre,  and  in  the  Cite.  They  also  occupied  the  posts  which 
had  been  deserted  by  the  citizens.  Altogether,  with  those 
which  were  already  in  the  city,  the  troops  might  have  amount- 
ed to  about  six  thousand  men.     It  is  amazing  that  any  one 


THE  BARRICADES.  369 

could  have  dreamt  of  overpowering  with  so  small  a  force  a 
city  filled  with  armed  burghers.  Paris  had  at  that  time  prob- 
ably half  a  million  of  inhabitants.*  The  arrival  of  these  sol- 
diers, however,  made  the  impression  that  the  real  truth  was 
that  "  more  than  a  hundred  honorable  citizens  were  con- 
demned to  death,  and  that  the  hangman's  assistants  were 
already  in  the  city  to  complete  their  execution ;  that  should 
the  slightest  resistance  be  offered  they  would  break  into  the 
houses  and  abuse  the  inhabitants,  while  the  women  would 
be  given  up  to  the  brutality  of  the  Swiss  soldiers."!  The 
population  collected  in  their  several  cmarters  round  their  flags, 
and  a  few  captains  who  remained  faithful  to  the  King  were 
forsaken  by  their  people.  Large  crowds  took  possession  of  the 
streets,  in  order  to  resist  the  advance  of  the  royal  troops.  The 
tumult  increased,  the  civic  authorities  in  favor  of  the  royal 
cause  were  expelled,  and  others  appointed  in  their  room  who 
shared  the  views  and  feelings  of  the  majority.  The  conduct 
of  the  whole  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  few  of  the  most  resolute 
members  of  the  League.  Among  these  no  one  exercised  a 
more  powerful  influence  upon  the  course  of  the  affair  than 
Count  Charles  of  Brissac,  the  son  of  that  Brissac  of  Piedmont 
of  whom  it  was  said  that  he  was  a  lion,  and  led  a  troop  of 
lions  into  battle.  The  younger  Brissac  had  been  neglected 
by  Henry  III.,  and  now  wished  to  prove  to  him  his  import- 
ance by  opposing  him.  He  took  his  position  at  the  head  of 
the  armed  citizens  in  the  Quartier  Latin,  where  the  students 
from  the  University  joined  him.     The  royal  troops,  on  the 

*  Bernardino  Mendoza,  in  a  letter  written  during  the  siege  of  1590, 
states  that  the  usual  number  of  inhabitants  amounted  to  five  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  souls,  but  that  they  had  then  been  reduced  to  four 
hundred  thousand. 

t  Of  the  three  earliest  reports,  "  Audacieuse  Entreprise  de  M.  de 
Guise,"  "  Amplification  des  Particularities  que  se  passerent  ä  Paris" 
(Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  ii.  308-315),  and  "  Histoire  tres- veritable  de  ce  qui 
est  avenu  dans  cette  ville  de  Paris"  (Preuves  dc  la  Satire  Menippee,  i. 
40),  the  last-named  contains  the  best  information :  it  has  been  supposed 
to  be  from  the  pen  of  St.  Yon  one  of  the  Echevins  attached  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  League.  Yet  the  numbers  from  76  to  83,  in  which  he  is 
mentioned,  arc  manifest  insertions.  They  break  the  connection  of  the 
narrative  by  suddenly  passing  over  the  Friday  and  then  again  returning 
to  the  events  of  Thursday.  St.  Yon  is  at  most  but  the  editor  not  the 
author. 


370  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

other  hand,  took  post  on  the  Place  Mauhert,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  brave  Crillion,  who,  had  he  been  allowed  to  act 
according  to  his  own  judgment,  would  probably  have  gained 
the  superiority  over  the  citizens.  He  had,  however,  received 
peremptory  orders  not  to  fire ;  and  as  leave  was  not  given 
him  at  the  critical  moment,  he  retired.  A  plan  had  long 
since  been  formed  by  the  citizens  to  defend  the  streets  with 
barricades,  as  in  earlier  years  they  had  been  defended  with 
chains — a  plan  which  had  often  been  attempted  elsewhere  in 
the  fury  of  civil  war.  As  far  as  we  know,  Guise  himself  was 
not  for  having  recourse  to  this  extreme  measure.  Brissac,  as 
he  asserted,  ordered  all  and  conducted  its  execution.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  he  erected  at  least  the  first  barricade  at  the 
opening  of  the  Rue  Galande  in  the  place  from  which  Crillion 
had  retreated.*  The  same  was  done  in  a  moment  in  all  the 
neighboring  quarters,  and  with  the  most  decisive  results.  By 
mid-day  the  troops  were  every  where  effectually  separated  from 
one  another,  shut  up  within  barricades,  and  the  citizens  mas- 
ters universally.  Marshal  Biron,  the  commander  of  the  troops, 
said  even  then  to  the  King  that  each  street  was  a  town,  Avhich 
must  be  conquered.  Biron,  with  a  few  attendants,  went  on 
foot  up  to  one  of  the  great  barricades  in  order  to  speak  of 
peace.  There  however,  when  he  would  not  concede  the  de- 
mands made,  he  found  the  arms  of  the  citizens  pointed  at 
himself.  The  demand  of  the  mob  was  the  total  removal  of 
all  the  troops,  and  again  it  was  Brissac  who  commenced  hos- 
tile operations  to  compel  them  to  yield.  At  the  head  of  the 
armed  men  of  the  Place  Maubert,  he  commanded  the  Swiss 
to  extinguish  their  matches,  and  when  they  refused  com- 
menced an  attack  on  them  in  front,  and  in  the  rear  from  the 
Rue  St.  Jacques. f  The  Swiss  immediately  exhibited  their 
rosaries  in  their  outstretched  hands,  to  show  that  they  were 
Catholics,  began  to  beg  for  quarter  in  their  broken  French, 

*  "El  papel,  que  dio  el  agente  de  M.  de  Brissac,"  in  the  Archives  of 
Simancas,  contains  these  words  :  "  Le  Compte  de  Brissac,  contre  l'opin- 
ion  de  feu  M.  de  Guise,  dressa  les  barricades  avec  les  gentilshommes 
et  le  peuple  de  Paris,  et  degarnit  cinq  ou  six  milles  hommes  de  guerre  .  . . 
qu'il  confesse  etre  arrives  comme  par  miracle." 

t  "  Jamais  on  ne  vit  chose  mieux  conduite,  ny  plus  heureusement 
Bucceder." — Lettres  d'Et.  Pasquier,  liv.  xii.  p.  334. 


THE  BARRICADES.  371 

and  allowed  themselves  to  be  disarmed ;  the  same  took  place 
on  the  Marche  Neuf;  and  the  populace  rushed  at  the  sound 
of  the  tocsin  upon  the  troops  in  all  the  posts  which  they  oc- 
cupied. The  King,  in  order  to  save  them,  gave  orders  that 
they  should  all  assemble  round  the  Louvre ;  but  this  was  not 
to  be  accomplished  so  easily ;  he  was  himself  compelled  to 
solicit  the  aid  of  his  enemy  Guise. 

Guise  had  made  preparations  for  defense  in  his  palace  on 
the  same  morning.  The  garden  was  filled  with  arms,  and 
the  ground-floor  occupied  by  persons  prepared  for  battle.  In 
the  court-yard  his  friends  belonging  to  the  nobility  formed  them- 
selves into  ranks,  desirous  of  the  opportunity  to  fight  for  him.* 

By  mid-day  the  idea  of  an  attack  was  entirely  abandoned. 
Guise  was  seen  traversing  the  nearest  streets  in  company  with 
the  Archbishop  Espinac,  in  the  midst  of  a  double  line  formed 
by  the  mob.  From  time  to  time  intelligence  was  brought  to 
him  from  the  central  parts  of  the  city,  and  the  joy  with  which 
he  received  these  accounts  showed  that  he  was  confident  of 
victory.t 

Already,  however,  all  was  decided.  Appealed  to  for  assist- 
ance by  the  Court  itself,  he  went  at  once  to  the  scene  of  the 
struggle.  He  was  on  horseback,  but  without  his  cuirass  or 
any  arms,  except  a  staff  which  he  carried  in  his  hand.  Where- 
ever  he  showed  himself  the  uproar  was  immediately  stilled. 
He  first  liberated  the  French  guards  from  the  house  into  which 
they  had  been  forced  ;  then  the  Swiss  from  the  Marche  Neuf, 
and  afterward  all  the  others.  They  were  now  able,  under 
the  guidance  of  Guise  and  his  friends,  to  assemble  round  the 
Louvre.  Through  all  this,  however,  no  trace  of  arrogance  or 
insolence  was  noticeable  in  his  behavior  ;  he  only  complained 
that  people  should  have  given  him  this  trouble,  saying  that 

*  Lugi  Davila  found  him  thus  when  he  had  been  sent  to  him  by  the 
Queen,  and  he  himself  showed  him  his  preparations.  (Davila,  Historia, 
496.) 

t  Young  Augustus  de  Thou,  the  historian,  saw  him  under  these  cir- 
cumstances :  "  Mihi  videri  in  vultu  Guisii  ac  suorum  earn  fiduciam  et 
serenitatem  oris  cernere,"  etc.,  lib.  91,  iii.  187.  The  palace  is  the  pres- 
ent Hotel  des  Archives.  It  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Constable  do 
Clisson,  from  whom  it  was  purchased  in  1553  by  Guise's  mother ;  it 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  Prince  of  Soubise  afterward. 


372  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

those  who  kindled  the  fire  should  in  all  reason  extinguish  it. 
He  did  not  even  show  any  ill-will  toward  his  antagonists,  but 
treated  them  with  that  admirable  courtesy  which  was  pecu- 
liar to  him.  That  danger  and  the  victory  were  in  truth 
equally  unexpected  by  him. 

It  was  thought  in  the  city  that  all  was  now  accomplished, 
and  that  Guise  would  for  the  future  rule  next  to  the  King. 
The  King  was  counseled  to  go  through  the  streets  in  company 
with  the  governor  of  the  city,  the  Duke,  and  perhaps  his  moth- 
er, and  endeavor  to  persuade  the  people  to  remove  the  barri- 
cades. He  could  not,  however,  bring  himself  to  take  a  step 
in  which  he  would  have  to  experience  a:  the  same  moment 
the  power  of  the  detested  party  chief  and  the  scorn  of  the 
multitude  ;  nor  could  he  be  certain  that  things  would  remain 
in  the  state  at  which  they  had  now  arrived.  It  was  told  the 
King  that  Brissac  had  once  more  collected  an  armed  crowd  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  University,  with  the  intention  of  seiz- 
ing the  only  gate  in  the  King's  possession — that  next  to  the 
Louvre,  and  most  probably  of  making  an  attack  on  that  pal- 
ace.* Must  he  at  length  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies  ? 
He  finally  determined  to  use  the  moment  while  the  keys  of 
this  single  gate — the  Porte  Neuve — still  remained  in  his 
hands,  and  his  opponents  had  not  yet  appeared  before  the 
Louvre,  and  to  quit  the  city.  Accompanied  by  the  courtiers 
and  councilors  who  had  the  means  of  taking  horse,  he  set  out 
and  took  the  road  to  Chartres. 

Thus  did  this  momentous  event  take  place  with  but  a  tri- 
fling contest.  The  population  of  the  city,  which  had  once 
thrust  out  the  Huguenots,  and  afterward,  incited  by  the  Court, 
so  horribly  butchered  those  who  ventured  among  them,  now 
turned  their  arms  against  the  King  himself.  The  prince  who 
had  helped  to  provoke  the  fury  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day, 
saw,  when  king,  the  popular  passions  directed  against  himself 

*  "  Ho  saputo,"  said  the  King  to  the  Nuncio,  "  che  il  Sr.  de  Brissac 
raunava  gente  nelP  Universita.  di  Scolari  per  muoversi  ii  palazzo  regio 
et  impradonirsi  della  Porta  Nuova,  onde  io  rimaneva  assediato  et  in 
potere  di  miei  nemici,  nelle  mani  di  quali  era  risoluto  di  non  cadere :" 
the  Porte  Neuve  was  between  the  Louvre  and  the  Tuileries,  not  far 
from  the  quay.     (Dulaure,  Hist,  de  Paris,  v.  46.) 


THE  BARRICADES.  373 

saw  his  troops  disarmed,  and  himself  compelled  to  fly  beyond 
the  walls  of  his  capital. 

He  was  as  good  a  Catholic  as  any  of  them.  He  had,  as 
he  once  said,  done  more  for  the  prosperity  of  the  city  than 
any  ten  of  his  predecessors  taken  together.  But  benefits  re- 
ceived are  soon  forgotten ;  they  bind  none  but  those  who  have 
inborn  feelings  of  gratitude,  and  least  of  all  the  multitude, 
among  which,  though  they  attain  in  the  mass  a  flourishing 
condition,  still  each  feels  only  in  his  own  case  what  is  still 
wanting  to  him.  Partly  through  his  own  fault,  and  partly 
through  that  of  others,  the  King  had  lost  his  personal  author- 
ity ;  but  he  came  into  hostile  collision  with  popular  opinion 
chiefly  through  his  tolerant  policy  and  his  efforts  to  establish 
peace.  The  rigid  Catholic  element,  once  aroused,  victorious, 
and  independent,  now  strove  to  obtain  unconditional  dominion . 
It  deemed  itself  to  possess  an  ecclesiastical  and  political  right 
to  an  exclusive  existence  in  France.  That  the  King  was 
compelled  to  take  other  measures  against  the  partisan  efforts  of 
a  powerful  house  and  the  influences  of  a  foreign  power,  was  not 
considered  by  the  multitude  ;  impelled  forward  by  the  fanat- 
ical preachers  who  ruled  their  party,  they  felt  nothing,  sus- 
pected nothing,  but  blindly  followed  their  Guise,  who  was  all 
the  while  in  the  pay  of  the  Spaniard. 

Had  Henry  remained  in  Paris,  even  had  no  worse  results 
followed,  he  would  have  been  compelled  to  govern  in  accord- 
ance with  the  views  of  the  city  and  of  the  victor.  Now  that 
he  had  saved  himself,  and  was  acknowledged  as  king  in  the 
country,  negotiation  at  least  was  still  possible. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS,  1588. 

The  deliberations  of  the  Estates,  for  the  assembling  of 
which  at  Blois,  toward  the  close  of  the  year  1588,  the  King 
caused  the  letters  of  summons  to  be  immediately  issued,  can 
only  be  regarded  as  negotiations. 

The  King  held  it  to  be  necessary  previously,  as  it  were,  to 
adopt  the  notions  of  his  adversaries,  and  to  submit  himself  to 
them.  In  a  new  edict,  promulgated  in  July,  1588,*  he  prom- 
ises to  destroy  heresy,  and  requires  from  his  subjects  an  obli- 
gation upon  oath  that  after  his  death  they  will  never  accept 
for  their  king  any  one  who  shall  be  a  heretic,  or  a  favorer  of 
heretics.  He  required  another  oath  from  them  in  addition, 
by  which  they  were  to  pledge  themselves  to  abstain  from  all 
other  alliances  and  connections,  whether  within  the  kingdom 
or  in  foreign  countries.  He  would  not  hear  the  word  League 
any  longer ;  under  the  term  union  he  understood  the  legal 
connection  and  alliance  between  the  Catholic  subjects  of  the 
realm  and  their  Catholic  King.  He  so  far  controlled  himself 
in  this  preliminary  proclamation  as  to  announce  an  amnesty 
for  what  taken  place  in  Paris.  Favors  were  even  bestowed 
upon  G  uise ;  and  when  he  came  to  the  Court  he  was  received  in 
a  gracious  manner.  Epernon  lost  his  new  government,  and 
was  removed,  and  the  whole  Council  was  dismissed,  because 
it  appeared  indissolubly  associated  with  the  previous  political 
administration  of  affairs.  All  questions  were  to  be  freely 
investigated  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates,  and  new  forms  of 
government  decided  upon. 

*  Edit  du  Roi  sur  l'union  de  ses  sujets  Catholiques :  Mem.  de  la 
Ligue,  ii.  336.     Articles  accordes  au  nom  du  Roi,  ib.  iii.  52. 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  375 

When  the  Estates  assembled  at  Blois  in  October,  the  King 
flattered  himself  that  the  free  elections  would  have  brought 
together  in  the  Assembly  men  who  were  not  connected  with 
the  League,  and  who  would  lend  a  willing  ear  to  his  repre- 
sentations. I  know  not  that  ever  a  French  King  delivered  a 
more  remarkable  discourse  than  that  with  which  Henry  III. 
opened  these  Estates.  It  was  animated  throughout  with  a 
feeling  that  an  understanding,  in  the  Catholic  sense,  as  well  as 
in  accordance  with  the  monarchy  and  the  Estates,  was  still 
practicable  by  means  of  consultation. 

Henry  III.  commenced  with  a  eulogy  upon  his  mother, 
who  sat  upon  the  highest  step  immediately  below  the  throne. 
He  promised  again  to  oppose  heresy,  even  at  the  risk  of  his 
life,  as  he  had  done  before  in  battle ;  he  could  not  find  a 
prouder  grave  than  amidst  the  ruins  of  heresy.  He  prom- 
ised, in  addition,  a  searching  reform  in  reference  to  the  finances 
as  well  as  in  the  appointment  to  official  places,  for  he  said 
that  his  honor  depended  upon  the  prosperity  of  his  subjects 
and  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom.  Some  of  the  abuses  com- 
plained of  he  declared  to  be  abolished  on  the  spot.  He  con- 
jured the  Estates  to  unite  with  him  for  the  purpose  of  putting 
an  end  to  all  disorder,  by  the  memory  of  the  ancient  Kings 
his  predecessors,  by  whom  they  had  been  happily  and  mild- 
ly governed,  and  by  the  name  of  true  Frenchmen,  who  al- 
ways passionately  reverenced  their  natural  and  legitimate 
kings. 

"  I  am  your  King,"  said  he  :  "I  am  the  only  person  who 
can  say  this.  In  this  monarchy  I  desire  to  be  nothing  more 
than  what  I  am.  Monarchy  is  the  best  form  of  government. 
The  monarch  inherits  from  his  predecessors  not  only  the  high- 
est dignity,  but  also  the  zeal  to  use  it  for  the  honor  of  God 
and  for  the  preservation  of  all." 

"He  had  been  told,  it  was  true,"  he  continued,  "  that  an 
Assembly  of  the  Estates  could  easily  shake  the  royal  author- 
ity ;  such  an  event  could  happen,  however,  only  when  that 
authority  was  exercised  to  promote  bad  objects ;  but  when 
its  objects  were  pure,  as  in  the  present  case,  an  Assembly  of 
the  Estates  would  rather  strengthen  the  legitimate  power, 
and,  therefore,  he  had  called  them  together  in  spite  of  all 


376  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

such  objections.  The  object  of  the  Assembly  he  placed  in 
the  good  advice  of  the  subjects  and  the  sacred  resolutions  of 
the  prince.* 

"  The  decrees  which  should  be  agreed  upon  in  this  man- 
ner, he  promised  to  swear  to  upon  the  Evangelists,  and  never 
under  any  pretext  to  violate.  It  might,  indeed,  appear  that 
by  giving  these  pledges  he  compromised  the  royal  authority, 
which  by  law  was  made  superior  to  the  law  itself;  but  he 
knew  that  the  true  magnanimity  of  a  good  prince  consisted 
in  regulating  his  intentions  and  proceedings  according  to  good 
laws.  Should  he,  however,  by  his  present  conduct  diminish 
the  royal  power,  he  would  only  have  made  what  remained 
of  it  the  more  firm  and  enduring." 

There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  King  Henry  III.  was  guilty 
of  either  untruth  or  hypocrisy  in  these  declarations  ;  his  mean- 
ing was  to  limit  the  Crown,  whose  original  independence  he 
firmly  maintained,  by  subjecting  it  to  laws  which  he  himself 
should  adopt  freely.  In  this  manner  he  thought  to  mediate 
between  the  monarchy  and  the  Estates,  in  the  ancient  dispute 
which  had  agitated  previous  ages,  and  which  was  to  agitate 
later  times  still  more  fiercely.  The  fundamental  laws  of  the 
kingdom  were  to  be  renewed,  or  newly  established,  by  a  change 
freely  concurred  in  by  all  its  authorities  ;  and  upon  these  fun- 
damental laws,  thus  altered,  the  monarchy  was  to  be  bound 
by  an  inviolable  oath. 

Never  did  a  French  King  approach  nearer  to  the  demands 
of  the  Estates  than  Henry  III.  at  Blois.  Was  he  not,  it  may 
be  asked,  taken  at  his  word,  and  the  difficulty  of  his  position 
made  use  of  in  order  to  limit  definitively  the  mutual  rights 
of  the  Throne  and  of  the  Estates  ? 

But  there  prevailed  in  the  Estates  ideas  not  only  extended 
much  further  than  the  King's,  but  that  rested  upon  grounds 

*  "  Cette  tenuc  d'Etats  est  un  remede  pour  guerir,  avec  Ies  bons 
conscils  des  sujets  et  la  sainte  resolution  du  Prince,  les  maladies  que 
le  lono-  espace  de  temps  et  la  negligentc  observation  des  ordonnances  du 
royaume  y  ont  laisse  prendre  pied." — Harangue  faite  par  le  Hoi,  etc.  ; 
also  in  the  Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  ii.  481.  It  has  been  said  that  the  speech 
was  not  published  exactly  as  it  was  delivered,  that  then  were  in  it  some 
strongly  offensive  expressions  in  reference  to  Guise.  I  leave  this  un- 
decided ;  it  does  not  affect  the  principal  matter 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  377 

altogether  different.  We  learn  them  especially  from  the 
schemes  proposed  at  Paris.* 

The  declaration  of  Henry  III.  that  there  could  not  be  a 
Protestant,  or,  as  it  was  said,  heretical  King  in  France,  was 
not,  according  to  their  scheme,  satisfactory.  The  view  pro- 
pounded was  that  should  a  King  only  favor  heresy,  it  mattered 
not  whether  directly  or  indirectly,  by  the  very  fact  he  forfeited 
his  right  to  the  Crown,  and  the  French  people  were  released 
from  the  oath  of  allegiance  which  they  had  sworn  to  him. 
In  order  to  establish  this  view,  the  following  theory  was  ad- 
vanced. Kings  are  not  Kings  naturally,  but  by  the  grace  of 
God,  namely  the  sanction  of  the  Church,  as  it  was  made  out 
to  be,  after  an  exposition  replete  with  false  history  ;  this  grace 
of  God,  imparted  by  anointing  and  consecration,  gave  them 
more  right  to  the  Crown  than  either  nature  or  birth.  Should 
a  King  refuse  to  bind  himself  by  the  fundamental  laws  of  his 
kingdom,  his  authority  at  once  reverted  to  the  successors  of 
those  who  had  at  first  invested  the  royal  race  with  royal  author- 
ity, that  is,  to  the  Estates  themselves.!  It  is  a  singular  com- 
pound of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and  of  clerical  preten- 
sion, from  which  they  seek  to  derive  the  power  of  the  Crown. 
Without  the  Estates,  the  King  was  neither  to  declare  war,  to 
conclude  peace,  nor  to  levy  taxes  ;  the  pardons  he  might  grant, 
or  even  the  powers  and  authorities  he  might  confer,  they  were 
to  have  power  either  to  confirm  or  to  recall.  They  were  to  have 
their  procurators  at  the  Court,  in  order  that  all  their  griev- 
ances might  be  brought  instantly  before  the  Council.  In  each 
of  the  superior  tribunals  there  was  to  be  a  Chamber  elected 
by  the  Estates,  whose  duty  should  be  to  decide  in  the  last 
instance  upon  the  limits  of  their  jurisdiction,  and  to  control 
any  excess  in  their  sentences  and  judgments.  A  hierarchy, 
as  it  were,  of  the  Estates,  was  to  exist  alongside  of  the  royal 
tribunals  and  the  Privy  Council. 

Two  systems  of  limited  monarchy  here  stand  in  opposition, 

*  "  Articles  pour  proposer  aux  Estats  et  faire  passer  en  loi  fonde- 
mentale  du  royaume,"  in  Cayet,  Anc.  Coll.  des  Memoires,  55,  193: 
Michaud,  xii.  62. 

t  "  L'autorite,  de  laquelle  ils  ont  preincrement  revestu  leurs  roys, 
leur  seroit  devolue." 


378  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

both  Catholic,  and  both  intended  for  the  reform  of  abuses, 
and  therefore  not  essentially  contradictory,  yet  separated  from 
each  other  by  an  impassable  chasm.  The  ideas  of  Hottmann 
and  of  Bodin  meet,  as  it  were,  on  another  grade.  While  the 
King  sought  to  preserve  the  original  and  hereditary  rights  of 
the  Crown  in  their  integrity,  and  would  have  made  every 
limitation  dependent  upon  his  own  resolution,  and  its  dura- 
tion upon  his  oath,  the  Estates  laid  claim  to  all  original 
rights  for  themselves,  maintaining  that  the  King  was  intrusted 
with  the  exercise  of  those  rights  by  them  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Church,  and  that  therefore  it  devolved  upon  them  to 
take  the  largest  share  in  the  administration  and  superintend- 
ence of  affairs. 

These  are  precisely  the  antagonistic  principles  which  have 
always  contended  for  the  ascendency  in  the  monarchies  of 
Europe. 

Had  it  depended  on  the  consultations  of  the  Estates,  what 
system  should  henceforth  prevail  in  France,  their  decision 
would  not  have  been  equivocal.  In  these  Estates  the  only 
principles  represented  were  those  of  the  League.  When  it 
was  spoken  of  at  first  as  possible  that  other  opinions  besides 
those  of  the  League  might  have  influence  in  the  Assembly, 
Guise  declared  openly  that  his  friends  in  the  provinces  would 
know  how  to  prevent  such  from  being  the  case.  In  all  the 
three  Estates  the  most  zealous  adherents  of  the  League  were 
chosen  presidents  :  the  clergy  elected  the  Cardinal  of  Guise ; 
the  nobility,  the  Count  de  Brissac,  whose  acquaintance  we 
made  at  the  barricades ;  and  the  third  Estate,  the  most 
enthusiastic  member  of  the  Council  of  Ten,  Marteau,  the 
Prevot  des  Marchands.  The  propositions  also  of  the  Estates 
are  in  every  respect  correspondent  with  the  ideas  of  the 
League. 

The  first  and  most  important  was  that  their  decrees  should 
have  an  immediate  validity,  and  that  the  Parliaments  should 
no  longer  verify  but  simply  register  them  ;  that  above  all 
things  they  should  not  be  first  submitted  for  approval  to  the 
Royal  Council,  but  that  they  should  be  published  as  resolved 
upon.  They  cited  the  examples  of  Poland,  Sweden,  and  En- 
gland, and  other  neighboring  nations,  where  that  practice  was 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  379 

customary.  .The  King  remarked,  that  in  Spain,  where  the 
Crown  had  never  possessed  so  much  power  as  in  France,  the 
custom  and  manner  was  different.  He  caused  proceedings 
of  the  Cortes  to  be  printed,  in  which  the  grievances  of  the 
Estates'  deputies  appeared  by  the  side  of  the  King's  instruc- 
tions ;  what  profound  reverence  did  these  documents  display 
toward  the  Sovereign !  We  may  venture  to  suppose,  however, 
that  no  one  conceived  himself  to  be  refuted  by  this. 

Another  claim  made  by  the  Estates  was  that  they  should 
have  the  supervision  of  the  finances,  and  that,  in  order  to  put 
a  stop  to  the  violence  of  oppression  and  exaction  practiced  by 
the  partisans  and  other  revenue  officers,  and  to  punish  them 
for  their  excesses,  a  chamber  of  inquiry  should  be  established, 
in  the  organization  of  which  the  Estates  would  have  a  pre- 
ponderating influence.  The  King  might  appoint  six  of  its 
members,  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates  eighteen ;  the  Procura- 
tor-General was  also  to  be  chosen  by  the  three  Estates,  and 
this  officer  should  be  an  upright  and  impartial  man,  who 
should  receive  information  from  all  the  provinces  of  the  acts 
of  oppression,  with  the  names  of  the  transgressors  ;  but  they 
were  to  receive  an  income  according  to  what  they  had  paid, 
and  which  had  not  been  already  returned  by  the  produce  of 
the  lands.* 

The  next  subject  that  occupied  attention  was  the  immedi- 
ate alleviation  of  the  public  burdens ;  and  here  measures  of 
a  most  extensive  character  were  proposed.  All  the  alienated 
domains  of  the  Crown  were  to  be  resumed  from  the  purchasers. 
The  taxes  introduced  under  the  present  government  were  to 
be  immediately  abolished,  as  well  as  all  the  other  extraordi- 
nary imposts  except  the  taille,  and  that  was  to  be  reduced  at 
once  to  its  amount  under  Francis  I.,  and  in  time  to  that  which 
it  bore  under  Louis  XII.  It  is  manifest  that  the  Treasury 
was  here  threatened  with  a  deficiency  which  could  not  be 
calculated.  The  King  represented  to  them  the  condition  in 
which  he  was  already  placed,  and  the  few  favors  he  bestowed 

*  "Et  que  la  nomination  d' un  Procureur  General  seroit  faite  par 
les  trois  ordres,  pour  faire  choix  d'  un  homme  roide  et  entier,  qui  auroit 
un  Substitut  en  chaque  province  de  la  France,"  etc.  Des  Etats  Gen. 
xv.  41. 


380  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

upon  his  attendants.  He  showed  them  his  clothes,  which 
must  last  him  three  months  more.  He  was  certainly  no 
longer  a  spendthrift ;  his  household  was  maintained  upon  a 
very  humble  footing ;  if  two  capons  were  thought  too  much 
for  his  table,  he  would  content  himself  with  one.  He  had 
not  at  the  present  moment  a  single  sou  in  his  purse  ;  some- 
times the  money  was  wanting  even  for  dispatching  a  courier. 
If  they  were  not  willing  to  find  some  substitute  for  the  im- 
posts they  were  about  to  abolish,  then  their  proceedings  in- 
volved his  destruction  ;  but  that  which  happened  to  the  King 
happened  to  all.  The  Estates,  however,  insisted  that  the 
welfare  of  the  people  was  the  supreme  law,  and  threatened  to 
leave  Blois  if  he  would  not  consent  to  their  views,  and  Hen- 
ry, about  the  beginning  of  December,  1588,  found  himself  at 
last  under  the  necessity  of  complying.  Although,  he  said,  it 
had  been  represented  to  him  that,  in  doing  so,  he  reduced 
himself  to  the  position  of  a  Doge  of  Venice,  yet  he  was  deter- 
mined to  do  it.  He  must  be  either  very  good  and  very  gra- 
cious, or  very  bad  and  obstinate.  He  also  consented  to  the 
reduction  of  the  taille,  but  on  condition  that  the  necessities 
of  the  State  should  be  supplied  in  some  other  manner.  The 
present  income  of  the  Government  might  amount  to  about 
nine  million  and  a  half  of  crowns.  If  his  debts  were  assumed 
by  the  Estates  he  would  endeavor  to  carry  on  the  administra- 
tion with  five  millions,  and  this  he  thought  they  ought  at 
least  to  do.  Meanwhile,  however  desirable  and  easy  it  might 
be  for  the  Estates  to  point  out  the  necessity  of  abolishing  the 
imposts,  it  exceeded  both  their  power  and  their  intention  to 
find  a  substitute  for  the  revenue  they  produced.  They  fell 
upon  the  expedient  of  securing  the  public  income  by  means 
of  the  personal  security  of  the  richest  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly of  the  Estates,  which  was  neither  more  nor  less  than  a 
republican  idea,  only  that  there  were  no  men  there  who 
were  republicans  enough  to  carry  it  out.  The  subscriptions 
which  were  collected  proved  very  scanty.  In  fact,  every  one 
desired  to  live  by  the  State,  rather  than  by  previous  personal 
sacrifices  to  make  it  possible  to  do  so.  The  greatest  embar- 
rassment was  the  natural  consequence  ;  every  thing  came  to 
a  standstill,  and  all  proceedings  were  paralyzed. 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  381 

The  Duke  of  Savoy  availed  himself  of  the  helpless  condi- 
tion, of  France  to  promote  his  own  interests.  At  the  very 
commencement  of  these  difficulties  he  had  entered  into  the 
closest  connection  with  Philip  II.,  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
and  taking  possession  of  Saluzzo,  which  was  most  conveniently 
situated  for  him,  but  which  at  that  time  belonged  to  the 
French.* 

In  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates  some  declared  it  to  be  their 
opinion  that  every  thing  else  should  be  postponed  until  the 
Duke  was  punished  as  he  deserved,  for  having  dared  to  give 
offense  to  France  with  so  disproportionately  insignificant  a 
power.  It  is  not  true,  as  some  maintain,  that  Guise  had  a 
full  understanding  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy  in  regard  to  tbis 
enterprise  ;  he  considered  it  at  least  very  unseasonable.  But 
as  Savoy  was  a  member  of  the  great  European  League,  to 
which  the  King  of  Spain  and  Sixtus  V.  also  belonged,  Guise 
had  no  wish  to  take  arms  against  the  Duke  ;  such  a  step 
would  have  given  his  policy  a  totally  different  character. 

The  disposition  of  the  predominant  party  in  the  Estates 
was  much  more  to  renew  with  all  vigor  the  war  against  the 
Huguenots  and  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  to  commit  its  direc- 
tion to  the  Duke  of  Guise.  They  would  not  listen  to  a  pro- 
posal that  Navarre  should  for  form's  sake  be  once  more  re- 
quested to  return  to  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic  Church ;  he 
had  been  sufficiently  often  requested,  and  always  in  vain,  and 
now,  that  he  was  openly  in  arms,  it  was  not  the  time  to 
negotiate  with  him.  They  declared  Henry  of  Bourbon  to  be 
a  notorious  and  relapsed  heretic,  guilty  of  offense  against  the 
Divine  and  human  Majesty,  unworthy  of  succeeding  to  the 
throne,  and  that  his  present  and  future  heirs  had  forfeited  all 
the  rights  of  a  Prince  ;  he  and  they  urged  the  King  to  remove 
him  from  his  government  of  Guienne. 

They  felt  no  embarrassment  as  to  the  cost  of  this  war,  for 
they  intended  that  the  estates  of  the  Protestants  should  be 
confiscated,  and  applied  to  that  purpose.  They  even  laid 
down  a  plan,  in  accordance  with  which  one  of  the  most  con- 

*  He  was  in  Spain  at  the  close  of  March.  1585.  "  Halasciato,"  says 
the  Venetian  embassador  of  him  when  he  had  taken  his  departure, 
"opinione  in  tutti  non  pin  di  Piemontese,  ma  di  Spagnolo." 


382  HISTORY  OF  PRANCE. 

siderable  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  chief  town  of  each  district 
was  to  be  appointed  as  receiver  of  the  funds  to  arise  from  the 
sale  of  the  estates.*  The  third  Estate,  which  had  at  first 
hesitated  at  describing  the  King  of  Navarre  as  a  heretic,  as 
they  considered  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the  laity  to  judge  of 
such  matters,  adopted  the  word  at  last,  because  it  involved 
the  loss  of  property  and  hereditary  rights.  A  general  confis- 
cation of  the  estates  held  by  Protestants  was  contemplated,  in 
consonance  with  the  severest  decrees  of  the  ecclesiastical  law, 
similar  to  the  sentence  which  had  been  formerly  executed 
upon  the  Albigenses. 

Henry  of  Guise  had  a  leading  hand  in  all  these  proceed- 
ings. His  conduct  at  the  opening  of  the  Estates  was  remark- 
able, when,  in  discharging  his  office  of  Lord  High  Steward, 
he  knelt  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  and  cast  upon  the  assem- 
bly round  him  a  glance  which  expressed  his  assurance  of  the 
general  admiration  and  devotion  with  which  he  was  regarded 
as  the  commanding  chief  of  a  great  party.  He  was  master 
in  the  Estates,  as  well  as  in  the  Council  of  the  King.  The 
leaders  in  the  Assembly  consulted  him  upon  every  step  they 
wished  to  take,  while  in  the  Council  no  one  presumed  to  con- 
tradict him.  He  leaned  upon  the  great  principles  both  eccle- 
siastic and  popular,  which  alike  excluded  absolute  govern- 
ment founded  upon  the  right  of  birth.  Whither  then  tended 
his  designs  ?  Was  it  really,  as  is  asserted,  his  ambitious  in- 
tention to  set  aside  the  King,  and  shut  him  up  in  a  cloister, 
as  the.Carlovingians,  from  whom  he  was  descended,  did  the 
last  monarch  of  the  Merovingian  race  ?  In  a  piece  addressed 
to  Guise,  and  written  immediately  before  the  assembling  of 
these  Estates,  f  mention  is  made  of  Charles  Martel,  who,  after 
he  had  raised  himself  to  the  dignity  of  Major-domo,  made  use 
of  that  post,  as  a  means  to  raise  himself  to  a  more  exalted 

*  "  Que  tous  heretiques,  de  quelque  etat,  qualite,  ou  condition  qu'ils 
soient,  soient  punis  de  peines  indictes  et  portees  par  les  ordonnances 
des  dufunts  rois  de  France,  Francois  I.  et  Henri  IL,  et  leurs  biens 
employes  au  frais  de  la  guerre,"  etc. — Cahier  du  Tiers  Etat,  Etats 
Gen.,  et  autr.  Ass.  Nat.,  torn.  xv.  p.  156. 

+  "  Instruction  ä  M.  de  Guise  retourne  en  Cour,  par  l'Archevesque 
de  Lion,"  somewhere  about  August,  1588,  in  the  Memoirs  of  Villeroy, 
1665,  ii.  266. 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  383 

position ;  born  a  private  man,  he  had  left  his  children  heirs 
to  a  throne.  Did  Guise  actually  aim  at.  the  high  object  of 
founding  a  new  dynasty  ?  I  think  I  may  assert  that  this  was. 
not  the  case.  Moreo,  who  conducted  the  first  negotiations 
with  the  Guises,  asserts  that  Guise  had  promised  the  King  of 
Spain  that  he  would  not  for  himself  make  any  attempt  upon 
the  French  crown.*  It  may  have  been  that  Philip  II.  re- 
served some  claim  of  this  kind  for  his  own  house,  or  that  the 
elevation  of  a  private  man  to  a  crown,  even  though  a  confed- 
erate of  his  own,  was  displeasing  to  him.  It  is  enough  that 
Guise,  who  could  not  for  a  moment  dispense  with  the  assist- 
ance of  the  King  of  Spain,  was  fettered  by  the  promises  he 
had  exacted.  His  ambition  was  not  of  that  aspiring  kind  to 
which  imagination  gives  birth  ;  but  the  cool  and  practical 
ambition  of  a  man  of  intellect,  who  always  seeks  to  attain 
what  lies  nearest  to  him  first,  proceeds  from  position  to  posi- 
tion, and  allows  his  efforts  to  be  directed  by  the  course  of  cir- 
cumstances. Even  the  King  did  not  regard  him  as  a  rival 
of  his  dignity,  so  much  as  of  his  power.  He  had  formed  the 
idea  that  Guise  aspired  after  the  place  of  Constable,  and 
would  if  necessary  accept  it  even  on  the  nomination  of  the 
Estates,  in  order  that  once  invested  with  that  authority,  he 
might  at  their  command  undertake  the  war  of  persecution 
against  the  Huguenots.  The  King  was  apprehensive  that  he 
would  be  forcibly  compelled  to  return  to  Paris,  and  there,  in 
the  midst  of  his  rebellious  subjects,  be  made  the  instrument 
to  cany  out  their  designs. 

The  most  extraordinary  scenes  took  place  at  Blois.  On 
one  afternoon  a  sanguinary  affray  occurred  between  the  pages 
of  both  parties.  Guise  was  at  the  residence  of  the  Q,ueen 
Mother ;  the  noise  of  the  riot  reached  him  from  the  castle, 
and  at  the  same  time  some  of  his  friends  appeared  to  receive 
his  orders.  He  sat  on  a  stool  by  the  fire-place,  never  altered 
a  feature,  did  not  look  round  on  any  one,  but  kept  his  eye 
ßteadily  fixed  upon  the  fire.  The  King  meanwhile  armed 
himself  in  his   own   chamber  with   a  coat  of  mail,   firmly 

*  He  told  the  assembled  Leaguers  at  Rouen,  "  que  uno  de  los  arti- 
culos  de  la  capitulation  era,  que  el  dicho  M.  de  Guisa  no  avia  de  in- 
tentar  alia  corona." — Papers  of  Simancas. 


384  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

persuaded   that   his  rival   would  make   an  attempt  on  his 
life. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs.  Henry  III.  was  not 
himself  fully  convinced  of  the  truth  of  his  own  notions  of  a 
power  limiting  itself  by  law,  yet  still  firmly  retaining  the  ideas 
of  the  monarchy;  all  the  resolutions  of  the  Estates  proceeded 
upon  the  ideas  of  a  limitation  which  derived  the  origin  and 
sum  of  power  from  another  source.  He  perceived  a  system- 
atic attempt  to  annihilate  his  authority,  and  to  force  him  to 
the  adoption  of  measures  which  of  all  others  were  the  most 
odious  to  him.  He  endeavored  once  more  to  bring  Guise  to 
coincide  with  his  views.  While  walking  with  him  in  the 
garden,  he  spoke  to  him  of  the  two  most  important  requisi- 
tions of  the  Estates — the  adoption  of  their  decrees  without 
considering  them  previously  in  the  royal  Council,  and  the  war 
against  Henry  of  Navarre  without  summoning  him  anew  to 
return  to  the  Catholic  Church — and  sought  to  convince  him 
of  the  impossibility  of  his  agreeing  to  them.  Guise,  however, 
not  only  remained  unmoved  in  his  opinions,  but  appeared 
to  be  irritated,  and  let  fall  words  concerning  the  secret 
whisperings  to  which  the  King  lent  an  ear,  and  which  ren- 
dered the  regular  course  of  affairs  impossible,  and  finally  held 
out  a  threat  of  demission.*  Had  this  threat  been  put  in 
execution,  it  would  have  been  most  probably  the  signal  for  a 
general  insurrection  against  the  King.  Henry  III.  controlled 
himself  while  speaking  with  Guise ;  but  when  he  returned  to 
his  own  chamber,  he  gave  free  vent  to  his  passionate  emo- 
tions. The  Italian  blood  boiled  in  his  veins,  and  he  conceived 
the  idea  of  getting  rid  there,  in  the  very  palace,  of  the  man 
whom  he  regarded  as  his  most  dangerous  personal  enemy. 

A  dream,  which  had  formerly  made  a  deep  impression  upon 
him,  rose  to  his  remembrance  :  he  thought  he  was  attacked 
by  the  wild  beasts  of  a  menagerie  ;  and  now  this  vision 
seemed  to  be  fulfilled.  He  regarded  the  Duke  as  the  lion  by 
which  he  had  feared  in  his  dream  he  was  about  to  be  torn  in 
pieces,  and  he  was  determined  to  be  on  his  defense  against  him. 

*  Cayet,  "  Chronologie  Novennaire,  in  Michaud,  Nov.  Coll.,  xii.  78. 
There  is  a  little  variation  in  Miron's  "  Relation  de  la  Mort  de  Ms.  de 
Guise,"  in  Petitot,  xlv.  4C4. 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  385 

In  this  he  was  confirmed  by  his  most  trusted  attendants. 
The  old  expression  of  a  Pope  in  reference  to  the  last  Hohen- 
staufien  and  the  first  Anjou  in  Naples — that  the  death  of  the 
one  was  the  life  of  the  other,  and  the  life  of  the  one  the  death 
of  the  other — was  applied  to  the  present  case.  The  Italian 
proverb,  "  with  the  serpent  dies  its  poison,"  was  quoted.  The 
King  was  reminded  of  the  monition  which  once  reached  him 
from  the  Papal  court,  that  he  should  punish  those  by  whom 
he  was  injured  ;  and  this,  it  was  added,  was  no  longer  pos- 
sible according  to  the  usual  forms ;  for  although  Guise  had 
committed  a  number  of  actions  each  of  which  deserved  to  be 
punished  with  death,  yet  so  numerous  and  powerful  was  his 
party  in  the  kingdom,  that  any  attempt  to  proceed  against 
him  in  a  judicial  manner  would  only  create  new  disturbances 
and  fresh  confusion. 

The  King  himself  gave  expression  to  this  thought  subse- 
quently, and  added  that  he  had  struggled  with  himself  for 
six  whole  days  *  before  he  could  come  to  the  resolution  to  take 
the  Duke's  life,  for  he  feared  it  would  be  an  offense  in  the 
sight  of  God.  At  last,  however,  he  considered  that,  as  a 
king  by  the  appointment  of  God,  it  was  his  duty  to  secure 
obedience  to  his  authority.  "  I  resolved,"  said  he,  on  another 
occasion,  "  rather  to  allow  him  to  be  killed,  than  to  wait  until 
he  killed  me." 

Formerly  a  great  chief  of  the  Huguenots  attained  a  position 
in  which  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  appeared  to  rest 
in  his  hands.  Now  their  hereditary  foe,  the  champion  of  the 
Catholics,  was  ascending  with  deliberate  progress  the  very 
steps  of  the  throne,  and  his  adherents  looked  forward  to  his 
actually  taking  his  place  upon  it.  Then  Catharine,  in  order 
to  destroy  Coligny,  let  loose  the  fanaticism  of  the  capital  to 
which  she  had  invited  him.    Now  her  son,  in  his  own  palace, 

*  To  Morosini :  "  Per  sei  giorni  continui  ero  stato  risolutissimo  di 
non  volerlo  fare,  temendo  di  offendere  Dio  :"  in  Tempesti,  ii.  135.  The 
fate  of  Martinuzzi,  of  Escovedo,  and  others,  appears  to  set  forth  a  theory 
of  those  times  according  to  which  transactions  of  this  kind  were 
lawful  for  crowned  heads.  (Compare  St.  Priest,  "  Les  Guises,"  Re- 
vue des  Deux  Mondes,  May,  1850,  p.  810.)  We  perceive,  however, 
that  Henry  III.  did  not,  properly  speaking,  shelter  himself  under  this 
theory. 


386  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

resolved  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  Guise,  who  was  a  guest 
beneath  its  roof. 

Guise,  like  Coligny,  received  a  warning,  but,  like  him  too, 
he  thought  himself  too  strong  for  any  one  to  make  an  attempt 
upon  him.  He  was  acquainted  with  the  revengeful  disposi- 
tion of  the  King,  but  he  considered  him  too  irresolute  and  too 
much  of  a  coward  to  undertake  any  thing  against  him.  "  And 
should  it  be  attempted,"  said  he,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  I 
shall  carry  out  my  design  with  more  vigor  than  at  Paris :  let 
them  beware  of  me."  Against  secret  plots  he  believed  him- 
self secured  by  the  personal  influence  he  had  acquired  over 
some  of  the  King's  immediate  attendants.  By  nature  he  was 
to  a  certain  degree  careless.  While  he  bade  defiance  to  his 
King,  he  maintained  a  connection  of  illicit  love  which  fully 
occupied  him.  How  was  it  possible  he  could  have  anticipated 
that  his  own  brother,  Mayenne,  should  have  sent  to  the  King 
the  most  urgent  warnings  against  him  and  his  designs  ?* 
Without  apprehension  of  either  secret  or  open  foes,  he  went 
about,  trusting  in  his  position  and  in  the  condition  of  affairs, 
and  despising  his  antagonist,  who  was  preparing  every  thing 
meanwhile  to  destroy  him. 

Henry  III.  had  forty-five  body-guards,  whom  he  kept 
round  him  for  his  personal  security :  all  resolute  men,  and 
devoted  to  him  for  life  and  death.  From  these  he  chose,  as 
the  executioners  of  the  deed  upon  which  he  had  determined, 
such  as  appeared  to  him  most  suitable,  either  through  their 
skill  in  arms  or  other  qualities,  and  appointed  them  their 
place  in  or  near  his  old  cabinet,  and  not  far  from  the  chamber 
in  which  the  Council  held  its  deliberations.  He  was  per- 
fectly secure  of  his  victim.  When  Guise  appeared  in  the 
Council  on  the  morning  of  December  the  23d,  he  was  called 
to  the  Cabinet.  The  guard  answered  his  salutations  as  he 
passed  along,  with  a  dead  silence.  As  he  opened  the  curtain 
which  led  to  the  Cabinet,  he  was  attacked  with  the  cry, 

*  In  the  "Declaration  contre  le  Due  de  Mayenne"  it  is  fully  shown 
that  Henry  was  warned  by  Mayenne  himself  of  the  speedy  execution  of 
an  attempt  upon  him :  "  Que  nous  prissions  bien  garde  ä  nous  .  .  . 
que  le  terme  etoit  si  bref,  que  s'il  ne  se  hatoit  (i,  e.  the  messenger),  il 
etoit  bien  a  craindre  qu'il  n'arriveroit  pas  assez  ä  tems." 


THE  ESTATES  OF  BLOIS.  387 

"  All !  traitor  !"  thrown  to  the  ground,  and  while  all  at  once 
comprehending  the  affair,  he  defended  himself  with  his  teeth 
and  hands  like  a  wild  beast,  for  he  had  not  time  to  draw  his 
sword,  murdered  at  the  foot  of  the  royal  couch.  Henry  was 
waiting  for  the  execution  of  his  order  in  a  room  lying  further 
back,  in  company  with  the  Corsican,  Alfonso  ;  in  the  cham- 
ber underneath  lay  his  mother,  Catharine  de'  Medici,  on  her 
death-bed.  The  noise  was  heard  in  the  hall  where  the 
Council  was  sitting ;  at  the  same  moment  the  Cardinal  of 
Guise,  who  was  there,  was  arrested. 

The  fate  of  iEtius  was  involuntarily  remembered,  who,  be- 
cause he  had  grown  too  powerful,  was,  out  of  fear  and  hatred, 
murdered  by  the  Emperor  and  his  attendants  in  the  palace 
at  Ravenna. 

The  constitutions  of  the  Romanic-German  kingdoms,  which 
associated  the  monarchical  authority  with  the  right  of  de- 
scent, were  originally  designed  to  avoid  the  violent  struggles 
for  it  which  incessantly  shook  the  Roman  system,  and  to  set 
insuperable  barriers  to  the  ambition  of  powerful  and  aspiring 
men.  When,  however,  such  attempts  loere  made,  the  most 
frightful  actions  were  the  result.  Without  any  regard  to  his 
ecclesiastical  dignity,  the  King  caused  the  Duke's  brother,  the 
Cardinal  of  Guise,  to  be  executed  also  :  he  deemed  that  a 
King  of  France  had  a  prerogative  which  set  him  above  ex- 
communication. 

Catharine  de'  Medici,  who  had  not  been  in  her  son's  confi- 
dence, collected  all  her  strength,  and  made  a  visit  to  the 
Cardinal  of  Bourbon,  who  was  also  arrested,  though  not  yet 
condemned  to  death.  He  attributed  all  the  blame  to  her, 
and  told  her  she  could  not  rest  until  she  had  brought  them 
all  to  the  slaughter-house.  She  was  deeply  affected ;  and, 
under  the  impression  made  upon  her  by  these  words,  as 
well  as  in  view  of  the  dangers  which  menaced  her  son,  with 
respect  to  which  she  was  not  deceived,  she  breathed  her 
last. 

Liberated  from  his  antagonist,  Henry  III.  might  have  once 
more  for  a  moment  felt  himself  as  sovereign  and  master.  At 
Blois,  in  his  neighborhood,  all  was  submissive.  But  it  was 
not  possible  to  prevent  the  politico-religious  elements   that 


388  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

filled  his  kingdom  from  exhibiting  a  fiercer  agitation  against 
him  after  such  a  deed. 

The  chief  had  fallen,  the  Estates  were  fettered,  but  the 
hatred  of  the  excited  people  now  for  the  first  time  broke  out 
in  general  and  uncontrolled  rage. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

RESOLUTION  AND  CATASTROPHE  OF  HENRY  HI. 

No  sooner  did  the  authorities  at  Paris  receive  intelligence 
of  the  event,  than  they  shut  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  held  a 
council  under  the  presidency  of  the  Duke  of  Aumale.  It  was 
just  in  the  Christmas  holidays;  the  preachers  began  to  rouse 
the  people,  and  the  fury  of  the  mob  was  directed  immediately 
against  those  who  were  regarded  as  friends  of  the  King — the 
party  named  Politicians — both  in  the  Parliament  and  among 
the  clergy.  In  the  Sorbonne,  the  younger  members,  who 
were  imbued  Avith  the  doctrines  of  the  Jesuits,  and  carried 
away  by  the  tide  of  popular  opinion,  obtained  the  predomi- 
nancy. Without  at  all  considering  that  the  right  of  excom- 
munication belonged  to  the  Pope,  and  not  to  the  faculty  of  a 
university,  the  Sorbonne,  upon  the  question  being  submitted 
to  it  by  the  city,  decided  that  because  the  King  had  broken 
the  public  faith  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Catholic  religion, 
the  French  people  were  absolved  from  their  oath  of  allegiance 
to  him,  and  justified  in  uniting  and  arming  themselves  against 
him.*  After  this,  they  no  longer  gave  the  King  his  title,  and 
they  refused  to  receive  his  heralds. 

What  had  taken  place  in  Paris  was  repeated  in  nearly  all 
the  great  towns  of  the  kingdom.  In  Pieardy,  the  towns  of 
Amiens  and  Abbeville — in  Normandy,  Havre  and  Rouen — in 

*  When  Argentre  (ii.  483)  remarks  that  there  is  no  trace  of  this  sen- 
tence or  of  four  similar  ones  in  the  books  of  the  Faculty,  it  merely  shows 
that  they  were  erased  from  the  books.  The  Procurator-General,  to 
whom  the  champions  of  the  Sorbonne  appeal,  denies  not  the  fact,  but 
the  guilt  of  it :  "Virus  novitii  ac  feri  domatis  ä  recentibus  scholis  sus- 
ceptum,"  lb.  489. 


390  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Champagne,  Troyes,  Rheims,  and  Sens — Burgundy,  Brittany, 
and  Provence,  were  nearly  unanimous  in  following  the  ex- 
ample of  Paris.  Toulouse  carried  the  cities  of  Languedoc  in 
the  same  direction  ;  Orleans  requested  that  the  King  would 
remove  the  governor  of  the  citadel,  and  when  he  refused  to 
do  so,  the  city  rose  in  full  insurrection,  paying  no  attention  to 
his  threats.  The  mayor,  aldermen,  and  Catholic  inhabitants 
of  Lyons,  came  to  a  resolution  to  obey  no  commands,  from 
whomsoever  they  might  come,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  holy 
Union.  In  their  manifesto  they  mention  the  deposition  of 
Saul  by  the  Prophets,  and  the  mission  of  Jehu  against  Ahab  ; 
for  men's  minds  were  every  where  filled  with  that  singular 
mixture  of  popular  and  spiritual  notions  which  inflamed  their 
zeal  to  resistance,  and  appeared  to  justify  it. 

In  Paris  meanwhile  they  proceeded  to  the  establishment  of 
a  new  government,  not  without  the  participation  of  the  Span- 
ish embassador.  On  the  17th  of  January,  1589,  a  general 
council  of  the  Union  was  held  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  It 
comprised  a  few  of  the  Catholic  princes,  the  most  zealous  of 
the  bishops,  and  the  most  distinguished  theologians  and  parish 
priests,  members  of  the  Parliaments  and  of  the  nobility,  and 
a  number  of  citizens,  the  intention  being  to  constitute  some- 
thing like  a  committee  of  all  the  Estates.*  The  deputies 
from  the  different  towns  had  places  in  the  Council  also.  The 
Duke  of  Mayenne — who,  although  he  had  warned  the  King 
to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  Duke  of  Guise,  never  imagined 
that  it  would  have  resulted  in  his  brother's  death — did  not 
hesitate,  now  that  that  event  had  occurred,  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  confederates.  The  King  made  one  more 
attempt  to  bring  over  him  and  his  house,  and  made  him  of- 
fers of  the  most  extensive  and  valuable  nature.f  Was  it, 
however,  in  his  power  to  offer  any  thing  corresponding  with 
the  prospects  which  the  leaders  of  a  universal  movement  in  a 
contest  against  him  might  have  contemplated  ?  Beside  this, 
his  word  had  now  lost  all  credit.     Mayenne  replied  to  all  the 

*  Maheustre  et  Manant :  "  lis  firent  elire  par  le  peuple  un  Conseil 
General  de  l'union  des  Catholiques." 

t  Cayet,  418,  gives  a  slight,  Morosini,  in  Tempesti,  ii.  183,  a  satis- 
factory notice  of  these  negotiations. 


RESOLUTION  OF  HENRY  III.  391 

advances  made  to  him  through  the  Papal  legate,  with  invec- 
tives against  Henry  III.,  whom  he  no  longer  dignified  with 
the  royal  title,  but  called  him  a  miserable  wretch,  a  pitiful 
creature,  who  by  his  last  treacherous  act  had  rendered  any 
thing  like  an  agreement  with  him  impossible,  and  added  that 
he  must  be  met  openly,  and  opposed  in  arms  by  all  who  de- 
sired to  save  themselves  from  destruction.  In  a  short  time 
we  see  the  Duke  of  Mayenne  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  the 
Union,  taking  the  field  against  his  King. 

Thus  commenced  the  open  war  between  the  King  and  the 
League.  At  the  moment  it  appeared  as  if  the  former  could 
not  possibly  resist  his  enemies  ;  his  entire  power  was  limited 
to  the  possession  of  Blois,  Tours,  and  a  few  places  in  the 
surrounding  district. 

It  was  of  incalculable  advantage  to  him  that  there  was 
still  a  power  in  France  which  was  unaffected  by  the  general 
agitation.  The  army  of  the  King  of  Navarre  was  not  large  ; 
it  consisted  of  five  thousand  ordinary  infantry,  five  hundred 
harquebusiers,  and  five  hundred  cavalry,  but  they  were  all 
brave  soldiers,  inured  to  war,  excellently  disciplined,  and  full 
of  devotion  to  their  leader;  among  the  troops  of  the  time 
they  always  appeared  the  most  important.  In  the  beginmng 
of  March,  1589,  this  army  directed  its  march  from  Guienue 
toward  the  Loire.  A  feeling  immediately  prevailed  among 
the  troops  on  both  sides,  that  they  were  no  longer  enemies, 
and  whenever  they  met,  they  mingled  with  each  other  in  a 
kind  of  military  fraternity.  In  fact,  this  could  not  have  been 
long  delayed,  for  the  two  princes  had  but  one  and  the  same 
enemy.  On  the  3d  of  April  a  treaty  was  adopted,  in  the 
form  of  a  truce  for  one  year,  between  the  King  of  France 
and  the  King  of  Navarre,  but  this  truce  signified  a  full  com- 
munity of  interests  and  of  arms.  Henry  III.  acknowledged 
that,  in  coming  to  his  assistance,  the  chief  of  the  Huguenots, 
who  might  otherwise  have  carried  on  the  designs  of  his  party 
far  and  wide  to  the  destruction  of  the  Catholics,  had  given  a 
proof  of  his  duty  as  a  true  subject,  and  of  his  principles  as  a 
genuine  Frenchman.  He  returned  to  that  state  of  the  Pa- 
cification, which,  though  perhaps  not  in  exact  accordance 
with  his  opinion«  and  wishes,  was  the  best  suited  to  his  na- 


392  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ture  and  to  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  declared  the 
free  exercise  of  the  Reformed  religion  to  be  lawful  in  all 
places  where  his  confederates  might  happen  to  be,  in  the 
camp,  as  well  as  in  appointed  places  in  each  district  of  the 
kingdom.*  The  stipulation  for  a  secure  passage  over  the 
Loire,  made  by  the  Reformed,  could  not  be  fulfilled  without 
difficulty,  owing  to  the  independent  manner  in  which  the 
authorities  of  the  age  exercised  their  power.  At  length  it 
was  accomplished.  Saumer  was  delivered  up  to  Duplessis- 
Mornay,  who  had  chiefly  conducted  the  negotiations,  and 
was  one  of  the  most  trusted  servants  of  Navarre.  He  swore 
to  maintain  this  place  for  the  two  kings,  and  restore  it  in  a 
better  condition  than  it  was  when  he  received  it  into  his 
possession.! 

The  meeting  of  the  two  kings  in  the  park  at  Plessis-les- 
Tours  was  looked  upon  as  a  great  event.  Not  only  were  the 
banners  united,  but  from  out  of  the  tumultuary  contests  of 
the  time  at  last  arose  ideas  in  which  men  of  different  relig- 
ious views  might  unite.  Henry  III.  declared  that  he  would  no 
longer  allow  the  Protestants  to  be  called  heretics,  the  word 
was  not  so  used  in  former  times ;  whoever  confessed  the  Gos- 
pel was  a  Christian,  and  petty  differences  ought  not  to  occa- 
sion enmity  and  hostility.  The  Protestants,  in  return,  revived 
the  strict  principles  of  royalty.  They  maintained  that  the 
Christian  doctrines  required  obedience  to  the  temporal  au- 
thority— that  the  Prince  rules  through  the  will  of  God — that 
God  directs  his  heart  according  to  his  own  will — and  that 
whoever  resists  the  Prince  is  a  rebel  against  the  law  of  God. 
They  excused  the  murder  of  Guise  upon  the  grounds  that  his 
crimes  and  treasons  against  the  King  could  not  have  been 
punished  had  the  insurrection  been  let  to  break  out ;  and 
that  the  King  was  answerable  to  God  alone  for  his  proceed- 
ings.    As  on  the  other  side  anti-royalist  and  exclusive  Cath- 

*  Memoires  de  Mornay,  i.  906.  What  appears  in  Isambert,  xiv.  645, 
as  "  Lettres  d' Armistice,"  is  rather  an  account  of  it  than  the  treaty 
itself. 

t  According  to  the  Biography  of  Duplessis-Mornay,  131,  Henry  re- 
ceived the  intelligence  in  the  house  of  M.  de  Menu.  In  the  itinerary 
to  the  edition  of  the  Letters  it  does  not  appear  when  he  was  there  ;  it 
may  have  been  the  13th  or  14th  of  April 


RESOLUTION  OF   HENRY  III.  393 

olic  doctrines  were  closely  associated,  so  on  this  the  principles 
of  royalism  and  of  tolerance  were  united. 

It  was  the  bravery  of  the  Huguenots  that  now  mainly 
saved  Henry  III.  from  the  hostile  attempts  of  Mayenne.  How 
frequently  in  the  skirmishes  that  ensued  have  they  appeared 
in  their  white  scarfs  at  the  critical  moment,  and  decided  the 
affair  in  favor  of  the  King  ! 

Henry  III.  obtained  other  assistance  also,  and  still  from 
the  side  of  the  Protestants,  from  Switzerland.  That  which 
was  a  matter  of  doubt  among  the  Swiss  in  1587 — namely, 
whether  they  would  not  be  damaging  the  King  by  marching 
against  Guise,  was  doubtful  no  longer ;  affairs  had  come  to 
maturity;  the  cause  of  the  French  Crown  now  coincided  with 
the  proper  interests  of  the  Protestant  cantons.  After  the 
Duke  of  Savoy  had  made  himself  master  of  Saluzzo,  he  began 
to  entertain  the  old  design  of  reducing  Geneva  and  Vaud ;  he 
was  observed  to  be  strengthening  his  garrisons  in  this  neigh- 
borhood. The  provincial  nobility  took  part  with  him,  and  a 
formidable  conspiracy  sustained  by  him  was  discovered  in 
Lausanne.  Geneva  solicited  aid  from  the  Swiss  confederacy. 
Harlay  de  Sancy,  who  had  been  sent  as  Envoy  Extraordinary 
from  Blois,  at  a  time  of  the  greatest  distress,  when  they  had  not 
even  the  means  of  living,  in  order  to  enlist  Swiss  auxiliary 
troops,  had,  though  destitute  of  money,  the  ability  to  turn  these 
circumstances  to  advantage.  He  mediated  an  alliance  be- 
tween Berne  and  Geneva,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was 
permitted  to  enroll  a  considerable  body  of  troops,  and  was  even 
granted  a  subsidy  in  money  by  Geneva.*  It  was  evident  to 
the  Genevese  that  unless  France  were  strong  enough  to  coun- 
terbalance the  power  of  Spain  and  Savoy,  they  must  be  lost. 

*  "  Ceux  de  Berne  et  de  Geneve,  desirans  prendre  cette  occasion 
pour  se  revancher  des  torts  a  eux  faits  par  le  Due  de  Savoye,  monstrent 
avoir  quelque  volonte  d'assister  le  Roy  en  cette  affaire  et  le  secourir  en 
sa  necessite  de  quelques  deniers  comptans,  et  autres  inventions  neces- 
saires  a  cette  entreprise." — From  the  "  Memoires  de  Mr  de  Sillery" 
(MS.  at  Berlin),  which  gives  the  best  view  of  the  state  of  things  in 
Switzerland.  There  exists  a  "  Discours  fait  au  Roi  sur  l'Occurrence 
de  ses  Affaires,"  by  Sancy,  in  which  he  gives  the  prominence  to  his 
own  skill  and  activity,  which  have,  however,  been  since  the  time  of 
Mezeray  passed  over  by  historical  writers. 

R* 


394  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

Sancy  led  his  force  first  against  Savoy,  captured  Thonon 
and  the  strongly  fortified  Ripaille.  Considering  that  he  had 
thus  done  enough  to  give  employment  to  the  Duke,  and  as 
the  other  Swiss  cantons  did  not  wish  to  see  the  power  of 
Berne  too  much  increased,  the  whole  army  was  satisfied  when 
he  suddenly  led  them  toward  the  Upper  Rhine.  Here  they 
formed  a  junction  with  a  hody  of  German  cavalry  and  har- 
quebusiers,  and  then  directed  their  march  toward  the  interior 
of  France.  Had  not  Henry  III.  been  certain  of  this  assistance 
he  would  hardly  have  ventured  to  pass  the  Loire. 

And  now  that  he  had  not  permitted  himself  to  be  oppressed 
he  found  a  third  source  of  aid  in  the  reviving  allegiance  of 
the  nobility.  From  all  sides  the  Catholic  Royalists  now  joined 
his  banners  ;  among  them  were  observed  the  well-armed 
squadrons  of  Epernon.  At  Pontoise  the  King  saw  himself 
once  more  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men. 
For  the  first  time  in  his  life  perhaps  his  heart  was  elevated 
to  the  decision  of  great  designs  emanating  freely  from  his  own 
mind.  His  nature  was  like  that  of  Sardanapalus,  which  in 
seasons  of  prosperity  abandoned  itself  to  enervating  luxury, 
but  in  adversity  became  courageous  and  manful.  He  took 
his  way  directly  toward  Paris,  for,  said  he,  the  enemy  must 
be  wounded  in  the  heart,  and  Paris  is  the  heart  of  the  League. 
He  appeared  before  the  city  at  the  close  of  July,  expecting  in 
a  short  time  to  enter  it,  and  take  vengeance  upon  his  enemies, 
for  he  knew  well  that  he  had  a  great  number  of  friends  and 
adherents  within  the  walls. 

This  termination  of  the  campaign  did  not  appear  impossi- 
ble even  to  those  who  were  within  the  city.  As  the  King 
continued  his  march  without  interruption  to  Paris,  the  Poli- 
ticians raised  their  head  once  more,  and  the  civic  magistrates 
held  it  advisable  to  disarm  them,  and  to  double  the  guards. 
The  King,  however,  conquered  Senlis  and  Pontoise,  and  en- 
camped his  army  at  St.  Cloud.  Upon  this  it  was  thought 
necessary  in  the  city  to  make  sure  of  the  persons  of  the  most 
distinguished  Politicians,  who  were  placed  in  custody  in  con- 
vents and  strong  houses,  while  the  less  dangerous,  whose 
number  was  said  to  be  six  hundred,  were  forbidden  to  leave 
their  dwellings.     In  the  Sorbonne  even  there  were  some  dis- 


RESOLUTION  OF  HENRY  III.  395 

sentierits ;  but  in  general  the  extreme  opinions  prevailed, 
and  another  decree,  of  the  most  disrespectful  and  wildest 
character,  was  agreed  to.  It  was  not  enough  that  the  legiti- 
mate King  was  not  to  be  mentioned  in  any  of  the  prayers  of 
the  Church  ;*  it  declared  that  there  were  two  species  of 
tyrants — the  one  which  only  exercises  violence  against  private 
persons,  the  other  which  injures  at  the  same  time  the  common 
weal  and  religion ;  that  Henry  III.  belonged  to  the  latter 
class,  and  that,  according  to  the  maxims  of  the  ancient 
spiritual  doctors  of  the  Church,  he  might  be  lawfully  put  to 
death  by  a  private  hand.  This  decree  gave  the  tone  to  the 
discourses  delivered  in  all  the  pulpits ;  an  avenger  was  de- 
manded for  the  murder  of  Guise,  and  the  slaughter  of  the 
tyrant  proclaimed  to  be  a  meritorious  work.  Often  were  the 
relics  of  the  saints  belonging  to  the  city,  whose  service  was 
imperiled  by  the  treacherous  King,  carried  through  the  streets ; 
the  people  followed  in  multitudes,  and  with  a  devotion  which 
astonished  even  the  Spaniards. 

From  this,  however,  it  was  not  to  be  concluded  that  they 
would  defend  themselves  with  equivalent  bravery.  When 
the  aid  promised  them  by  the  Duke  of  Parma  from  the  Nether- 
lands delayed  its  appearance,  a  sensible  diminution  of  courage 
was  perceptible.  The  citizens  refused  to  man  the  walls,  and 
the  soldiers,  badly  paid,  showed  no  ardor  ;  many  went  over 
to  Henry  III.,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  return  with  hirn 
when  the  city  should  be  plundered.  The  Spanish  embassador 
himself  was  of  opinion  that  Paris  could  not  hold  out  longer 
than  for  a  fortnight. 

Fanatical  opinions,  in  general,  exercise  their  full  power  on 
individuals  rather  than  on  great  corporations.  From  the 
midst  of  the  common  fermentation  there  now  arose  a  monk, 
who  resolved  to  perpetrate  a  fresh  deed  of  horror.  This  was 
a  young  man,  named  Jacques  Clement,!  of  the  Dominican 

*  Arrest  et  Resolution,  Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  iii.  540.  In  Bulaeus  and 
Crevier  the  search  for  these  affairs  is  vain. 

t  In  Boucher's  book,  "De  Justitia  Henrici  III.  Abdicatione,"  which 
appeared  after  the  deed,  there  are  some  remarkable  notices  of  Clement, 
especially  at  page  451.  I  have  followed  chiefly  the  narrative  sent  to 
Spain  by  Mendoza,  "Relaciondel  subcessode  lamuertedel  Rey  Chris- 
tianissimo  de  Francia,  Henrique  III.,  1  Aug.  1589." 


396  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

order,  who  had  been  recently  ordained  a  priest ;  to  persons 
of  his  own  age  and  to  his  friends  he  was  an  object  of  ridicule 
rather  than  of  respect ;  he  was  weak  in  body  and  simple  in 
mind :  but  such  are  the  natures  upon  which  fanatical  doctrines 
make  the  most  profound  impression.  Clement  felt  himself  so 
filled  with  the  notion  that  a  tyrant  who  sought  to  destroy 
religion  and  the  common  weal  might  be  lawfully  killed  by  a 
private  hand,*  which  was  then  promulgated  especially  by 
Boucher,  that  his  priesthood  alone  made  him  feel  any  scruples. 
He  laid  before  his  superiors  the  question,  whether  it  would  be 
a  mortal  sin  for  a  priest  to  kill  a  tyrant.  The  superiors  an- 
swered that  it  would  be  an  irregularity,  but  no  mortal  sin.f 
Nothing,  however,  confirmed  him  so  much  in  his  design  as  the 
monitory  of  the  Pope  against  the  King,  which  resembled  an 
excommunication.  The  King  appeared  to  him  as  a  monster, 
who  was  eager  to  swallow  up  both  religion  and  the  State. 
He  believed  he  should  perform  an  infinitely  meritorious  act, 
if  he  saved  them  both  from  him.  He  was  desirous  of  falling 
in  the  service,  for  he  feared  that  if  he  succeeded  and  remained 
alive,  the  admiration  of  the  French  nation  would  be  unsani- 
tary to  the  state  of  his  soul.  With  cool  blood,  and  the  most 
serious  deliberation,  he  bathed  his  knife  in  a  decoction  of  herbs, 
which  he  himself  at  least  believed  to  be  poisonous.  He  then 
provided  himself  with  a  letter  directed  to  one  of  the  King's 
attendants,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  access  to  his  presence ; 
and  having  left  a  little  money  to  pay  some  trifling  debts,  he 
set  out  upon  his  journey  with  a  few  companions.  When  he 
came  within  side  of  the  lines  he  took  leave  of  his  friends, 
loosened  his  frock,  and  with  rapid  strides  directed  his  course 
toward  the  enemy's  camp.  He  succeeded  in  obtain  admission 
to  the  King's  presence  on  the  following  morning.  Henry  was 
sitting  on  his  close-stool,  and  hoping  to  hear  some  proposals 
for  an  accommodation  on  the  part  of  the  city ;  he  caused  the 
monk  to  approach  :  he  did  so,  and  immediately  stabbed  the 

*  Boucher,  266  :  "  Tyrannum  qui  communis  se  boni,  id  est  religionis 
ac  patriffi,  hostem  praebuerit,  talisque  a  republica  judicatus  sit,  et  publica 
et  privatä  auetoritate  de  medio  tolli  posse." 

f  "  Question.  Si  peceava  mortalmente  un  sacerdote  que  matasse  a  un 
tirano?     Answer.    Que  quedava  el  tal  sacerdote  irregular." 


CATASTROPHE  OF  HENRY  III.  397 

King  in  the  abdomen.  Clement  was  instantly  killed,  but  he 
had  secured  his  victim ;  and  eighteen  hours  afterward  the 
last  of  the  House  of  Valois  ceased  to  exist. 

In  the  trenches  before  Paris  an  attack  of  the  royal  troops 
was  momentarily  looked  for ;  the  Spanish  embasador  had 
appeared  there,  to  animate  the  citizens  to  resistance,  when 
the  tidings  of  the  King's  death  were  announced.  The  green 
scarf  of  Lorraine  was  immediately  displayed ;  Jacques  Cle- 
ment was  celebrated  as  a  martyr  in  the  pulpits  ;  the  Catholic 
popular  faction  carried  its  head  higher  than  ever,  and  hoped 
yet  to  triumph. 


BOOK  VI. 
HENRY  IV.  IN  CONTEST  WITH  THE  LEAGUE. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  THE  FOURTH. 

Saint  Louis  left  two  sons,  from  the  elder  of  whom  descend- 
ed the  last  Capetians,  and  the  line  of  Valois  ;  from  the  younger 
the  Bourbons.  Of  these  there  were  also  two  lines  :  to  the  one 
belonged  the  Constable,  in  whom  it  terminated  ;  to  the  other, 
his  contemporary  and  antagonist,  Duke  Charles  of  Vendome, 
who  did  as  much  for  the  defense  of  France  as  the  Constable 
did  to  endanger  it.  The  sons  of  Vendome  were  Anthony,  who 
became  King  of  Navarre  by  his  marriage  with  Johanna  d'Al- 
bret ;  Charles,  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  ;  and  Louis,  first  Prince 
of  Conde.  Anthony's  son  was  King  Henry  of  Navarre ;  he 
was  descended  from  St.  Louis  in  the  tenth  generation,  and 
was,  by  the  same  hereditary  right  to  which  the  house  of 
Valois  was  indebted  for  its  elevation,  the  undoubted  heir  of 
the  French  throne. 

When  Henry  was  born,  in  December,  1553,  it  could  not 
have  been  supposed  that  he  was  destined  to  occupy  the  throne 
of  France,  for  the  house  of  Valois  was  then  flourishing  in  its 
full  strength.  His  grandfather  greeted  in  him  the  heir  of 
Navarre  and  Bearne,  the  maintainer  of  the  ancient  independ- 
ence of  the  French  provinces  united  under  his  dominion,  and 
of  the  Crown  of  Navarre.  It  has  been  narrated  a  thousand 
times,  how  he  summoned  his  daughter  Johanna,  when  her 
time  was  near,  to  his  mountain  castle  at  Pau,  on  the  Gave ; 
how  she,  in  accordance  with  his  wish  (for  she  was  vigorous 
as  the  native  women,  and  every  thing  was  to  be  conducted 
after  the  manner  of  the  country),  while  in  the  pains  of  child- 
birth, joined  in  the  prayer  in  the  traditional  tune  customary 
in  Bearne ;  and  with  what  strange  ecstasy  the  grandfather 


402  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

received  the  new-born  infant ;  how  he  carried  him  to  his  own 
chamber  in  his  ample  mantle,  filled  a  golden  cup  with  native 
wine,  allowed  the  perfume  of  it  to  approach  the  nose  of  the 
babe,  let  fall  a  drop  of  it  into  his  mouth,  then  kissed  him,  and 
prophesied  that  he  would  be  a  true  Bearnais.*  A  peasant 
woman,  who  lived  near  the  castle  park,  was  the  first  nurse 
to  whom  the  boy  was  intrusted  ;  he  was  afterward  sent  to 
Coirraze,  in  the  mountains,  where,  in  company  with  boys  of 
his  own  age,  bare-headed  and  bare-footed,  he  ran  through 
the  mountains,  and  became  familiar  with  their  steep  paths. 

His  mother  Johanna  too,  who  was  naturally  of  a  lively 
and  cheerful  temperament,  and  possessed  indomitable  energy, 
cherished  a  feeling  that  her  native  land  would  not  be  annihi- 
lated, as  it  was  sometimes  threatened  to  be  by  the  great  pow- 
ers which  surrounded  it.  But  she  also  contemplated  another 
mission  for  her  son.  The  early  death  of  Anthony,  who,  as  in 
other  matters,  vacillated  as  regarded  the  religious  instruction 
of  his  son,t  left  her  at  liberty  to  conduct  it  as  she  thought  best. 
She  did  not  hesitate  for  a  moment,  but  brought  Henry  up  in 
the  Protestant  faith,  which  she  had  made  the  prevailing  religion 
in  her  territories.  She  taught  him  to  sing  Marot's  Psalms ; 
she  appointed  a  learned  Protestant  to  be  his  tutor,  who  also 
read  with  him  the  classics,  such  as  Plutarch  and  Caesar,  and, 
proud  to  think  that  he  was  trained  in  accordance  with  the 
pure  word  of  God,  she  conducted  him  at  he  age  of  fifteen  to 
ftochelle,  among  the  Protestants,  who  were  there  united  to 
resist  their  enemies.  Young  Henry  was  received  with  a 
pompous  figurative  oration.  "  I  do  not  know  how  to  speak  as 
well  as  you,"  he  answered,  "  but  I  assure  you  that  I  will  act 
better  than  I  speak,  "t  He  was  immediately  drawn  into  the 
midst  of  the  war,  and  after  the  death  of  his  uncle,  the  Prince 
of  Conde,  acknowledged  as  the  head  of  the  Huguenots.     His 

*  Favyn,  "Histoire  de  Navarre."  A  manuscript  contemporary  biog- 
raphy of  Henry  IV.,  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  contains  some  no- 
tices of  the  earlier  events  of  Henry's  life  and  of  his  education  ;  not  so 
much  new  matter,  however,  as  might  be  expected,  but  in  other  respects 
it  is  valuable. 

t  Ippolyto  d'Este,  April  4,  1562,  notices  this. 

t  From  the  notes  of  AmosBarbot,  in  Arcere's  "  Histoire  de  Rochelle," 
i.  370. 


ELEVATION  OF  HENAY  IV.  403 

mother  girded  on  his  sword  with  joy.  She  took  pleasure  in 
narrating  how  she  had  once,  during  her  pregnancy,  dreamt 
that  she  had  brought  a  young  cock  into  the  world,  with  strong 
colored  feathers  on  his  neck  and  wings,  and  his  comb  erected 
for  battle.  After  the  battle  of  Moncontour,  Henry  accom- 
panied the  Admiral,  whom  he  regarded  with  unlimited  rever- 
ence, in  that  adventurous  cavalry  expedition  through  France 
which  brought  about  the  pacification  of  1570.  It  was,  as  De 
La  Noue  says,  a  good  school  for  the  formation  of  ideas  and 
plans  according  to  the  state  of  things. 

During  the  peace,  the  Prince  felt  animated  by  another  wish, 
springing  from  the  desire  for  more  exalted  renown.  Charles 
IX.,  who  felt  a  stronger  personal  attachment  to  him  than  to  his 
own  brothers,  promised  him  that  he  would,  as  it  were,  share 
with  him  the  exercise  of  his  authority,  and  make  him,  as  he 
expressed  it,  his  right  arm.  Henry,  in  consequence,  contem- 
plated measuring  himself  with  the  Spaniards,  whom  he  would 
not  suffer  to  retain  Navarre,  of  which  they  had  taken  posses- 
sion, and  with  the  Turks,  who  were  encroaching  upon  Christen- 
dom. Upon  no  one  did  the  victory  of  Don  John  of  Austria,  at 
Lepanto,  make  a  deeper  impression  than  upon  young  Henry. 
He  envied  the  Bastard  in  being  celebrated  as  the  hero  of 
Europe.  To  appear  at  the  head  of  a  French  army,  and  to 
win  two  great  battles,  one  against  the  Spaniards  and  the 
other  against  the  Ottomans,  was  the  dream  of  his  youthful 
imagination,  and  the  object  that  occupied  his  soul. 

His  course  was,  however,  turned  in  a  totally  different  direc- 
tion, by  his  union  with  the  Court  of  the  house  of  Valois. 

Henry's  marriage  with  the  sister  of  Charles  IX.  was  the 
Bloody  Wedding.  The  proud  companions  with  whom  he 
hoped  to  perform  such  glorious  deeds  were  murdered  before 
his  eyes ;  he  was  spared  himself  only  through  his  near  rela- 
tionship and  his  change  of  religion  ;  on  no  account,  however, 
would  he  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  home.  What  a  con- 
trast was  this  residence  at  court  to  his  mountain-life,  by  the 
side  of  his  mother,  with  her  faultless  morals,  and  the  aspiring 
Admiral,  who  associated  the  loftiest  principles  with  all  his 
enterprises  !  Henry  was  compelled  to  take  part  in  campaigns 
which  in  his  heart  he  execrated ;   he  was  implicated  in  the 


404  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

movements  of  Alencon,  whom  he  disliked,  against  the  dark 
power  of  the  Queen  Mother,  who  held  every  one  in  control ; 
he  was  united  to  a  clever  but  unchaste  woman,  against  whom 
he  could  never,  even  with  a  word,  testify  his  displeasure. 
The  servants  which  were  placed  round  him  were  spies,  if  not 
enemies,  whose  wickedness  he  was  compelled  to  evade  con- 
tinually. It  was  another  school  where  was  to  be  learned  to 
suppress  the  moral  sentiments,  and  to  restrain  the  internal 
feelings  from  rising  to  the  surface.  But  there  was  something 
in  Henry  IV.  which  corresponded  with  the  life  at  court :  he 
plunged  into  the  very  whirlpool  of  passion  and  of  pleasures  ; 
he  appeared  to  live  only  for  the  chase,  the  tennis-court,  and 
love  ;  and  those  pleased  him  best  whose  folly  seemed  most 
extravagant.*  He  formed  the  centre  for  all  the  gay  and 
pleasure-seeking  youth  of  the  Court.  From  time  to  time, 
however,  the  religious  impressions  of  earlier  years  would  re- 
turn :  a  trusty  servant  heard  him  once,  in  the  loneliness  of  the 
night,  complain,  in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist,  of  the  darkness 
into  which  he  had  fallen  ;  he  must  also  have  felt  the  prospect 
of  living  for  the  future  in  a  state  of  semi-captivity,  as  at  pres- 
ent, intolerable.  When  the  general  state  of  things  was  favor- 
able, in  1576,  he  seized  the  opportunity,  which  his  apparent 
self-abandonment  procured  him,  of  escaping,  and  returned 
once  more  to  his  former  friends  and  his  old  religion. 

"VYe  have  noticed  how  he  afterward  assisted  in  bringing 
about  the  pacification  which  gave  France  repose  for  a  period. 
He  then  in  reality  took  possession  of  that  post  for  which  his 
mother  had  long  destined  him,  as  King  of  Navarre  and  pro- 
tector of  the  Huguenots. 

The  power  and  authority  which  he  now  possessed  was  by 
no  means  unimportant.  From  his  small  kingdom,  which  the 
care  of  his  mother  and  grandfather  had  brought  into  a  pros- 
perous condition,  he  could  bring  into  the  field  three  hundred 
mounted  gentlemen,  and  six  thousand  harquebusiers.  He 
had  an  arsenal  at  Navarreins,  and  a  university  at  Orthes. 
With  the  sums  accruing  to  him  from  Foix,  Armagnac,  and 
the  Bourbon  hereditary  estates,  his  whole  income  might  have 
amounted  to  300,000  francs.  His  position  as  protector  of  the 
*  Memoires  de  Villegomblain,  i.  317. 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  405 

Huguenots  gave  him  still  greater  consideration,  since  their 
military  force  was  at  his  disposal.  There  were  now  what 
may  be  called  three  strongholds  of  Protestantism  in  France  : 
Beam,  which  was  regulated  after  the  manner  of  a  German 
principality ;  Rochelle,  powerful  at  sea ;  and  the  Cevennes, 
important  for  their  strong  places  and  brave  population.  But 
besides  this  the  whole  south  was  studded  with  Protestant 
communities  ;  it  was  stated  that  one  might  have  traveled 
from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Alps  through  places  connected 
through  the  new  religion  alone.  In  Dauphine  there  were 
four  hundred  gentlemen,  and  in  Poitou  and  Saintonge  five 
hundred,  ready  at  any  moment  to  take  horse  for  the  cause 
of  religion.  A  few  councilors  from  these  provinces  attended 
the  King  of  Navarre  in  order  to  assist  him  in  the  political 
affairs  of  the  party. 

The  little  court  which  he  established  at  Nerac  emulated 
the  court  at  Paris,  especially  when  his  consort,  Margaret  of 
Valois,  whom  Henry  III.  would  not  allow  to  remain  in  the 
capital,  made  her  appearance  there  ;  and  this  rivalry  was 
not  always  in  the  most  praiseworthy  things.  There  was, 
however,  still  a  great  difference.  At  Nerac  there  was  no- 
thing heard  of  favorites  or  of  wasteful  extravagance.  The 
court  was  also  a  school  for  captains ;  merit  in  war  gave  to 
each  his  rank ;  the  ladies  incited  their  knights  to  warlike 
enterprises :  a  petty  war  took  its  name  from  that  circum- 
stance. Henry  won  his  first  honors  in  a  street-battle  at  Ca- 
hors,  in  which  he  took  part,  for  personal  bravery  was  still 
the  foundation  of  the  most  distinguished  renown.  In  the 
middle  of  his  guards  he  scaled  the  barricades  which  had  been 
erected  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  his  attack,  his  feet  cut  and 
bleeding  from  the  sharp  stones  with  which  they  were  formed. 
But  he  also  showed  himself  already  as  a  skillful  leader.  He 
thoroughly  weighed  the  probabilities  of  each  enterprise,  and 
occasionally  decided  upon  a  course  opposed  to  the  advice  of 
his  captains ;  he  knew  his  people  personally,  and  addressed 
them  by  their  names  ;  he  was  the  first  on  the  field  of  battle, 
and  the  last  to  leave  it. 

By  degrees  he  erased  the  opinion  which  had  been  formed 
of  him  on  account  of  his  conduct  at  Paris,  and  which  attrib- 


406  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

uted  to  him  levity  of  character,  dependence  upon  others,  and 
unworthiness  of  trust.  An  author  whom  he  asked  to  write 
his  life,  and  who  answered  that  he  must  first  accomplish 
something  worth  recording,  found  in  the  course  of  time  ample 
materials  for  a  biography.  In  the  conduct  of  affairs  Henry 
showed  both  decision  and  expertness,  and  in  personal  rela- 
tions the  natural  gift  of  managing  men — in  all  things  an 
original  and  just  comprehension,  which  gave  every  one  satis- 
faction. His  conduct  gave  rise  to  the  opinion  that  he  was 
born  for  the  accomplishment  of  great  things.  As  one  of  his 
most  prudent  friends,  Duplessis-Mornay,  expresses  it :  here 
was  what  the  world  longed  for,  what  it  thirsted  to  behold — 
a  true  king ;  it  only  required  that  he  should  stand  forth,  to 
be  acknowledged. 

In  this  Mornay  shows  that  he  did  not  know  the  world, 
whose  admiration  and  recognition  must  be  forced  from  it  by 
great  deeds  :  before  his  prince  there  was  still  a  struggle  of  the 
most  painful  and  difficult  nature. 

The  union  between  the  Guises  and  the  Spaniards  was  di- 
rected against  him  personally.  At  first  the  King  of  Navarre, 
who,  while  at  the  French  Court,  had  been  very  intimate  with 
the  Duke  of  Guise,  offered  to  decide  the  whole  affair  with  him 
in  personal  combat ;  the  inequality  of  their  rank  was  not  to 
be  any  hindrance.  He  was  content  that  it  should  be  a  duel 
between  them  both,  or  between  two  against  two,  ten  against 
ten,  or  twenty  against  twenty,  with  the  arms  usual  in  affairs 
of  honor  between  knights.  Guise  was  at  liberty  to  appoint 
the  numbers,  and  to  choose  the  place  of  battle,  even  out  of 
the  kingdom  if  he  wished,  provided  only  that  it  were  neutral 
and  secure.  The  King's  friends  entreated  that  he  would  not 
forget  them  if  it  should  come  to  a  trial  of  arms  between  num- 
bers. Guise,  however,  declined  the  proposal,  stating  that  he 
did  not  fight  for  personal  matters,  but  for  the  cause  of  religion. 

After  some  time  Henry  was  destined  to  experience  another 
disappointment,  when  even  his  king  and  master,  with  whom 
he  thought  he  stood  on  the  best  terms,  made  common  cause 
with  Guise.  We  know,  from  his  own  reminiscences,  that  the 
intelligence  of  this  change  nearly  unmanned  him.  Many  a 
one  will  recognize  that  self-torturing  anguish  of  soul  which 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  407 

arises  when  we  despair  of  al]  earthly  things,  and  see  in  our 
fellow-men  only  enemies,  threatening  and  urging  forward  our 
destruction.  When  the  tidings  reached  Henry  he  laid  his 
head  upon  his  hand,  and  when  he  aroused  himself  from  the 
benumbed  state  into  which  they  had  thrown  him,  a  portion  of 
his  hair  had  turned  gray.* 

In  the  year  1586  a  great  military  force  was  put  in  motion 
against  the  Huguenots  in  the  provinces  generally,  against  him 
and  his  government  in  particular.  He  was  advised  to  give 
way  to  the  storm  for  a  moment,  to  betake  himself  to  Germany, 
where  he  might  obtain  some  auxiliary  forces,  and  then  come 
back  and  march  immediately  upon  Paris.  Others,  however, 
represented  to  him  that  in  doing  so  he  would  cast  the  sword 
from  his  hand,  and  become  a  Don  Antonio  of  Portugal,  and 
with  them  he  agreed. t  "  They  have  surrounded  me,"  he 
says  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  like  a  wild  beast  of  chase,  but  I 
will  make  myself  a  way  over  their  bodies.  "^  He  was  de- 
sirous of  terminating  the  affair  rather  in  the  bloom  and  vigor 
of  his  youth,  than  when  he  should  be  laden  with  years  and 
infirmities. 

Among  the  Protestants  he  had  in  this  determination  no 
ally  more  enterpising  or  powerful  than  Lesdiguieres  in  Dau- 
phine.  "While  a  student  in  papal  Avignon,  Lesdiguieres  had 
renounced  both  his  studies  and  Catholicism,  and  thrown 
himself  into  the  Huguenot  war,  persuaded  that  by  resisting 
the  Guises  he  would  render  the  best  service  to  his  king  and 
to  his  native  land.  He  acquired  reputation  and  authority  by 
the  side  of  Montbrun,  who  among  many  others  who  deserved 
the  same  distinction,  acquired  the  title  of  The  Brave  by  his 
gallant  actions  and  great  authority  in  Dauphine.  When  he 
was  at  length  taken  prisoner  and  put  to  death,  Lesdiguieres 
appeared  as  his  natural  successor.  He  was  indebted  to  the 
influence  of  Henry  of  Navarre  for  his  recognition  by  the  prov- 

*  Mathieu,  to  whom  he  told  it,  Henry  III.,  501. 

t  The  considerations  were  Duplessis-Mornay's  originally,  "  Vie  de 
Duplessis-Mornay,"  95  ;  but  still  they  were  those  which  determined  the 
King's  resolution  :  "  A  souvent  temoigne  le  Roi  qu'il  (Dup.-Mom.)  luy 
avoit  ete  auteur  de  cette  resolution."  The  resolution  was  embraced 
spontaneously,  not  as  the  result  of  a  debate. 

t  To  De  Batz,  March  11-12. 


408  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ince  and  received  from  him  the  half  of  a  broken  piece  of  gold, 
and  he  promised  that  as  soon  as  the  other  was  sent  to  him  he 
would  immediately  take  arms.* 

Of  still  greater  value  was  the  resistance  made  by  Damville 
de  Montmorency,  the  leader  of  the  party  called  Politicians,  to 
the  attempt  made  by  the  Guises  to  draw  him  over  to  their 
side.  This  may  be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant effects  produced  by  the  hatred  between  the  two  houses. 
Montmorency  caused  the  union  between  Protestants  and  Cath- 
olics to  be  confirmed  in  an  assembly  at  Pezenas,  and  the 
Court  of  Justice  at  Beziers  to  pledge  itself  on  oath  to  the  ob- 
servance of  the  edict  of  1577,  without  any  respect  to  that  last 
issued  by  the  League  ;f  and  having  done  this,  he  mounted 
his  war-horse  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  He 
bore  on  his  black  cloak  a  white  cross,  adorned  with  the  lilies 
of  France,  and  said  that  this  campaign  would  result  in  either 
the  complete  victory  of  the  house  of  Montmorency  or  in  its 
extinction. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  Henry  IV.  also  had  contem- 
plated a  similar  equality  of  condition  between  the  two  relig- 
ious parties  in  Guienne,  and  had  taken  Catholics  into  the  pro- 
vincial council  which  he  assembled,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  re- 
sistance offered  to  the  League  was  founded,  not  upon  the  one- 
sided interests  of  party,  but  upon  the  expediency  of  enabling 
those  who  held  different  religious  views  to  live  together. 

This  direction  of  men's  minds,  through  the  gradual  course 
of  events,  now  opened  a  grand  prospect  for  the  whole  kingdom. 

It  had  been  long  regarded  in  France  as  a  decree  of  Destiny 
that  the  house  of  Valois  should  become  extinct.  It  was  re- 
lated that  Catharine  de'  Medici  practiced  those  arts  by  which 
it  was  believed  that  what  was  removed  in  time  and  place 
could  be  regarded  as  present,  and  that,  while  staying  at  the 
castle  of  Chaumont  on  the  Loire,  on  one  occasion  she  caused 
tho  whole  series  of  French  kings  to  pass  before  her,  and  that 
each  of  the  shadows,  as  it  was  called  up,  made  the  round  of 
the  magic  circle  as  many  times  as  there  had  been  years  in 
bis  reign.     After  all  the  others  came  her  own  sons  ;  and  last 

*  Videl,  "  Histoire  de  Lesdiguieres,"  92. 

t  Vaissette,  "  Histoire  de  Languedoc,"  v.  410. 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  409 

of  all  Henry  III.,  who  was  still  living,  made  his  appearance. 
He  passed  round  the  circle  fifteen  times,  and  then  suddenly 
vanished.  His  mother  still  continued  to  gaze  with  eagerness 
to  know  whether  another  king  of  her  blood  would  arise,  when 
the  Prince  of  Navarre,  vigorous  and  active  as  she  knew  him, 
stepped  forth  to  view. 

Many  prophecies  of  a  similar  import  were  circulated,  and 
their  fulfillment  observed  to  take  place  by  degrees  for  five-and- 
twenty  years,  until  at  last  the  death  of  Alencon  brought  it 
home  to  the  general  consciousness  of  the  nation.  From  this 
time  it  was  also  observed  that  the  ideas  of  Henry  of  Bourbon, 
perhaps  involuntarily,  far  more  than  previously,  were  directed 
toward  the  State  in  general.  He  had  never  as  yet  communi- 
cated to  any  one  an  idea  that  the  throne  of  France  was  des- 
tined for  him  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  often  stated  that  there  was 
no  probability  of  such  an  event,  since  the  reigning  King  was 
of  like  age  with  himself,  and  could  take  better  care  of  himself 
than  he  could  who  was  in  arms. 

Who  can  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  of  the  dynastic  feel- 
ing which  animated  him  at  that  meeting  in  the  park  of  Pies- 
sis  ?  Great  tears  rolled  down  from  his  eyes  as  the  King,  who 
was  once  more  his  friend,  came  in  view ;  his  ambition  went 
no  further  than  to  be  acknowledged  as  first  prince  of  the 
blood,  and  to  fulfill  the  duties  of  that  position  by  the  side  of 
the  King. 

The  fortune  of  his  arms  soon  brought  him  to  Blois,  where 
a  short  time  before  it  had  been  formally  declared  by  the 
Estates  of  the  kingdom  that  he  had  forfeited  all  his  rights  and 
possessions.  "What  has  more  authority,"  said  Henry,  "  than 
a  decree  of  the  assembled  Estates  of  the  kingdom  ?  But  the 
Almighty  has  revised  the  process  and  re-established  me  in  my 
rights."  The  letter  containing  this  unpremeditated  effusion 
is  directed  to  the  Countess  de  Grammont,  at  that  time  his 
mistress — for  in  every  act  of  his  life  his  passion  accompanied 
him — who,  after  the  manner  of  such  ladies,  added  some  very 
cool  and  very  selfish  remarks. 

Another  trait  in  the  character  of  Henry  was  displayed  in 
the  fiery  impulse  which  urged  him  forward  to  the  siege  of 
Paris.     The  reputation  of  such  an  enterprise,  he  said,  would 

S 


410  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

be  a  magnet  which  would  draw  all  the  iron  in  France  round 
him ;  boldness  is  the  mother  of  opinions,  from  this  springs 
power,  from  power  victory,  and  thence  follows  security.  King 
Henry  III.  was  complaining  one  day  that  he,  a  good  Catholic, 
should  have  been  excommunicated,  a  proceeding  which  had 
not  been  taken  even  against  those  who  had  once  taken  Rome 
itself  by  storm.  "  That  is,"  said  Henry,  "  because  they  were 
victorious :  only  let  us  conquer,  and  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication which  has  been  spoken  over  us  will  be  speedily 
recalled." 

And  yet  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  even  a  victory  might 
have  been  dangerous  to  him,  for  Henry  III.  was  pleased  at 
the  service  rendered  him,  but  not  with  the  honor  and  personal 
confidence  which  they  acquired  who  rendered  him  the  service ; 
and  besides  he  adhered  firmly  to  the  principle  that  the  first 
prince  of  the  blood  must  be  a  Catholic  ;  and  as  Henry  of  Na- 
varre was  not  disposed  to  yield  to  him,  it  was  evident  that 
after  the  conquest  of  the  capital  he  would  be  compelled  to 
return  once  more  to  Guienne,  and  to  re-occupy  the  old  party 
position. 

Meanwhile  Henry  III.  was  slain.  The  monk  who  mur- 
dered him  because  he  was  not  Catholic  enough,  prepared  the 
way  to  the  throne  for  the  Huguenot  prince. 

The  French  nation  had  once  gathered  round  the  house  of 
Valois  in  a  mighty  struggle  for  its  independence.  With  the 
manifold  phases  of  that  struggle,  however,  arose  internal  dis- 
cords which  the  Princes  had  not  the  power  or  skill  to  master 
so  easily.  These  were,  first,  such  as  sprang  from  the  Estates, 
then  the  towns,  and  those  of  a  clerical  and  religious  nature. 
Through  the  confusion  in  which  the  last  members  of  that 
house  were  implicated,  they  sought  more  than  once  to  make 
their  way  by  deeds  of  the  greatest  violence,  until  at  length, 
from  the  midst  of  that  orthodox  party  which  they  in  general 
defended,  arose  the  blood-avenging  arm  which  terminated 
their  existence. 

In  what  condition  did  they  now  leave  the  country !  A 
Spaniard  compared  the  French  monarchy  at  the  time  to  a 
pomegranate  whose  shell  was  burst  open,  leaving  only  the 
kernels  to  be  seen,  with  something  of  the  partitions  that  di- 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  411 

vided  them  ;  for  unity  was  not  to  be  thought  of.  The  power- 
ful magnates  exercised  the  authority  formerly  intrusted  to 
them  by  the  kings,  as  they  thought  proper,  for  the  promotion 
of  their  individual  interests  ;  their  designs  tended  to  the  form- 
ation of  provincial  satrapies.  The  leading  men  in  the  towns 
held  it  possible  to  become  free  commons.*  A  great  clerical 
party  developed  the  idea  of  independence — upon  which  all 
ecclesiastical  union  necessarily  reposes — until  it  reached  the 
character  of  hostility  against  the  Crown,  and  was  supported 
in  the  attempt  by  the  richest  and  most  powerful  prince  in  the 
world,  as  well  as  by  chiefs  and  leaders  of  the  hierarchy. 

With  all  these  the  contest  of  the  new  Prince  was  more 
severe  than  that  of  his  predecessor.  The  religious  party  had 
been  formed  expressly  in  opposition  to  Henry  of  Navarre,  but 
other  adversaries  also  arose  against  him.  The  first  question 
laid  before  him  affected  his  connection  with  his  confederates. 

The  Royalists,  who  had  adhered  to  Henry  III.,  did  so  be- 
cause they  were  convinced  of  the  soundness  of  his  Catholic- 
ism, and  that  they  might  expect  from  him  the  preservation 
of  the  Catholic  religion  in  the  kingdom.  Now,  however,  they 
gave  expression  to  the  fiercest  opposition  against  the  Hugue- 
not who  was  making  preparations  to  take  possession  of  the 
throne  of  the  Most  Christian  Kings. 

A  few  monks,  with  torches  in  their  hands,  were  performing 
their  ceremonies  over  the  body  of  the  murdered  King,  when 
the  new  monarch,  accompanied  by  his  most  trustworthy  at- 
tendants, with  his  cuirass,  however,  under  his  doublet,  entered 
the  chamber.  He  was  not  received  with  any  acclamation  ; 
those  present,  who  had  all  belonged  to  the  household  of  Henry 
III.,  spoke  among  themselves  in  a  state  of  high  excitement : 
they  were  seen  to  clench  their  hands  and  pull  their  hats  down 
over  their  faces.  They  swore  that  they  would  rather  sur- 
render to  the  Leaguers  at  Paris  than  acknowledge  a  Hugue- 
not King,  and  this  they  said  aloud  within  a  few  paces  of  him, 
so  that  he  must  have  heard  their  words. 

Henry  at  the  first  moment  feared  that  the  Catholics  in  the 

*  Commentarii :  "  I  ricchi  e  potenti  delle  cittä  pensarono  a  una  in- 
stitutione  di  republiche  in  loco  di  monarchia,  et  li  nobili  aveano  la  mira 
di  aver  delle  satrapie  particolari." 


4)2  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE- 

camp  would  unite  against  him  with  the  people  of  Paris,  and 
there  was  in  fact  a  meeting  in  the  city  of  the  chiefs  on  both 
sides,  and  a  common  consultation  proposed,  so  that  Henry's 
friends  recommended  him  to  withdraw  himself  with  his  trusty 
Huguenots,  from  the  rage  of  the  enemy,  until  the  approach 
of  more  favorable  times. 

Had  he  done  so,  however,  he  would  have  given  up  at  the 
veiy  first  moment  the  claim  to  the  sovereign  authority,  the 
possession  of  which  devolved  upon  him  by  the  law  of  the 
nation,  and  have  failed  in  his  duty  to  maintain  that  author- 
ity ;  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  there  was  no  reason  to 
fear  a  union  between  the  Royalist  Catholics  and  the  Catho- 
lics of  the  League.  Mayenne  would  hear  nothing  of  the  pro- 
posed meeting,  and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Royalists 
could  have  made  common  cause  with  those  among  whose 
number  had  been  the  murderer  of  the  King.  They  contem- 
plated rather  avenging  that  deed  upon  their  adversaries. 

It  was  always  a  circumstance  of  importance  that  there  were 
in  the  camp  so  many  Swiss  attached  to  the  European  anti- 
League  interests.  They  were  more  attached  to  Henry  IV., 
who  shared  their  creed,  than  to  his  predecessor,  and  did  not 
hesitate,  upon  the  requisition  of  Sancy,  who  had  hitherto  led 
them,  to  acknowledge  the  new  King. 

They  were,  however,  foreigners  and  Protestants,  and  had  no 
power  to  decide  the  principal  question.  This  depended  upon 
the  resolution  of  the  Council,  which  had  assisted  Henry  III., 
and  through  which  the  royal  authority  had  been  adminis- 
tered. From  this  Council  all  public  ordinances  had  hitherto 
issued.  It  was  invested  with  great  authority,  from  the  fact 
that  it  consisted  not  merely  of  ministers,  but  of  the  most  pow- 
erful political  and  military  chiefs. 

It  has  been  stated,  upon  credible  authority,  that  the  opin- 
ions of  the  Council  in  reference  to  the  hereditary  right  were 
in  a  few  instances  somewhat  unexpected  ;  *  that  the  remote- 

*  We  are  not  sufficiently  informed  concerning  the  particulars  of  these 
transactions.  Angouleme  required  to  be  much  more  full,  in  order  to  jus- 
tify his  pretension  to  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  matter.  Dupleix 
and  Mathieu  contain  some  particulars,  but  they  are  guided  by  the  dis- 
course of  Sancy,  whose  truth  I  do  not  question,  but  who  maintains 
merely  a  special  and  personal  position. 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  413 

ness  of  the  relationship  between  the  King  of  Navarre  and  the 
house  of  Valois  was  discussed,  and  the  proposition  made  that 
at  first  he  should  only  be  acknowledged  as  chief  director  of 
the  war.  But  even  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  disorder  and 
confusion,  those  laws  which  prescribe  limits  to  the  desires  of 
individuals  make  their  influence  felt.  One  of  the  chief  causes 
of  this  war  was  the  refusal  of  Henry  III.  to  subject  the  fun- 
damental law  of  legitimate  succession  according  to  birthright, 
to  the  pretensions  of  the  Church.  Those,  therefore,  wdio  had 
drawn  the  sword  to  maintain  this  fundamental  principle,  could 
not  deny  its  practical  application  at  the  veiy  first  moment  it 
became  practicable. 

It  was  another  thing,  however,  with  the  difference  of  religion. 
Henry  III.  had  assumed  that  his  successor  would  come  over 
to  Catholicism.  A  separation  of  the  Crown  from  its  old  union 
with  Catholicism  did  not  appear  admissible  to  him  or  to  his 
adherents.  The  latter  now  lost  no  time  in  demanding  that 
the  lawful  heir  to  the  throne  should  make  this  change  with- 
out delay.  They  gave  two  special  reasons  for  this  :  the  one, 
that  if  it  were  not  complied  with,  a  great  number  of  their 
present  confederates  would  go  over  to  the  League  ;  the  other, 
that  the  rights  of  sovereignty  might  perhaps  be  exercised  by 
the  new  King  in  favor  of  the  Huguenots  :  from  these  dangers 
they  urged  him  to  secure  himself. 

Henry's  decision  of  this  great  question,  the  influence  of  which 
extended  far  beyond  the  fleeting  moment  and  the  men  then  liv- 
ing, was  not  to  be  embraced  definitively,  but  only  provisionally. 

Had  the  object  to  be  effected  been  merely  his  recognition 
as  first  prince  of  the  blood,  he  would  never  on  that  ac- 
count have  changed  his  religion,  for  the  duty  of  self-preserva- 
tion would  have  always  predominated  over  every  other.  The 
crown  was  a  higher  prize,  and  Henry  may  have  said  then  or 
subsequently  that  it  was  worth  a  mass.  But  the  right  thereto 
which  had  now  immediately  fallen  to  him  imposed  on  him  a 
more  comprehensive  duty  :  he  must  save  royalty  in  the  midst 
of  the  general  confusion,  in  order  that  the  whole  nation  might 
once  more  unite  round  it ;  he  ought  not  to  reject  the  only 
means  by  which  this  could  be  effected,  unless  his  religious 
convictions  were  essentially  opposed  to  the  change. 


414  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

To  his  companions  in  arms,  who  urged  it  upon  him,  he 
declared,  as  he  had  already  frequently  hinted,  that  the  relig- 
ion which  he  had  professed  in  his  youth  he  might  probably 
give  up  in  his  manhood ;  not  however  upon  compulsion,  not 
from  the  force  of  violent  pressure,  but  only  if  he  should  be 
better  instructed.  He  gave  some  expectation  of  his  accepting 
such  instructions  from  a  national  council,  to  be  called  within 
six  months — a  doubtful  promise,  and  but  of  slight  obligation, 
according  to  the  significancy  of  the  words,  but  at  the  same 
time  of  profound  meaning.  The  legitimate  hereditary  King 
did  not  reject  the  notion  that  the  Crown  must  be  indissolubly 
united  with  Catholicism.  His  Protestantism  was  neither  so 
well  defined  nor  so  immovable  as  to  prevent  him  from  mak- 
ing so  strong  a  theoretic  approximation.  Besides  this,  Henry 
allowed  two  other  generally  restrictive  practical  obligations 
to  be  imposed  on  him.  He  promised  to  allow  the  exercise  of 
the  Protestant  religion  in  those  places  only  where  it  might 
have  taken  place  by  virtue  of  the  last  agreement  with  Henry 
III.  ;  and,  further,  to  fill  the  offices  about  to  be  vacated  with 
professors  of  the  Catholic  creed  only.  In  order  to  understand 
Henry's  proceedings  at  this  time,  we  must  remember  that  the 
party  with  which  he  came  to  this  understanding  was  not  that 
of  the  League,  which  persecuted  the  Huguenots  for  life  and 
death  ;  but  rather  the  middle  political  party,  with  which  he 
had  always  been  in  alliance.  They  were  the  ruling  party, 
with  more  or  less  consciousness,  in  the  Council,  in  the  army, 
and  in  the  anti-parliaments  constituted  by  Henry  III.  at 
Caen,  Romans,  and  Tours.  The  Council,  which  had  hitherto 
exercised  the  royal  authority,  controlled  all  these  ;  it  adopt- 
ed the  King,  rather  than  subjected  itself  to  him  and  to  his 
designs.* 

*  In  the  Collection  of  Sillery  there  is  a  letter,  directed  to  the  Swiss 
from  the  members  of  the  Council,  in  which  these  views  are  expressed. 
They  have  acknowledged  "  nostre  dit  Roy  estre  legitime  successeur,  et 
que  le  droit  naturel  nous  obligeoit  ä  lui  rendre  fidelite  et  obeissance. 
Nous  aurions,  en  luy  prestant  le  serment,  pourvu  ä  la  seurete  et  con- 
servation de  nostre  religion  Catholique  par  la  promesse  qu'il  nous 
auroit  faiste,  par  lui  signee  et  juree,  de  n'y  rien  innover,  ainsi  la  main- 
tenir  et  conserver  ;"  by  which  even  the  damage  otherwise  to  be  expected 
from  despair  was  warded  oft'  from  religion. 


ELEVATION  OF  HENRY  IV.  41Ö 

Thus  was  a  union  established  between  the  legitimate 
royalty  Which  had  devolved  upon  a  Protestant,  and  the 
Catholic  Royalists.  It  was,  however,  only  a  very  loose  con- 
nection— one  that  contemplated  a  distant  object,  and  a  prep- 
aration for  future  power,  rather  than  a  foundation  for  present 
authority.  "Who  could  say  whether  it  would  ever  consolidate 
itself  into  such  an  authority  ?  The  agreement  by  no  means 
satisfied  all  those  who  had  hitherto  fought  together.  The 
most  powerful  of  the  magnates  of  the  day,  Epernon,  quitted 
the  camp,  and  it  was  a  matter  of  satisfaction  that  he  did  not 
immediately  join  the  League,  as  many  others  did. 

The  military  undertaking  in  which  the  army  was  engaged 
was  given  up  of  necessity.  In  the  first  sitting  of  the  Council 
it  was  proposed  to  proceed  with  the  beleaguering  of  Paris ; 
but,  with  so  many  secessions  from  his  side,  Henry  could  not 
consent  to  that  enterprise.  He  said  he  would  first  withdraw 
beyond  some  of  the  rivers,  and  then  he  would  be  able  to  give 
his  confidence  to  those  who  remained  steady  to  him.  A  por- 
tion of  his  troops  marched  to  Champagne,  another  to  Picardy, 
and  with  the  third  Henry  betook  himself  to  Normandy,  where 
he  was  acknowledged  by  Caen,  Dieppe,  and  Pont-de-1' Arche. 
It  was  a  vast  advantage  to  him  that  he  was  not  at  the  other 
side  of  the  Loire,  hemmed  in  in  the  distant  south,  but  that 
he  had  a  firm  footing  in  the  north  of  the  kingdom  ;  still  this 
was  very  far  from  being  what  his  title  indicated  him  to  be — 
King  of  France  ;  and  his  enemies  had  already  placed  in  op- 
position to  him  another,  whose  claims  to  the  same  title  they 
acknowledged. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND  1590. 

The  population  of  Paris,  oh  the  intelligence  of  the  death 
of  Henry  III.,  ahandoned  themselves  to  joy  and  hopes.  The 
authority  of  the  preachers  was  augmented  by  the  event,  since 
the  Prince,  whom  they  had  overwhelmed  with  their  curses, 
had  been  actually  destroyed  in  accordance  with  their  pre- 
dictions. They  spoke  of  Jacques  Clement  as  a  martyr,  and 
likened  him  to  Judith.  They  declared  every  one  to  be  ex- 
communicated who  should  acknowledge  Henry  of  Navarre. 

But,  as  in  the  camp,  so  in  the  city,  the  adoption  of  a  great 
resolution  was  now  indispensable.  The  Duke  of  Mayenne 
was  nominated  Lieutenant-General  of  the  kingdom  and  of 
the  crown  of  France  in  opposition  to  the  living  King,  after 
whose  death  the  office  was  not  to  continue. 

It  was  even  very  seriously  discussed  whether  Mayenne, 
disregarding  the  old  and  infirm  Cardinal,  should  not  declare 
himself  king  :  by  the  boldness  of  such  a  step  he  was  told  he 
would  carry  away  the  Nobility  and  the  Estates,  and  unite 
all  France  around  him.  In  Mayenne's  council,  however,  it 
was  thought  that  such  a  step  was  surrounded  with  too  many 
difficulties,  and  above  all,  that  the  Spanish  embassador's 
opinion  upon  it  must  be  heard. 

This  embassador  Avas  Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  who 
was  once  compelled  to  leave  England  because  Queen  Eliza- 
beth found  his  presence  too  dangerous  for  the  peace  of  the 
kingdom.  He  lived  and  moved  exclusively  in  the  great  Cath- 
olic combination  which  embraced  Europe.  The  failure  of 
the  attempt  upon  England  in  1588  deterred  him  as  little  as 
it  did  his  master  from  contemplating  a  second.     The  anni- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND  1590  417 

hilation  of  the  heretics  in  the  Netherlands,  the  union  of  the 
English  crown  with  the  other  Spanish  crowns,  the  settlement 
of  France  in  a  similar  manner — all  these  were  to  him  ob- 
jects which  it  was  desirable  to  accomplish,  either  simulta- 
neously, or  one  after  another.*  He  had  already  remarked 
how  necessary  a  condition  it  was  of  the  possession  of  America 
by  Spain,  that  England  should  not  remain  in  the  hands  of 
heretics.  In  order  to  maintain  in  France  a  condition  con- 
sonant with  these  views,  he  did  not  consider  any  expense  too 
great.  The  rigid  Catholic  principle,  from  which  he  derived 
all  his  notions,  and  which  led  him  to  a  political  orthodoxy, 
from  the  consequences  of  which  there  was  no  escape  ;  the 
power  of  the  Prince  whom  he  represented  ;  a  natural  talent 
for  popularity,  and  finally,  the  money  he  expended,  secured 
for  him  an  overwhelming  influence. 

When  the  attack  upon  the  city  was  apprehended,  he  re- 
paired to  the  walls,  which  he  found  full  of  monks  and  priests, 
and  told  them  he  would  die  with  them.  Upon  receiving  in- 
telligence that  the  Bearnais,  as  he  always  called  Henry  of 
Navarre,  had  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  France,  he  paid 
the  Duke  of  Mayenne  a  visit,  and  declared  to  him  officially, 
as  Spanish  embassador,  that  his  master  would  never  recog- 
nize a  heretic  as  King  of  France  ;  and  at  the  same  time  he 
offered  on  the  part  of  his  master  to  the  French  Catholics  all 
the  power  of  his  kingdom,  in  order  to  prevent  such  a  succes- 
sion to  the  throne. f 

The  proposal  which  was  now  made,  however — that  in 
constituting  the  League  such  a  political  power  as  was  neces- 
sary under  present  circumstances,  no  further  notice  should  be 
taken  of  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon,  but  rather  that  Mayenne 

*  "  Estirpar  las  heregias  en  desarragarlas  de  los  Paises  Baxos,  y 
ganar  la  Inglaterra  (empresa  que  no  puede  empedir  Francia  en  el  esta- 
do  que  se  vee),  lo  uno  (the  Netherlands)  patrimonio  y  lo  oltro  (England) 
conquista,  que  se  puede  tan  justamente  encorporar  con  las  demas  co- 
ronas ...  en  beneficio  de  las  de  Espanna,  para  la  conservacion  de  las 
de  Indias,  que  hereges  no  posseen  a  Inglaterra." — Papers  of  Simancas. 

t  Mendoza's  Letter  to  Philip,  August  8  :  he  had  declared  "  que  V. 
Md.  de  ninguna  manera  permittiria  que  esta  corona  viniesse  en  manos 
de  hereges,  y  que  como  Ambr.  suyo  ofrescia  ä  el  y  a  los  demas  Ca- 
tolicos  deste  reyno  sus  fuercas  y  armas  para  impedillo." — Papers  of 
Simancas 

s* 


418  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

himself  should  be  left  in  possession  of  the  power  which  he 
might  exercise  under  the  authority  of  the  King  of  Spain — 
was  one  with  which  Mendoza  was  not  at  first  inclined  to 
concur. 

He  did  not  wish  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  to  be  put  aside, 
because  in  the  original  bond  of  the  confederacy  he  had  been 
described  as  the  future  King  of  France,  and  in  that  capacity 
had  taken  upon  himself  definite  obligations,  especially  in  ref- 
erence to  Beam.  Mendoza  did  not  consider  it  advisable  to 
urge  the  immediate  submission  of  the  French  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  for  he  believed  that  they  would  perceive  by-and-by, 
that  without  such  submission  they  would  be  unable  to  de- 
stroy heresy  in  France — that  it  was,  in  fact,  their  only  means 
of  safety.  The  French,  in  his  opinion,  must  be  dealt  with 
as  the  physician  treats  his  patient :  the  most  nutritious  food 
must  not  be  permitted  at  first,  in  order  to  restore  his  strength, 
but  that  which  is  weaker  and  better  suited  to  his  powers  of 
digestion.* 

The  more  cautious  of  the  French  Leaguers  also  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  this  view,  though  upon  different 
grounds.  They  found  that  it  concurred  with  the  resolutions 
of  the  last  Estates,  which  they  were  of  opinion  should  be 
firmly  adhered  to.  One  of  the  ministers  of  Henry  III.,  dur- 
ing the  earlier  part  of  his  reign,  and  perhaps  the  ablest  of 
them  all,  Villeroy,  had  now  a  seat  in  Mayenne's  council. 
He  was  opposed  to  Mayenne's  arbitrary  proceedings,  and  de- 
clared that  he  would  separate  from  him  if  he  should  attempt 
to  disturb  the  arrangements  already  effected. 

Urged  by  representations  on  both  sides,  Mayenne  at  length 
yielded.  The  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  was  proclaimed  King, 
under  the  title  of  Charles  X.,  in  solemn  edicts,  by  the  Parlia- 
ment, the  Council  of  the  Union,  and  the  civic  authorities. 
Thus  was  the  public  authority  in  some  measure  arranged, 
but  unquestionably  in  a  most  anomalous  form. 

*  To  this,  he  writes,  his  King  had  moved  him  :  "  El  considerar,  que 
el  nombrar  al  Carchnale  pour  Rey  no  derogasse  los  contratos  secretos 
de  Beanie  y  Cambray,  que  se  hizieron  quando  la  Liga  en  favor  de  V. 
Md.  ne  la  pretension  dc  V.  Md.  al  ducado  de  Borgoiia,  nf  la  de  la  Se- 
nora  Infanta  al  ducado  de  Bretagna." — Compare  Villeroy,  Mom.  i.  130 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND   1590.  419 

A  prince  was  acknowledged  as  king,  whose  right  was 
doubtful,  and  who  was  himself  a  poor  prisoner,  in  the  power 
of  the  very  man  he  was  set  up  to  oppose.  His  substitute 
was  a  powerful  magnate,  who  was  himself  only  deterred  by 
the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise,  from  stretching  forth  his  own 
hand  to  the  crown,  and  who  was  at  the  same  time  dependent 
upon  foreign  subsidies.  Henry  of  Guise  had  received  at  one 
time  or  another  three  millions  in  gold  from  Spain  ;  the  Duke 
of  Mayenne  also  had  already  received  about  eight  hundred 
thousand  gold-scudi.  Without  this  money,  neither  would  the 
former  have  been  able  to  elevate  himself  to  the  authority  he 
had  possessed,  nor  the  latter  to  maintain  himself  in  the  posi- 
tion he  occupied.  It  had  always  been  the  principal  object  of 
their  solicitude,  to  have  the  Spanish  money  placed  in  their 
own  hands,  and  not  to  have  it  distributed  immediately  among 
their  companions  in  arms,  lest  such  a  course  should  weaken 
their  personal  authority. 

It  was  upon  this  very  connection,  above  all  others,  that 
the  influence  of  the  Spanish  embassador  rested ;  yet  he 
agreed  with  Mayenne  in  generalities  only ;  he  did  not  pursue 
any  object  which  could  be  properly  called  French,  his  aim 
was  altogether  of  a  universal  character — the  dominion  of  the 
rigorous  Catholic  idea,  and  still  more  that  of  his  King,  over 
the  whole  world.  He  was  mysterious  and  subtle  in  his  pro- 
ceedings, and  immovable  in  his  designs,  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  which  he  neglected  no  means.  The  clergy  and  the 
mob  were  dependent  upon  him :  the  former  for  the  sake  of 
the  clerical  maxims ;  and  the  latter,  tumultuous  and  mov- 
able, more  eager  for  freedom  than  capable  of  appreciating  it, 
easier  to  be  induced  to  submit  to  privations  than  to  yield  con- 
tributions, and  perfectly  content  that  these  should  be  made 
by  others. 

However  little  this  deserved  the  name  of  an  organization, 
it  yet  had  the  superiority  of  power  in  the  beginning.  The 
army  which  left  Paris  in  order  to  take  the  field  in  September, 
1589,  and  which  was  composed  of  Swiss  and  Germans  col- 
lected together  by  means  of  Spanish  money,  might  have 
amounted  to  about  twenty  thousand  men.  Mayenne  boasted 
that  the  Bearnais  must  either  fling  himself  into  the  sea,  or  he 


420  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

would  in  a  short  time  lead  him  in  chains  through  the  Fau- 
bourg St.  Antoine.*  In  Henry  IV.,  however,  he  found  an 
enemy  who  was  not  only  prepared  for  the  worst,  and  determ- 
ined to  defend  himself  to  the  very  last,  but  also  one  who, 
beneath  the  appearance  of  levity  and  carelessness,  possessed 
a  profound,  almost  religious  conviction  of  his  rights.  It  was 
no  mere  phrase  with  Henry,  when  he  replied  to  a  friend  who 
drew  his  attention  to  the  disproportion  of  his  force  compared 
with  that  of  his  enemies,  that  they  must  take  his  allies  into 
consideration — Grod,  and  his  good  right.  But  he  was  at  the 
same  time  a  captain,  who  lived  and  moved  in  his  camp — all 
effort,  nerve,  and  courage.  Behind  his  intrenchments  at 
Arques,  which  he  had  thrown  up  with  skill,  and  which  he 
frequently  defended  himself,  pike  in  hand,  he  was  invincible 
even  when  assailed  by  a  force  four  times  stronger  than  his 
own.  The  enemy  found  himself  compelled  to  give  way  be- 
fore Henry,  not  only  at  Arques,  but  also  at  Dieppe,  where  a 
previous  attempt  had  been  made. 

It  soon  came  to  Henry's  turn  to  take  the  initiative.  The 
military  men  whom  he  had  left  before  Paris  now  drew  round 
him  in  greater  numbers  ;  the  English  supported  him,  and  by 
these  means  he  found  himself  strong  enough  to  appear  once 
more  in  the  open  field.  In  the  beginning  of  November  he 
approached  Paris  again,  and  took  possession  of  a  portion  of 
the  suburbs,  and  even  his  enemies  were  of  opinion  that  it 
was  possible  for  him  to  force  the  city  to  a  surrender,  t  But 
his  little  army  would  have  lost  itself  in  the  mazes  of  Paris, 
and  his  views  lay  not  in  that  direction.  His  idea  was  first 
of  all  only  to  get  possession  of  the  towns  on  the  Loire,  which 
had  always  been  steadily  attached  to  his  predecessors.  Mean- 
while he  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  recognized,  more  sol- 
emnly than  hitherto,  as  King  of  France  by  the  parliament  of 

*  The  "  Vrai  Discours  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  Tarmee  jusqu'a  la  fin 
de  1589,"  Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  iv.  49,  contains  an  original  and  contempo- 
rary narrative  of  this  circumstance :  it  is  given  nearly  verbatim  in  Cayet's 
"Histoire  Novennaire,"  as  well  as  in  the  "Histoire  des  Troubles,"  of 
Mathieu.  Thuanus,  97-319,  rests  upon  it  also,  and  is  frequently  only 
a  translation. 

t  Commentarii :  "  Se  havesse  fatto  un  poco  di  sforzo,  haverebbe 
presa  la  citta." 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND   1590.  421 

Tours,  and  at  the  same  time  by  a  European  power,  the  re- 
public of  Venice.  After  he  had  cleared  Anjou  and  Maine  of 
the  Leaguers,  and  taken  fresh  assurance  of  Epernon's  peace 
able  intentions,  he  directed  his  course  once  more  toward  the 
north  of  France.  He  relieved  and  besieged  towns,  he  con- 
quered some,  others  he  lost  again,  but  upon  the  whole  the 
advantage  was  his.  His  friends  remarked  with  admiration 
and  astonishment  that  within  the  space  of  two  months  he  had 
traversed  with  his  artillery  one  hundred  and  forty  leagues. 
In  the  beginning  of  February  he  commenced  the  investment 
of  Dreux. 

For  a  town  so  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  League,  Mayenne 
felt  that  he  must  venture  something,  especially  since  its 
fall  would  have  endangered  the  capital.  At  the  order  of  the 
King  of  Spain  some  Italian  and  Spanish  troops,  as  well  as 
some  heavy  Low  Country  cavalry  and  Walloon  hackbuteers, 
marched  to  his  assistance  from  the  Netherlands ;  he  there- 
fore resolved  to  risk  a  battle. 

In  Paris  the  doctrine  that  there  could  be  no  communion 
with  heretics  was  renewed,  and  on  the  special  ground  that 
the  Church  had  even  commanded  that  they  should  be  put  to 
death.  In  the  camp  of  Henry  IV.,  on  the  other  hand,  both 
Catholics  and  Protestants  prayed  for  the  legitimate  King.  In 
the  districts  which  obeyed  him  processions  took  place  as  well 
as  preachings.  Henry  himself  regarded  the  coming  conflict 
as  the  medium  of  God's  judgment,  almost  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  the  ancient  Franks  at  Fontenoy.  He  prayed  that  God 
might  bless  his  arms  if  it  should  conduce  to  the  welfare  of 
France  and  of  the  Christian  world,  but,  if  otherwise,  not  to 
give  him  success. 

On  the  14th  of  March,  1590,  the  two  armies  approached 
each  other  upon  the  plains  of  Yvry.  A  battle  ensued,  in 
which,  although  the  resources  of  modern  warfare  were  brought 
into  operation,  the  decisive  force  consisted,  as  of  old,  in  the 
cavalry.  It  appeared  as  if  Henry  IV.  must  succumb  to  the 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  :  further  and  further  backward 
was  his  white  banner  seen  to  retire,  and  the  great  mass  ap- 
peared as  if  they  designed  to  follow  it.  At  length  Henry  cried 
out  that  those  who  did  not  wish  to  fight  against  the  enemy 


422  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

might  at  least  turn  and  see  him  die,*  and  immediately 
plunged  into  the  thickest  of  the  battle.  It  appeared  as  if  the 
Royalist  gentry  had  felt  the  old  martial  fire  of  their  ancestry 
enkindled  by  these  words  and  by  the  glance  that  accompanied 
them :  raising  one  mighty  shout  to  God,  they  threw  them- 
selves upon  the  enemy,  following  their  King,  whose  plume  was 
now  their  banner.  In  this  there  might  have  been  some  dim 
principle  of  religious  zeal,  but  that  devotion  to  personal  au- 
thority, which  is  so  powerful  an  element  in  war  and  in  policy, 
was  wanting.  The  royalist  and  religious  energy  of  Henry's 
troops  conquered  the  Leaguers.  The  cavalry  were  broken, 
scattered,  and  swept  from  the  field,  and  the  confused  manner 
of  their  retreat  so  perplexed  the  infantry  that  they  were  not 
able  to  maintain  their  ground ;  the  German  and  French  were 
cut  down;  the  Swiss  surrendered.  It  was  a  complete  victory 
for  Henry  IV. 

"  "We  have,"  said  the  King  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  broken 
through  the  enemy,  dispersed  his  cavalry,  taken  his  infantry 
prisoners,  and  captured  his  cannon  and  his  white  banner. 
How  roughly  we  have  handled  his  Burgundians  !  (meaning 
the  Spanish  Netherlanders) ;  God  has  shown  that  he  favors 
right  more  than  power."  f 

The  letters  and  poems  in  which  others  announce  this  vic- 
tory sotvnd  like  one  great  shout  of  triumph.  Du  Bartas  com- 
posed an  excellent  and  elaborate  politico-religious  admonition 
to  the  enemy  in  his  military  song  of  victory. $  Henry  IV.  now 
directed  his  course  toward  the  capital  in  real  earnest.  It  was, 
according  to  an  expression  of  the  time,  the  black  in  the  target 
at  which  he  aimed.  By  means  of  the  garrisons  of  Mantes 
and  Vernon  he  had  interrupted  the  connection  between  Paris 
and  Normandy.  Soon  after  he  took  Corbeil,  upon  the  upper 
Seine,  which  was  regarded  as  the  key  by  which  the  city  was 
supplied  from  the  interior.      He  then  captured  Lagny,  by 

*  So  in  the  "Discours  Veritable,"  from  which  Cayet  derives  his 
notices  ;  his  variations  seem  to  be  arbitrary.  The  best  description  by 
far  is  in  the  "  Memoires  de  M.  Duplessis-Mornay,"  ii.  55. 

t  "Dieu  a  determine  selon  son  equite." — Receuil  de  Lettres  Miss, 
de  Henri  IV.,  torn.  iii.  p.  169.  "Dieu  a  monstre  qu'il  aimait  mieux  le 
droit  que  la  force." — To  De  la  Noue,  March  14,  1590,  p.  161. 

%  Cantique  sur  la  Victoire  d'Yvry  :  CEuvres,  687. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND   1590.  423 

which  he  was  enahled  to  close  the  Marne,  and  Creil.  by 
which  the  Oise  was  commanded.  By  the  end  of  April  the 
bridge  of  Charenton  was  in  his  hands,  and  his  cannon  planted 
npon  Montmartre.  The  Parisians,  he  said,  were  disobedient 
children :  so  he  must  show  them  the  rod  in  one  hand  and  the 
apple  in  the  other,  and  then  they  would  yield  to  him.  He 
could  not  conceive  how  they  could  prefer  to  him,  in  the  bloom 
of  masculine  vigor,  with  a  victorious  army  before  their  gates, 
the  old  Spaniard,  already  broken  with  deadly  diseases,  Philip 
II.,  at  a  distance,  whose  death  was  approaching,  and  whose 
kingdom  after  that  event  must  fall  in  pieces 

Before  the  battle  many  of  the  affluent  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  and  even  a  few  members  of  the  Government,  had  given 
expression  to  similar  sentiments,*  but  the  old  hatred  ani- 
mated the  mass  of  the  people  with  undiminished  power.  It 
was  said  that  Henry  IV.  would  come  and  take  vengeance  for 
St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  and  bathe  his  arms  to  the  elbows  in 
blood.  The  new  Papal  Legate,  Gaetano,  whose  views  coin- 
cided with  those  of  Mendoza,  caused  the  oath  of  union  to  be 
renewed  just  before  the  battle,  after  a  solemn  religious  service 
by  all  the  city  officials,  from  the  Prevot  des  Marchands  down 
to  the  standard-bearers  in  the  different  quarters.  They  swore 
never  to  acknowledge  a  king  who  should  not  be  a  Catholic, 
and  the  population  of  the  quarters  repeated  the  oath.  The 
theological  faculty  declared  that  Henry  of  Bourbon,  even 
should  he  receive  ecclesiastical  absolution,  could  never  be 
acknowledged  as  King  ;  and  they  held  by  this  opinion  now 
during  the  progress  of  the  siege.  The  distress  caused  by  it  in 
the  city  only  helped  to  exalt  the  influence  of  the  Spanish 
clerical  party.  The  monastic  orders  made  extraordinary 
efforts  for  the  support  of  the  poor,  and  the  impression  these 
made  was  doubled  by  the  emaciated  figures  of  the  monks  as 
they  were  seen  coming  out  of  their  cloisters.  Bernardino 
Mendoza  sold  his  plate  to  purchase  bread  for  the  poor ;  as 

*  Letter  of  Mendoza,  March  5 :  "  Siendo  los  ricos  deste  lugar  los 
que  mas  dessean  el  accordarse  con  Bearne,  y  los  de  mediano  estado  y 
commun  pueblo  son  contrarios  a  ello  y  fervientes  en  la  defensa  de  la 
religion."  May  6,  he  remarks  :  "  Yr  crescendo  en  los  mas  principales 
siempre  el  deseo  de  accordarse  en  que  inclinan  los  mas  que  tienen  voz 
en  cosejo  y  mano  en  el  goviemo." 


424  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  scarcity  became  more  intense,  he  taught  the  people  how 
to  make  food  from  oats,  after  the  manner  of  the  Scotch :  he 
caused  great  caldrons  to  be  set  up  before  his  own  house  for 
cooking  oatmeal  porridge,  and  thus  preserved  the  lives  of 
thousands.  As  he  passed  through  the  streets  he  was  greeted 
with  cheers  for  the  King  of  Spain.  In  May  intelligence  ar- 
rived that  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  was  dead  ;  and  the  effect 
of  this  upon  the  population  was  to  revive,  with  redoubled 
power,  their  wish  to  subject  themselves  to  the  King  of  Spain. 

The  opposite  ideas,  however,  exhibited  themselves  also.  A 
Huguenot  woman  wandered  through  the  streets,  and  re- 
proached the  monks  with  their  sins.  She  would  no  longer 
wear  any  thing  red,  because  the  Legate  appeared  in  clothing 
of  that  color.  She  sang  her  psalms  with  a  loud  voice,  and  the 
clergy,  who  tried  to  stop  her,  were  astonished  at  her  knowl- 
edge of  the  Scriptures  ;  she  poured  out  her  aspirations  in  the 
most  vehement  and  beautiful  prayers  ;  she  asserted  that  she 
had  seen  a  human  figure  in  the  clouds,  with  a  sword  in  his 
hand,  and  that  he  had  commanded  her  to  tell  the  Duchess  of 
Montpensier  that  she  ought  not  to  use  paint,  and  the  Cardinal 
Legate  that  he  ought  to  make  peace.  She  was  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  women  in  Paris,  and  closed  her  career  by 
dying  in  the  hospital.*  Among  the  multitude  the  Catholic 
and  Spanish  notions  retained  their  great  predominance. 

In  the  beginning  of  August  the  famine  had  become  so  in- 
tolerable, that  it  was  resolved  in  the  city  to  send  a  deputation 
to  Henry  IV.  The  object  was  not  so  much  to  propose  sub- 
mission to  his  demands,  as  a  general  pacification,  in  which 
the  King  of  Spain  should  be  included.  Henry  IV.  answered, 
that  he  did  not  wish  his  subjects  to  be  indebted  to  the  King 
of  Spain  for  the  peace  they  desired. f 

The  chief  cause  of  the  resolution  which  the  people  main- 
tained, was  the  intelligence  promulgated  by  the  preachers, 

*  L'Etoile,  ii.  40. 

t  "  Recueil  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  la  Conference  du  Sr.  A.  de 
Gondi  et  Archeveque  de  Lyon  avec  le  Roi." — Mem.  de  la  Ligue,  iv. 
317.  Corneyo's  "  Discours  bref  et  veritable  des  choses  plus  notables 
arrivees  au  siege  de  Paris,"  is  credible  as  far  as  concerns  what  was 
spoken  publicly,  but  the  manner  in  which  he  mentions  this  mission 
shows  that  he  was  unacquainted  with  the  negotiations  themselves 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND   1590.  425 

that  the  prospect  of  Spanish  assistance  was  near.  Yet  his 
assistance  was  constantly  retarded,  almost  to  the  despair  of 
Mendoza.  At  length,  in  the  most  critical  and  urgent  mo- 
ment, it  appeared. 

Philip  II.  had  given  money  and  enlisted  foreign  troops  ;  he 
had  also,  again,  sent  a  force  of  his  own.  Now  he  did  more : 
he  ordered  his  nephew  Alexander  Famese,  of  Parma,  who 
was  then  engaged  in  subjugating  the  Netherlands,  to  postpone 
his  proceedings  in  that  country,  and  to  march  into  France 
with  his  whole  army. 

As  regarded  himself,  Alexander  Famese  was  not  favorable 
to  such  a  step.  According  to  his  view,  France  and  Spain 
ought  to  maintain  friendly  relations,  and  for  a  hostile  move- 
ment against  Henry  IV.  the  present  moment  appeared  to  him, 
at  least,  unsuited.  Besides  this,  he  intended,  in  the  course 
of  the  summer,  which  was  very  dry,  and  therefore  favorable 
for  his  operations,  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Holland  and 
Zealand.  It  was  impossible  for  him,  however,  at  the  same 
time  to  invade  France,  and  to  overpower  the  Netherlands, 
and  should  he  attempt  both  objects,  he  would  be  unable  to 
attain  either  of  them.  At  the  Spanish  court,  meanwhile, 
that  vast  complication  of  all  the  Catholic  interests  was  the 
object  of  steady  contemplation.  King  Philip  and  his  Council 
of  State  fostered,  moreover,  the  opinion  that  Spain  could 
never  have  peace  with  Henry  of  Navarre.  Should  he  win 
Paris,  and  with  the  city  the  crown,  nothing  could  in  that  case 
prevent  him  from  rushing  with  his  Huguenots,  intoxicated 
with  victory,  upon  the  Netherlands,  or  Italy,  or  even  upon 
Spain  itself;  while  by  attacking  him  in  France,  the  Nether- 
lands would  be  most  effectually  defended.*  The  Duke  of 
Parma  was  somewhat  displeased  that  the  necessities  of  the 

*  For  this  I  have  drawn  from  "  Gulielmi  Dondini  Bononiensis  e  Soc. 
Jesu  Historia  de  rebus  in  Galliä  gestis  ab  Alexandra  Farnesio,  Parms 
et  Placentise  Duce  III.,  supremo  Belgii  praafecto  (Nuremberg,  1675), 
p.  118,  who  had  valuable  sources  of  information;  according  to  page 
259  he  had  access  to  the  Diary  of  Alexander  of  Parma.  "  Hispani 
triumviri  (namely  Mendoza,  Moreo,  and  Tassis)  ita  cum  foederatis  age- 
bant  ut  ad  Alexandrum  referent  omnia,  communicatisque  inde  consiliis 
communes  ad  Regem  literas  darent ;  quse  nobis  liter®  ad  intima  con- 
siliorum  pernoscenda  adjumento  fuere." 


426  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

war  should  be  judged  and  decided  by  the  cabinet  at  a  distance 
from  the  scene  of  operations  ;  but  when  the  will  of  the  King 
was  decisively  announced,  and  the  necessary  funds  sent,  he 
had  no  alternative  but  to  obey. 

He  first  of  all  put  Mayenne's  army,  which  had  not  let  itself 
be  shut  up  within  the  walls  of  Paris,  into  a  condition  for  taking 
the  field,  and  then  he  himself  passed  the  French  borders  in 
the  middle  of  August,  1590. 

He  was  received  every  where  as  the  principal  leader  of  the 
League,  and  the  money  destined  for  its  support  passed  en- 
tirely through  his  hands ;  upon  his  approach  to  Laon,  the 
keys  of  the  city  were  presented  to  him  upon  a  silver  salver. 
On  the  way  to  Meaux,  he  was  met  at  Lizy  by  Mayenne,  and 
a  general  review  of  their  troops  took  place  ;  the  numbers  of 
the  army  amounted  to  seventeen  thousand  infantry  and  four 
thousand  cavalry.*  The  Spaniards  showed  a  certain  military 
elegance  which  astonished  the  French,  and  many  of  them 
seemed  to  be  aware,  for  the  first  time,  that  there  was  a  civil- 
ized world  beyond  the  boundaries  of  France.  The  united 
army  now  moved  in  the  direction  of  Paris.  Alexander  Far- 
nese  was  commissioned  either  to  relieve  the  city,  or,  if  he 
should  find  it  already  captured,  to  seek  out  the  enemy  amid 
its  smoking  ruins. 

But  his  mere  approach  was  decisive,  and  the  inhabitants 
of  Paris  were  astonished  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  30th 
of  August,  the  enemy  was  no  longer  visible  before  the  city. 
All  rushed  to  the  walls,  in  order  to  convince  themselves  of 

*  "  Spectaculi  frequentia  major  ad  oppiduru  Lisiaci  fuit,  ubi  ut  lus- 
traretur  fcederatorum  exercitus  primi  et  secundi  agminis  copise  inter 
Farnesium  et  Maineum  .  .  .  convenerant." — De  rebus  in  Gallia  gestis 
ab  Alex.  Farnesio,  p.  218.  Tassis,  who  did  not  know  the  name  of  the 
place,  describes  it  as  "pagus  quidam,  qui  est  in  media  quasi  Meautii 
via,"  i.e.  between  Meaux  and  La  Ferte  Milon.  (De  Tassis,  Commen- 
tarii,  p.  505.)  We  see  here  also  how  difficult  it  is  to  ascertain  num- 
bers. Tassis,  in  a  letter  dated  Lagny,  September  3,  gives  the  army  of 
the  prince  at  12,000  infantry  and  2400  cavalry,  and  that  of  Mayenne 
at  6000  infantry  and  2000  cavalry ;  the  musters  were  not  complete. 
Tassis  remarks  that  so  powerful  an  army  had  not  been  seen  in  France 
since  the  last  great  war  (1559) ;  he  calculates  the  army  of  the  King  at 
16,000  infantry  and  4000  cavalry;  others  make  the  cavalry  amount  to 
7000 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1589  AND   1590.  427 

the  fact ;  some  immediately  joined  processions,  which  were 
formed  without  delay  ;  others  betook  themselves  to  the  camp, 
where  they  rejoiced  at  finding  a  few  tents  not  altogether 
empty,  while  innumerable  wagons  laden  with  supplies  of 
provisions  covered  all  the  roads  leading  to  the  gates  of  Paris 
in  unbroken  lines. 

Henry  had  found  it  impossible  to  continue  the  beleaguering 
of  the  city,  and  at  the  same  time  to  withstand  the  advancing 
enemy.  The  latter  object  appeared  to  him  the  most  urgent 
and  promising,  and  he  therefore  broke  up  his  camp,  determ- 
ined to  force  the  Duke  of  Parma  to  a  battle  in  the  open  field. 
Henry's  infantry  was  not  quite  so  numerous,  and  far  from 
being  in  as  good  condition  as  that  of  the  enemy,  but  he  placed 
all  his  hopes  in  the  superiority  of  his  cavalry.  There  were 
in  his  camp  four  thousand  French  gentlemen,  who  wished 
for  a  pitched  battle  with  no  less  eagerness  than  their  ances- 
tors in  the  old  Flemish  and  English  wars.  Henry  IV.,  who 
himself  ventured  very  close  to  the  enemy,  in  order  to  observe 
his  movements,  encamped  upon  the  heights  of  Chelles,  directly 
opposite  to  him,  and  in  his  way.  He  felt  himself  fortunate 
when  he  saw  a  detachment  from  the  enemy  take  post  upon 
the  opposite  heights  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  December, 
and  putting  themselves  in  order  as  if  determined  to  accept 
the  battle.  He  believed  that  he  saw  the  Star  of  Yvry  beam- 
ing upon  him.  We  perceive  from  his  letters  that  his  whole 
soul  was  resolved  upon  the  impending  event — that  he  was 
fully  determined  to  keep  his  ground,  and  to  die  rather  than 
yield  to  the  enemy.  With  these  intentions  he  advanced  into 
the  plain,  in  order  to  give  the  enemy  a  better  opportunity  of 
commencing  the  attack. 

It  had  never  been  Farnese's  intention,  however,  although 
he  was  vehemently  urged  to  it  by  the  impatience  of  the  French 
Leaguers,  to  risk  the  fate  of  the  whole  enterprise  upon  one 
battle.  He  was  not  indebted  for  his  previous  successes  to 
the  fortune  of  the  battle-field,  but  to  well-chosen  positions  in 
strongly  fortified  places,  skillful  movements,  and  persevering 
sieges.  Although  the  constituent  elements  of  both  armies 
had  much  in  common,  yet  were  they  almost  the  representa- 
tives of  two  distinct  systems  of  tactics,  standing  opposed  to 


428  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

each  other.  In  the  army  of  the  King  the  chief  strength  con- 
sited  in  the  French  nobility,  who  came  into  the  field  volunta- 
rily, and,  without  pay,  attached  themselves  to  the  service  of 
their  lawful  sovereign  with  unconditional  devotedness.  and 
thirsted  for  the  renown  of  battle  only.  The  strength  of  Far- 
nese's  army  consisted,  on  the  other  hand,  in  paid  veteran 
troops  —  Spanish,  Walloon,  Italian,  and  German  regiments, 
which  constituted  a  firmly  united  and  easily  directed  military 
body.  The  object  of  the  Duke's  movements  was  merely  to 
occupy  the  King,  and  meanwhile  to  capture  Lagny,  one  of 
the  most  important  places  in  his  possession,  and  which  pre- 
vented the  approach  of  supplies  to  Paris  by  the  Marne,  as 
well  as  from  the  camp.  Having  succeeded  in  this,  he  coolly 
left  things  to  take  their  course.  He  remained  immovable, 
even  when  Henry  made  a  rapid  movement  upon  Paris,  and  at- 
tempted an  assault  upon  the  suburbs  ;  he  knew  well  that  that 
could  lead  to  nothing  further.  Henry  meanwhile  could  not 
sustain  a  war  of  this  kind  ;  his  talent  was  not  developed  for 
it,  and  the  condition  of  his  troops  rendered  it  impossible.  The 
impatience  of  the  nobility  to  leave  the  army,  now  that  the 
prospect  of  a  battle,  which  they  desired  so  eagerly,  and  which 
had  drawn  them  together,  vanished,  was  equal  to  their  former 
alacrity.*  The  letters  remain  in  which  they  represent  to 
their  king  and  leader  how  much  they  had  done  for  him,  what 
losses  they  had  suffered,  and  how  necessary  it  was  for  them 
to  return  to  their  homes  for  the  purposes  of  ordering  their 
domestic  affairs,  and  promising  to  return  to  him  again.  Henry 
IV.  knew  by  experience  that  it  would  be  vain  to  endeavor  to 
withstand  such  a  desire,  and  therefore,  although  it  was  but 
the  middle  of  December,  he  divided  his  army.  He  dismissed 
the  nobility  to  their  several  provinces ;  with  the  auxiliaries 
he  garrisoned  the  fortified  places,  and  a  body  of  select  troops 
he  kept  by  himself  in  order  to  maintain  the  petty  war  to  which 
his  operations  were  reduced.     In  this  manner  did  the  cam- 

*  To  Montmorency,  October  8,  Lettr.  Miss.  iii.  266 :  "  C'est  une 
humeur  que  je  ne  suis  pas  ii  cette  heure  de  reconnaitre,  m'estant  apercu 
assez  de  fois  qu'ils  n'en  reveinnent  jamais  et  ne  sert  rien  de  les  y  con- 
tredire."  In  the  semi-official  narratives  he  rather  seeks  to  conceal  the 
true  reason. 


CAMPAIGN  OF   1.089  AM»   1590  429 

paign,  in  despite  of  all  his  efforts  and  victories,  turn  out  to 
his  disadvantage.  A  few  simple  observations  will  show  how 
large  and  overwhelming  a  share  the  Spaniards  had  in  bring- 
ing about  these  results.  Bernardino  Mendoza  held  the  Paris- 
ians together  during  the  siege.  The  arrival  of  the  Prince  of 
Parma  raised  the  siege  of  the  capital,  and  his  strategic  move- 
ments occasioned  the  dissolution  of  the  royal  army.  In  Paris 
preparations  were  made,  by  the  advice  of  Mayenne,  to  receive 
the  victorious  general  with  the  greatest  festivities  ;  and  many 
a  lady  flattered  herself  with  the  prospect  of  making  a  conquest 
of  the  hero  around  whom  beamed  the  double  glory  of  victory 
and  religion.  Alexander  of  Parma  withdrew  from  it  all. 
Once  only,  and  that  incognito,  did  he  visit  the  city.  It  was 
enough  for  him  that  by  the  conquest  of  Corbeil  he  had  made 
the  Seine  free,  and  thus  provided  for  the  supply  of  provisions 
to  the  capital.  Having  accomplished  that,  he  directed  his 
march  once  more  toward  the  Netherlands.  Henry  followed 
him  on  his  return,  and  occasioned  him  some  loss.  He  had 
maintained  his  position  in  the  provinces,  and  now  again  took 
possession  of  Corbeil,  and  conquered  Chartres,  but  he  was  not 
yet  King  of  France,  nor  could  he  by  any  means  be  regarded 
as  the  first  military  leader  in  the  world,  as  his  flatterers  would 
have  had  him  to  believe. 

He  said  that  it  was  money  only  which  made  the  difference 
between  him  and  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  that  with  better 
pecuniary  resources  he  would  also  have  been  able  to  maintain 
his  army  in  the  field. 

It  is  very  certain  that  an  army  like  that  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  a  general  like  the  Prince  of  Parma,  would  have  been  im- 
possible without  regular  pay.  The  silver  of  Potosi  contributed 
to  develope  the  spirit  of  standing  armies  in  Europe ;  but  an 
organized  state  system,  and  stable  political  arrangements, 
were  also  necessary  to  it.  At  this  period  how  greatly  did  the 
Spanish  monarchy  appear  to  transcend  the  French  kingdom  ! 
— the  former  embracing  South  America,  Eastern  Asia,  the 
Pyrenean  and  Apennine  peninsulas,  proceeding  on  the  con- 
tinent from  victory  to  victory,  united  by  a  great  principle, 
armed  and  prepared  in  the  best  manner ;  the  latter  without 
subordination,  troops,  or  money,  torn  with  internal  contentions, 


430  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

vacillating  between  two  religious  parties.  After  the  Duke  of 
Parma's  successes,  things  wore  in  part  an  appearance  as  if  the 
French  kingdom  were  about  to  be  absorbed  in  the  system  of 
the  Spanish  monarchy,  and  to  become  a  dependency  of  the 
Spanish  crown. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PREPONDERANCE  OF  THE  SPANIARDS  IN  FRANCE. PRINCIPLES 

OF   THE  LEAGUE  AND  OF  SPAIN. 

Bernardino  Mendoza  had  formed  the  design  of  making 
France  a  province  of  the  great  Catholic  monarchic  system, 
which,  under  his  king,  was  to  govern  Europe  and  the  colonies. 

Since  the  death  of  Henry  III.  the  idea  of  making  the  King 
of  Spain  Protector  of  France  had  been  mentioned  in  all  the 
negotiations  with  Mayenne,  who  in  general  appeared  to  con- 
cur in  the  proposal.  A  formal  act  was  already  prepared  and 
submitted  for  signature.  The  negotiations  were  especially 
difficult  with  regard  to  defining  the  rights  of  the  Protector. 
Mendoza  required  that  he  should  have  almost  sovereign  au- 
thority. The  Minister  of  the  Protector  was  to  take  part  in 
the  Council  in  affairs  of  state,  of  war,  and  of  finance  ;  and, 
after  the  death  of  Charles  X.,  the  succession  to  the  throne 
was  to  be  regulated  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the  Pro- 
tector, whose  rights  were  still  to  continue.* 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  though  Mayenne  and  his  coun- 
cil, especially  Villeroy,  might  make  some  difficulty  in  sub- 

*  "  Punctos  que  se  apuntdron  para  concierto  en  las  juntas  que  ha  avido 
entre  el  Duque  de  Umaine  y  nosotros ;"  in  the  papers  of  Sirnancas. 
The  first  clause  indicates,  "  que  el  partito  Catolico  pede  la  proteccion 
de  S.  M.  como  remedio  unico  de  su  salvacion ;"  another,  "  que  se  pon- 
gan  en  execucion  los  punctos  a  que  obliga  la  Liga ;"  in  the  same  man- 
ner the  promises  concerning  Beam.  Further,  "  Anadierasse  a  esto  la 
intervencion  de  ministros  del  Protector  en  los  consejos  de  estado  guerra 
y  hacienda ;  la  obligacion  de  nunca  tratar  6  determinar  cosa  de  la  suc- 
cesion  del  reyno  en  caso  de  muerte  del  Cardinal  sin  intervencion  del 
Protector,  et  estendar  ä  proteccion  en  cabeca  de  la  corona  de  EspaSa." 
I  leave  it  undecided,  whether  Mendoza  actually  proposed  all  this  in  so 
many  words. 


432  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

scribing  to  articles  which  involved  their  own  subordination  to 
the  Spanish  embassador,  Mendoza  did  not  give  up  his  object 
on  that  account ;  he  still  hoped  to  accomplish  it  through 
the  aid  of  the  multitude. 

From  Mendoza's  letters  we  learn  the  nature  and  mode  of 
his  diplomatic  demagogic  activity.  The  members  of  the 
civic  association  and  the  Prevot  des  Marchands  used  to  visit 
him,  in  order  to  ask  for  his  advice.  His  transactions  with 
them  were,  however,  very  cautious.  What  he  wished  to 
accomplish  he  never  proposed  as  his  own  idea;  "for  the 
French,"  said  he,  "  are  jealous  of  every  thing  that  does  not 
come  from  themselves."*  He  spoke  to  them  of  what  he 
wished  to  propose,  as  if  it  were  a  report  he  had  heard.  His 
friends  then  repeated  it  in  the  meetings  of  their  party  ;  and, 
in  a  short  time,  others  made  their  appearance  at  his  residence, 
to  lay  before  him  as  something  they  deemed  advisable  the 
very  opinion  that  had  at  first  proceeded  from  himself.  He 
then  spoke  in  favor  of  it,  and  the  matter  was  afterward 
debated  in  the  more  numerous  assemblies,  where  it  assumed 
by  degrees  the  form  of  a  resolution.  Mendoza  swayed  the 
members  of  the  Sorbonne  in  a  special  manner  :  they  were, 
at  that  time,  men  of  little  learning  or  intellect ;  but  they 
possessed  a  certain  fluency  of  speech,  and  in  that  their  whole 
talent  consisted :  they  thus  furthered  his  views.  His  influ- 
ence was  all  the  more  effective,  the  more  completely  it  was 
concealed. 

Soon  after  the  re-appearance  of  Henry  IV.  in  the  suburbs 
of  Paris,  on  which  occasion  a  few  of  his  adherents  had  dis- 
played some  activity,  the  question  was  examined  in  the 
assemblies  of  the  League,  whose  chief  and  fundamental  prin- 
ciple it  was  that  under  no  circumstances  could  a  reconciliation 
take  place  with  him,  in  what  manner  they  could  defend 
themselves  against  him  by  force.  It  was  observed,  that  for 
this  purpose,  there  were  only  two  resources,  either  to  unite  all 
the  French  Catholics,  or  to  intrust  themselves  wholly  to  the 
King  of  Spain  ;  and  that  as  the  former  was  unattainable,  on 

*  Mendoza,  October  30,  1589.  The  disposition  of  the  nation  was 
"  estar  sospechoso  del  estrangero,  por  mas  que  aya  menester  su  amis- 
tad,  no  satisfaziendoles  nada  que  no  sea  de  su  nacion." 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  433 

account  of  the  oblivion,  into  which  the  interests  of  religion 
had  fallen  with  so  many,  the  latter  only  remained,  and  they 
must  assure  themselves  of  the  King  of  Spain's  protection. 
Here,  too,  it  was  proposed  that  King  Philip  II.  should  in  all 
form  be  named  Protector  of  France.*  Objections  were  not 
wanting  to  this  course,  but  they  were  all  removed  by  Men- 
doza  and  his  friends. 

It  was  objected  that  King  Philip  would  introduce  the 
Spanish  Inquisition,  fill  the  offices  of  the  state  with  foreigners, 
demand  unusual  subsidies,  and  oppress  the  country  with  his 
troops  ;  that  he  might  perhaps  make  himself  master  of  the 
French  towns,  and  that  there  would  be  a  danger  of  the  entire 
nobility's  renouncing  his  authority. 

To  this  it  was  answered  that  the  boards  of  hearth-money 
were  more  severe  than  the  Spanish  Inquisition ;  the  native 
troops  often  more  violent  than  the  Spanish ;  as  to  other 
attempts,  they  could  be  warded  off  by  means  of  the  Estates 
General ;  and  that,  as  to  the  French  towns,  they  had  more 
to  fear  from  England  than  from  Spain.  Among  many  of  the 
French,  whose  religious  feelings  were  excited  to  a  high  pitch, 
ecclesiastical  zeal  so  completely  predominated  over  their 
wonted  national  ambition,  that  they  could  calmly  contemplate 
the  possibility  of  a  great  loss  of  territory.  With  less  extent, 
it  was  said,  the  kingdom,  if  once  purged  from  atheism  and 
heresy,  would  be  able  to  do  more  for  itself,  and  to  contribute 
more  to  the  welfare  of  Christendom  than  it  otherwise  could, 
even  if  it  possessed  all  Asia.f 

There  was  still  one  cause  of  hesitation  ;  the  possibility  that 
by  adopting  this  course  the  French  might  fall  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Spaniards.  Mendoza  endeavored  to  remove 
it  by  saying  that  the  administration  of  a  great  monarchy  was 
conducted  something  like  the  government  of  a  monastic  order, 
which  was  constituted  out  of  many  nations,  though  united 

*  "  Incommodites,  qu'aucuns  disent  pouvoir  advenir  si  on  appelle 
l'Espagnol  comme  protecteur  de  nostre  Roy  et  royaume,"  1589:  Ar- 
chives of  Simancas. 

t  "  Quand  le  royaume  seroit  de  moindre  etendue  qu'il  n'est,  si  est 
ce  qu'etant  repurge  d'heresies  et  d'atheisme,  il  pourroit  plus  faire  de 
bien  a  republique  ot  a  soi-meme,  qu'il  ne  pouvait  faire  avec  la  corruption 
presente  quand  il  seroit  plus  grand  que  toute  l'Asie.'' 

T 


434  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

under  one  head.  An  Italian  guardian  could  not  issue  orders 
to  the  French ;  nor  a  French  to  the  Germans ;  each  brother 
was  a  foreigner  to  all  who  were  not  of  his  nation,  and  yet  all 
unanimously  acknowledged  the  supreme  chief  of  the  Order. 
The  Constitution  of  Spain,  he  said,  was  similar  to  this  ;  and 
that  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  provinces.  It  was  manifest, 
for  example,  that  the  "  county"  of  Burgundy  was  more  pros- 
perous under  the  Spanish  government  than  the  "  duchy"  of 
Burgundy  under  that  of  France  ;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Artoise  were  in  better  circumstances  than  those  of  Picardy. 
It  is  in  fact  extremely  probable  that  the  condition  of  the  neigh- 
boring French-speaking  Spanish  provinces,  which  was  in  gene- 
ral satisfactory,  lent  weight  to  the  representations  of  Mendoza  ; 
at  all  events  he  succeeded  in  bringing  the  citizens  by  degrees 
to  a  complete  adoption  of  his  opinions. 

He  hoped  that  he  would  be  able  to  win  the  Catholic  nobility 
also,  and  reckoned  especially  upon  the  example  and  influence 
of  the  Count  de  Brissac,  for  the  accomplishment  of  that  ob- 
ject. He  recommended  him  to  the  King  for  a  reward,  and 
also  the  Prevot  des  Marchands,  who  had  formed  a  party 
through  his  friends  among  the  citizens.  He  recommended  the 
citizens  simply  to  guard  themselves  against  the  nobility,  but 
not  to  arouse  the  ancient  hostilities,  which  might  be  in  the 
highest  degree  ruinous. 

The  question  was  discussed  very  seriously  with  Mayenne 
and  his  council.  The  Duke  attached  great  importance  to  his 
being  acknowledged  as  the  head  of  his  house,  and  once  actually 
said  that  he  would  be  an  obedient  subject  to  King  Philip  II. 
The  other  members  of  the  council  which  he  had  recently  form- 
ed, gave  the  prominence  to  general  principles.  They  were  not 
opposed  to  the  recognition  of  Philip  II.  as  Protector  of  France  ; 
but  they  required  that  he  should  then  come  forward,  not 
merely  as  an  ally,  but  formally  as  generalissimo,  and  take 
the  cause  entirely  into  his  own  hands,  Mendoza  answered  that, 
that  would  occasion  such  prodigious  expense,  that  the  King 
could  not  in  return  be  content  with  being  simply  acknowledged 
as  Protector,  but  must  require  certain  prerogatives  of  sover- 
eignty. The  French  hesitated  to  bind  themselves  to  a  defini- 
tive confirmation  of  such  rights  ;  they  remarked  that  all  which 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  435 

Philip  did  for  France  conduced  to  the  advantage  of  the  Cath- 
olic religion,  and  so  far  to  his  own.  advantage.  Mendoza 
answered,  that  the  cause  must,  beyond  all  comparison,  be  of 
more  interest  to  the  French  ;  he  presumed  they  did  not  wish 
to  cease  to  be  Catholics,  or  that  they  desired  to  abandon  Paris 
to  the  enemy ;  but  where,  he  asked,  was  the  man  among  them, 
who  could  at  the  same  time  preserve  religion  and  the  state  ? 

Mendoza  had  no  doubt  but  that  he  would  at  length  attain 
his  object.  Sometimes  he  appears  full  of  enthusiasm  at  the 
prospect  about  to  open  for  his  prince  ;  the  gates  of  a  foreign 
kingdom  would  be  opened  to  him  by  its  own  citizens  ;  he 
would  speedily  unite  it  with  his  other  Crowns,  or,  if  he  pre- 
ferred that  course,  he  might  bestow  it  upon  a  third  party. 

The  notion  of  the  Spanish  protection  met  among  the  civic 
members  of  the  League  with  unconditional  approval,  unre- 
strained by  any  long  investigation.  As  long  as  the  King- 
Cardinal  Charles  X.  lived,  the  embassador  discouraged  every 
manifestation,  for  during  the  lifetime  of  one  who  had  been 
acknowledged  King  by  himself,  Philip  II.  could  not  receive 
them  as  his  vassals.  After  the  death  of  Charles,  during  the 
siege,  everything  appeared  ready  for  the  subjection  of  France 
to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  Mendoza  only  complained  that  he 
was  not  commissioned  to  carry  it  into  effect.*  The  influence 
of  the  Duke  of  Parma  did  not  operate  altogether  in  accordance 
with  the  embassador's  views.  Mayenne  effected  arbitrary 
alterations  in  the  city  ;  still  all  this  did  not  prevent  a  formal 
offer  of  submission  to  Philip's  authority  from  reaching  Madrid 
in  1590.  The  instructions  are  in  existence  with  which  the 
Sorbonne  sent  the  Franciscan  Matteo  Aguirre  to  King  Philip, 
furnished  with  full  power  to  entreat  him  to  take  under  his 
protection  the  city  of  Paris,  true  to  God,  obedient  to  the 
Apostolic  See,  devoted  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  the  Mother 
of  Learning,  and  to  preserve  it  from  the  cruel  enemies  of  the 
Catholic  religion.     The  members  describe  themselves  as  the 

*  March  22  :  "  Esta  villa  y  i.  su  imitacion  otras  muchas  braman  por 
echarse  en  las  manos  de  V.  Md."  May  19,  he  interrupted  the  negoti- 
ations with  the  Catholics,  who  only  wished  "de  entregarse  ä  V.  Md. 
sin  por  no  tenir  orden  V.  Md.,  ni  dar  me  de  Flandes  claridad  del  tiempo 
preciso  en  que  podran  venir  las  fuercas." 


436  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

theologians  whom  God  had  set  over  his  people.  Aguirre 
asserted  that  the  cities  of  Paris,  Orleans,  Amiens,  Beauvais, 
Peronne,  Sens,  Soissons,  Meaux,  and  Chartres,  had  through 
their  delegates  requested  the  doctors  to  consider  the  means  of 
saving  them,  and  certainly  it  would  be  difficult  to  express 
themselves  more  submissively  than  he  does  in  their  names. 
"  They  have  commissioned  me,"  he  says,  "to  cast  myself  at 
your  Majesty's  feet,  and  to  implore  you  to  take  pity  upon 
them,  to  forget  the  many  injuries  their  forefathers  have  done 
to  the  Catholic  Crown,  to  turn  upon  them  an  eye  of  favor,  to 
accept  them  as  your  vassals,  to  come  to  their  aid,  and  hence- 
forth to  govern  them."* 

The  distress  and  danger  of  the  city,  which  continued  after 
the  siege  had  been  raised,  contributed  not  a  little  to  this  step. 
As  Henry  continued  to  repeat  from  time  to  time  his  attempts 
on  Paris,  the  prevailing  faction  of  the  Sixteen  determined, 
in  February.  1591,  not  altogether  with  the  goodwill  of  Mav- 
enne,  that  a  garrison  of  Spaniards  and  Neapolitans  should  be 
received  within  the  walls  ;  their  safety  from  the  enemy,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  defense  of  the  city,  appeared  to  depend 
upon  Spanish  assistance  alone.  Affairs  proceeded  in  a  similar 
manner  in  the  provinces  ;  in  the  majority  of  places  the  League 
was  able  to  maintain  itself  only  by  the  assistance  of  Spanish 
and  Italian  forces. 

Charles  Emmanuel  of  Savoy  had,  before  the  catastrophe 
at  Blois.  promised  to  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  League,  as 
soon  as  Henry  III.  should  unite  himself  with  the  King  of 
Navarre.  It  was  only  the  successful  progress  of  the  Royal 
arms  in  the  spring  of  1569,  and  the  dread  of  a  day  of  vengeance, 
that  held  him  back  at  that  time.  After  the  murder  of  Henry 
III.  he  gave  free  course  to  his  ambition.  He  even  fancied 
that  as  grandson  of  Henry  II.  he  might  lay  claim  to  the  Crown 
itself.  He  caused  homage  to  be  rendered  to  him  in  Saluzzo, 
and  the  lilies  every  where  vanished  before  the  white  crosses. 
Meanwhile  the  Estates  of  Provence,  closely  pressed  by  the  ad- 
herents of  Henry  IV.  and  only  sustained  by  the  assistance  of 
the  Duke,  formally  elected  him  as  their  Count  and  Sovereign. 

*  "  Reciba  de  baxo  de  su  proteccion  a  la  ciudad  de  Paris,  ponga  los 
ojos  de  la  clemencia  en  ellos,  y  los  reciba  por  sus  vasallos." 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  437 

On  this  occasion  they  never  thought  »f  their  ancient  connec- 
tion with  the  German  empire — of  their  relations  with  the 
house  of  Lorraine,  from  whom  the  province  had  been  wrested 
with  violence,  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  it  in  a  tyrannical 
manner  with  the  Crown  of  France.  They  now,  as  they  de- 
clared, knew  no  one  who  could  protect  them  from  the  heretics 
and  their  patrons,  except  the  Christian  and  Catholic,  the 
victorious  and  good  duke  of  Savoy  :  they  entreated  him  to 
accept  them  as  his  vassals,  to  protect  their  freedom,  and  to 
maintain  the  Catholic  faith.*  In  the  middle  of  November, 
1590,  Charles  Emmanuel  made  his  solemn  entrance  into  Aix 
as  Count  of  Provence  and  Forcalquier.  Although  he  declined 
all  marks  of  honor  reserved  for  the  Kings  alone,  in  other 
respects  he  acted  as  Sovereign  of  the  country ;  he  formed  a 
council,  appointed  officers,  and  summoned  the  Estates.  The 
royalist  governor  of  the  province,  La  Valette,  was  not,  how- 
ever, thereby  deposed  ;  although  it  was  impossible  for  his 
master  to  come  to  his  aid,  yet  Montmorency  from  Languedoc, 
and  especially  Lesdiguieres  from  Dauphine,  rendered  him 
assistance.  In  order  to  overpower  him,  the  Duke  betook 
himself  to  Marseilles,  where  he  was  joyfully  received,  and  set 
sail  lor  Spain,  whence  he  returned  in  July,  1591,  with  fifteen 
galleys  freighted  with  Spanish  auxiliary  troops.  He  reduced 
the  strong  place  of  Berre,  and  made  himself,  if  not  master  of 
the  province,  yet,  with  his  adherents  there,  very  powerful. 

Languedoc  presented  a  complete  example  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  provinces  were  broken  up  into  parties,  and  how 
they  waged  war  with  one  another. 

The  Leaguers,  under  the  Duke  of  Joyeuse,  held  some  of 
the  principal  towns,  such  as  Toulouse  and  Narbonne  ;  a  por- 
tion of  the  provincial  nobility  was  on  their  side.  On  the 
other  hand  Montpellier,  Beziers,  all  the  Protestant  towns  and 

*  The  speech  from  which  these  words  are  taken  is  given  from  the 
Memoires  of  Von  Mauray,  secretary  of  La  Valette,  by  Dupleix,  Henry 
IV.,  61. — He  asserts  that  Charles  Emmanuel  made  this  appointment 
the  sole  condition  of  his  further  assistance,  a  circumstance  which  Gui- 
chenon,  who  otherwise  follows  him  (726),  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to 
repeat.  Papon,  "  Histoire  de  Provence,"  is  not  so  well  informed  as 
might  have  been  expected.  He  makes  too  much  literary  pretension  for 
a  provincial  history. 


438  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

districts,  with  the  most  renowned  names  among  the  ancient 
nobility,  attached  themselves  to  Montmorency,  who  was  so 
closely  connected  with  Henry  IV.  Each  party  held  an  assem- 
bly of  their  estates  twice  a  year,  which  exercised  authority  in 
their  districts  over  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  revenues  and 
the  domain  of  the  King.  They  also  granted  some  supplies,  so 
that  the  governors  were  able  to  maintain  troops,  both  horse 
and  foot,  and  even  some  ships  upon  the  coast.  Montmorency 
was  the  more  powerful  of  the  two,  for  he  obtained  a  large 
amount  of  money  from  the  salt-works  in  his  district ;  he 
maintained  four  thousand  cavalry,  about  four  thousand  in- 
fantry, and  four  vessels  of  war,  which  cruised  in  the  neighbor- 
ing waters  ;  he  also  possessed  the  greatest  number  of  havens. 
His  aggressions  provoked  Philip  IL,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1590  he  sent  a  body  of  German  mercenaries,  under  Count 
Jerome  Lodron,  to  Narbonne,  to  assist  the  Catholics.*  Among 
the  troops  were  a  number  of  German  gunners,  whom  the 
Archduke  Ferdinand  had  enlisted — artillerists  and  founders 
from  Nuremberg  and  Augsberg,  and  all  descriptions  of  High- 
German  artisans.  In  order  to  teach  the  French  how  to  deal 
with  heretics,  a  regiment  of  Spaniards  were  also  sent  by  way 
of  Roussillon.  With  the  auxiliaries  Joyeuse  obtained  the 
superiority,  and  took  a  good  number  of  royalist  castles.  Car- 
cassonne also,  on  account  of  which  so  many  battles  had  been 
fought,  fell  into  his  hands. 

In  a  similar  manner  the  Duke  of  Mercoeur  and  the  Prince 
of  Dombes  contended  for  the  mastery  in  Brittany.  Here  also 
there  were  two  assemblies  opposed  to  each  other,  that  of  the 
Leaguers  at  Nantes  and  that  of  the  Royalists  at  Rennes  ;  nor 
was  the  interference  of  the  King  of  Spain  wanting  :  he  sent 
a  corps  of  five  thousand  men,  under  Juan  de  Aguila,  to  the 

*  In  the  Archives  of  Simancas  (at  Paris)  these  reports  may  be  found, 
directed  to  the  King,  and  composed  in  the  Italian  language.  The  fol- 
lowing extract  will  cast  a  light  upon  these  transactions  ; — "  Questa 
mattina,"  he  says,  on  September  24,  1590,  "  trattando  con  il  Duca  di 
Joyosa  e  suo  luogotenente  generale  sopra  il  particolare  di  Leucate,  gli 
proposi,  in  caso  che  la  si  pigliasse,  se  si  consentiriano  che  segli  mettesse 
presidio  di  Alemanni  o  che  si  ispianasse,  mi  hanno  risposto  che  in  questo 
caso  farebbono  quello  che  S.  M.  commandasse."  He  sent  at  the  same 
time  a  plan  of  "Leucate,  essendo  frontiera  buona  per  la  Spagna." 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  439 

assistance  of  the  League.  It  is  very  remarkable  that  the 
Duke  of  Mercoeur,  who  considered  that  he  had  hereditary 
claims  upon  Brittany  in  right  of  his  consort,  should  have 
attached  himself  to  the  King  of  Spain,  although  he  knew  that 
Philip,  after  long  consultation  with  doctors  of  both  the  civil 
and  canon  law,  had  resolved  to  claim  this  duchy  also  for  his 
daughter.  The  contradiction  is,  however,  not  so  glaring  as  it 
appears  to  be.  The  Duke  declared  that  he  only  wished  to 
see  the  claims  of  the  Spanish  Court  made  out  clearly,  when 
he  would  acknowledge  them,  and  serve  the  King  with  perfect 
fidelity ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  should  Philip  be  triumphant 
in  the  great  contest,  he  would  be  just  and  fair  enough  to  take 
the  claims  of  the  Duchess  into  consideration,  and  would  no 
doubt  leave  him  the  government  of  the  province,  with  full 
authority.  To  these  proposals  the  Spanish  Court  was  very 
ready  to  agree,  for  it  was  desirable  to  establish  the  Infanta's 
right  of  succession,  even  if  the  other  objects  contemplated 
should  not  be  accomplished,  for  in  that  case  Mercceur,  as 
deputy  of  Philip  II.,  would  be  able  to  preserve  the  independ- 
ence of  the  duchy  under  Spanish  protection.*  Under  these 
conditions  the  Duke  opened  the  port  of  Blavet  to  the  Spanish 
auxiliaries.  The  fort  of  Port  Louis  arose  afterward  from  the 
fortifications  which  they  erected  there. f  The  Duke  then  ob- 
tained the  superiority  over  his  antagonist  in  the  province,  and 
his  assembly  of  Estates  was  much  better  attended.  Notwith- 
standing some  assistance  from  England,  the  Royalists  lost  one 
place  and  one  leader  after  another.  Among  others  who  fell  was 
De  la  None,  a  Breton  by  descent,  and  the  man  in  whom  Henry 
IV.  placed  his  greatest  confidence.  He  was  slain  at  the 
storming  of  the  Castle  of  Lamballe  ;  on  the  day  on  which  it 
took  place,  he  adorned  his  helmet  with  a  branch  of  laurel,  re- 
marking that  that  was  the  only  reward  to  be  expected  from 
this  contest. 

*  "  Copia  del  papel,  que  dio  en  Frances  Fray  Marcelin,  Cornet  de  la 
orden  de  San  Domingo,  embiado  por  el  Duque  de  Mercurio,"  as  well  as 
a  ministerial  resolution,  expressly  approved  of  by  Philip  II.,  in  which  it 
is  stated  that  if  Beam  should  obtain  the  crown,  "  Mercurio  no  se  podria 
conservar  y  mantener,  si  no  teniendo  el  governo  en  nombre  de  cuyo  es 
de  derecho  el  ducado,  y  debaxo  del  amparo  y  fuerzas  de  S.  M." 

t  Daru,  "  Histoire  de  Bretagne,"  torn.  iii.  p.  310. 


440  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

In  Normandy  treaties  were  entered  into  here  and  there  be- 
tween the  Leaguers  and  the  adherents  of  Henry  IV.,  so  that 
each  party  might  cultivate  their  lands  undisturbed.  A  fresh 
division  arose  among  the  Leaguers  themselves  :  Villars,  who 
held  possession  of  Havre-de-Grace,  and  Tavannes,  who  was 
master  of  Rouen,  regarded  each  other  with  the  most  deadly 
hatred  ;  each  wished  to  expel  the  other  from  the  province, 
and  they  vied  in  calling  on  the  Spaniards  for  aid.* 

As  the  League  was  originally  a  union  of  the  Spaniards 
with  the  independence  of  the  powerful  governors,  so  it  con- 
tinued. All  these  men  were  greatly  disposed  to  acknowledge 
King  Philip  either  as  Protector  or  even  as  King  of  France, 
and  at  all  events  to  recognize  his  authority  over  the  Crown. 
Tavannes  said  that  nothing  could  be  more  just,  since  Philip 
was  descended  originally  from  a  French  house.  Villars  prom- 
ised at  least  not  to  oppose  it.  Mercosur  and  Joyeuse  were 
bound  to  him  by  their  position.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  could 
desire  nothing  better ;  the  authority  of  a  friendly  and  nearly 
related  monarch  would  have  powerfully  sustained  his  own. 

But  the  principal  question,  and  that  which  generally  occu- 
pied the  thoughts  of  the  party,  was  what  should  be  done  with 
respect  to  the  Crown  itself. 

The  most  extraordinary  notions  were  passing  through  the 
the  minds  of  the  members  of  the  Sorbonne.  As  the  calling 
of  an  Assembly  of  the  Estates  would  be  accompanied  with 
great  difficulties,  they  held  that  it  was  not  impracticable  that 
a  king  should  be  chosen  in  the  camp  by  the  soldiery,  as  in  the 
times  of  the  Romans  or  the  Franks.  Were  it  for  the  advant- 
age of  religion,  they  would  not  shrink  even  from  the  idea  of 
allowing  monarchy  to  fall  altogether,  and  dividing  the  king- 
dom into  a  few  great  principalities.4' 

*  Salazar :  "  Desde  luego  por  su  parte  nombrerä  a  V.  Md.  por  pro- 
tector de  aquel  reyno,  ayudera  que  la  villa  y  lo  demas  de  su  govierno  lo 
sigue.  y  a  su  tiempo,  quando  aya  fundamento,  tambien  entiende  de  nom- 
brar  V.  Md.  por  protector  de  aquel  reyno." 

t  "  Si  cogi  non  possunt  solita  coruitia,  res  transigi  posset  castrensi 
electione  more  Romanorum  et  priscorum  etiam  Francorum.  Quicquid 
fiat,  omnino  procurandum  hostis  exitium,  sive  de  monarchiä  conservandä 
sive  de  dividendä  agatur." — "  Discursus  Facultatis  Theologies,"  in  the 
Papers  of  Simancas. 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  441 

This  last  notion  was  rejected  by  the  entire  University,  be- 
cause the  partition  would  be  the  cause  of  incessant  domestic 
war.  The  choice  of  a  monarch  they  declared  to  be  in  their 
opinion  indispensable,  for  the  nobility  would  only  reunite 
around  a  king.  The  right  of  election  they  adjudged  to  the 
Estates,  even  if  these  could  not  be  brought  together  out  of  all 
the  provinces.*  Were  Philip  II.  a  younger  man,  they  contin- 
ued, the  crown  should  be  offered  to  himself,  or,  if  he  had  two 
sons,  to  one  of  them ;  but  as  the  case  now  stood,  the  proper 
course  was  to  raise  to  the  throne  some  prince  who  would  be 
agreeable  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  to  whom  he  might  give 
his  daughter  in  marriage. 

The  council  of  the  sixteen  united  quarters  of  Paris  expressed 
opinions  almost  identical  with  those  of  the  University.  They 
declared  to  King  Philip  that  the  Catholics  had  but  one  wish, 
and  that  was  to  see  him  rule  over  them  ;  but  if  this  could  not 
be,  he  might  at  least  send  them  his  daughter  Isabella,  and 
select  a  consort  for  her.  They  were  persuaded  that  she  would 
prove  as  fortunate  a  queen  lor  France  as  Blanche  of  Castille, 
the  mother  of  St.  Louis,  in  former  days.f  Among  the  sub- 
scriptions to  this  resolution  the  name  of  Boucher  stands  prom- 
inent, and  attracts  attention  by  the  large  characters  in  which 
it  is  written.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  opinion  was  different 
in  the  other  towns.  The  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the 
Guardian  of  the  Franciscans  of  Orleans,  traveled  to  Spain 
and  assured  King  Philip  of  the  adhesion  of  all  the  towns. 

If  it  be  asked  how  it  was  possible  that  opinions  of  this  kind 
could  have  met  with  approval,  the  fact  may  become  in  some 
measure  comprehensible  when  we  consider  that  the  ancient 
principle  of  government  by  estates  now  co-operated  with  the 
religious  notions  of  the  time.  They  had  no  wish  to  subject 
themselves  to  the  absolute  authority  of  the  King  of  Spain,  but 
rather  under  his  protection  to  carry  into  practice  their  own 
ideas  of  reform,  and  of  a  system  of  estates.  Even  in  the 
agreement  with  Mayenne  mention  was  made  of  that  reform 

*  Discursus  Universitatis :  "Neque  obstare  debet  difficuitas  convo- 
candi  Status,  cum  ii  sufficiant  qui  ex  unitis  populis  facile  possunt  con- 
vocari,  nee  forsan  expediret  ut  ex  universo  regno  convenirent." 

t  Compare  Cayet,  Anc.  Coll.  Ivii.  239. 


442  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

in  the  judicial  and  finance  administrations  which  had  been 
previously  demanded  a  thousand  times.  There  were  other 
proposals  which  contemplated  the  firm  establishment  of  the 
freedom  of  the  Estates  upon  a  secure  basis  for  the  future. 
According  to  these  the  States  General  should  be  assembled  at 
regular  intervals,  and  should  not  only  exercise  the  power  of 
legislation  in  its  widest  extent,  but  also  regulate  the  finances. 
The  King  was  to  have  no  power  to  raise  troops  without  their 
consent,  nor  was  he  to  appear  in  their  assemblies  until  their 
resolutions  had  been  completed  ;  and  these  resolutions  he  was 
not  only  to  confirm,  but  to  swear  to  clause  by  clause.  The 
exclusive  Catholic  ideas  formed  an  essential  principle  of  this 
constitution.  All  alliances  with  un-Catholic  powers  were 
prohibited  to  the  King  under  pain  of  losing  his  crown,  and 
especially  any  connection  with  the  Ottomans.  Upon  the  re- 
quisition of  the  Estates,  he  was  to  place  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  crusade  against  either  the  former  or  the  latter.  The 
nobility  were  to  render  their  services  on  such  an  occasion  at 
their  own  charge,  and  on  this  condition  only  should  they  re- 
tain their  privileges.  It  appeared  as  if  the  ecclesiastical  idea 
were  the  only  foundation  for  all  political  regulations. 

The  sketch  of  a  constitution  laid  before  the  King  of  Spain 
in  the  year  1591,  and  which  was  recommended  for  his  adop- 
tion in  the  event  of  his  accepting  the  crown  himself,  is  worthy 
of  notice.  Its  articles  were  to  be  confirmed  in  authentic  char- 
ters immediately  upon  his  accession.  Here  also  the  religious 
tendencies  predominate  over  all  others.*  The  first  thing  de- 
manded was  the  introduction  of  the  holy  office  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion, which  would  be  so  formidable  to  the  wicked  in  France. 
The  King  was  to  bind  himself  not  to  appoint  foreigners  either 
to  bishoprics,  archbishoprics,  or  to  any  civil  or  military  offices. 
No  offices  were  to  be  sold.  All  imposts  which  had  been  laid 
on  since  the  reign  of  Louis  XII. ,  with  the  augmentations  of 
the  faille,  were  to  be  abolished.  The  administration  of  the 
finances  was  to  be  so  regulated  that  the  income  should  be  ap- 
plied to  the  most  urgent  cases  only,  especially  to  the  payment 

*  Articles  de  chose  qu'il  fauldrait  que  le  Roi  Catholique  accordast, 
permist,  et  en  passast,  chartres  authentiques,  aux  Etats  du  royaume 
de  France,  acceptant  la  couronne  de  France."     Papers  of  Simancas. 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  443 

of  the  military  force.  Church  ideas  are  associated  in  the  most 
intimate  manner  with  the  views  of  reform.  It  was  made 
imperative  upon  the  King  to  redeem  the  domains  of  the 
crown,  and  to  liquidate  the  national  debts  which  were  ac- 
knowledged by  the  Estates.  If  it  were  asked  from  what 
resources  the  means  were  to  be  obtained  for  effecting  all  this, 
the  reply  was,  the  estates  of  the  heretics,  which  the  national 
creditors  must  accept  in  satisfaction  of  their  demands,  for 
strict  Catholics  only  were  recognized  as  members  of  the  State. 
With  respect  to  these,  expression  was  given  to  an  idea  of 
political  mildness  which  has  been  realized  only  in  modern 
times.  According  to  this,  confiscation  of  every  kind  was  to 
cease  for  the  future.  The  punishment  of  crime  was  to  affect 
those  only  who  had  committed  it.*  It  was  also  contemplated 
to  confine  the  authority  of  the  King  and  of  his  government 
within  narrow  limits.  One  of  the  articles  sets  forth  that  "the 
Estates  shall  be  assembled  every  fourth  year,  in  order  to  ex- 
amine and  regulate  all  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  to  in- 
quire whether  the  King  has  fulfilled  or  violated  his  promises.! 
In  the  latter  case  he  must  make  good  his  failures  ;  or,  if  he 
be  unwilling  to  do  so,  the  nation  shall  be  absolved  from  its 
oath  of  allegiance  to  him,  and  shall  be  justified  in  proceeding 
to  a  new  election."  Nor  were  the  French  Catholics  willing 
to  transfer  their  crown  to  the  King  of  Spain  without  conces- 
sions on  his  part.  He  was  in  return  to  open  to  the  French 
the  navigation  to  the  East  Indies,  as  well  as  to  America.  In 
Havre,  St.  Malo,  Nantes,  and  Bordeaux,  regulations  were  to 
be  established  similar  to  those  which  existed  at  Seville  and 
Lisbon,  for  commerce  with  the  colonies.  He  was  also  to 
unite  with  the  French  crown  all  the  territories  in  his  posses- 
sion which  had  at  any  time  belonged  to  Gaul,  and  as  sover- 
eign of  them  assume  a  new  title,  somewhat  resembling  per- 
haps that  of  the  Great  King.  The  scheme  concluded  with  an 
exposition  of  the  advantages  of  these  regulations.     For  the 

*  "  Cessera  toute  confiscation,  et  sera  la  punition  des  delits  sur  les 
personnes  et  payement  sur  leurs  biens  meubles  et  immeubles." 

t  "  Les  Estats  se  tiendront  de  quatre  ans  a.  quatre  ans,  oü  on  advisera 
a  reformer  et  regier  toutes  choses  appartenantes  ä  Testat,  de  voir  si  S. 
M.  aura  contrevenu  a  aucune  chose  " 


444  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

future,  no  one  would  be  excluded  from  ecclesiastical  offices  ; 
for  when  elected  in  a  regular  manner,  the  spiritual  person 
would  have  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost.*  The  nobility 
would  again  have  access  to  all  places  and  offices.  The  third 
estate  would  no  longer  be  oppressed  with  imposts,  nor  divided 
from  the  other  estates.  In  this  manner  it  would  be  possible 
at  the  same  time  to  re-establish  the  general  peace  of  Chris- 
tendom, to  overthrow  the  Turks,  and  once  more  to  conquer 
the  Holy  Land.  The  limitation  of  the  throne,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Estates  in  their  original  equilibrium  of  power, 
the  definitive  triumph  of  the  Catholic  Church  upon  earth, 
were  all  united  in  one  liberal  Catholic  system.  It  is  easy  to 
conceive  that  this  scheme  was  viewed  with  enthusiasm. 

The  ancient  ideas  of  municipal  freedom  were  meanwhile 
extending  themselves.  The  towns,  as  we  have  mentioned, 
would  not  receive  any  royal  garrisons  nor  governors  within 
their  walls.  They  raised  the  public  taxes  and  applied  them, 
and  set  up  popular  tribunals  for  themselves.  Many  even  of 
the  distinguished  clergy  were  expelled  for  not  concurring  with 
the  Commons  in  every  thing.  Such  of  the  nobility  only  as 
held  the  principles  of  the  League  were  tolerated,  but  even 
they  dared  not  to  resist  the  commonalty.  The  object  of  the 
towns  was  to  secure  for  themselves  a  condition  resembling 
that  of  the  free  imperial  cities  of  Germany ;  and  this  they 
hoped  to  attain  under  the  Great  Catholic  King,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  obtain  other  objects  which  it  was  not  right  and 
fit  they  should  wait  for  any  longer. f  In  the  memorial  of 
Salazar,  who  asserted  that  he  had  been  commissioned  by  the 
Sorbonne,  and  indirectly  by  the  towns,  we  have  an  insight  as 
to  the  extent  of  their  views,  which  is  really  astounding.  He 
counsels  the  King  to  garrison  those  fortresses  which  could 

*  l;  Le  clerge  appele  ä  sa  fonction  canoniquernent  seroit  assiste  du 
Saint  Esprit ;  ce  premier  etat  n'exclueroit  aucun,  fiit-il  noble  ou  rdturier, 
et  seroit  un  lien  pour  joindre  ensemble  les  deux  autres  Etats  ;"  as  Can- 
ossa  formerly  pointed  out. 

t  Vendramin,  Relatione  di  Savoia :  "  Essendosi  vedute  in  un  tratto 
tante  sollevationi  e  tanti  gridi  de'  popoli  e  di  quelle  principali  provincie 
con  un  solo  fine,  e  risoluto  di  voler  cambiar  forma  al  suo  govemo  e  di 
voler  separarsi  dell'  obedientia  del  suo  principe,  per  troveniarsi  a  repub- 
liche  popolari,  imitando  le  terre  franche  di  Germania." 


SPAIN  AND  THE  LEAGUE.  445 

impede  the  communication  between  Flanders  and  Picardy, 
and  then  to  march  into  France  at  the  head  of  a  great  army 
and  take  the  title  of  Protector.  He  might  then  disperse 
Mayenne's  council,  reform  the  Parliaments  and  the  tribunals, 
and  appoint  new  presidents  as  well  as  new  bishops,  who  would 
submit  to  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  in  order  to  im- 
prove the  clergy.  This  was  not  all.  He  was  to  raze  all  the 
castles  in  the  country,  so  that  the  nobility  should  no  longer 
have  any  lurking-places,  and  that  the  towns  might  remain 
masters  of  the  field,  with  power  and  justice.  He  was  to  take 
care  that  only  such  preachers  as  agreed  with  his  views,  and 
whose  services  were  to  be  remunerated,  should  be  allowed  to 
officiate  in  the  towns ;  to  free  the  towns  from  every  thing 
that  impeded  their  trade,  whether  at  their  gates  or  at  the 
passages  of  the  rivers ;  to  allow  no  fortresses  except  such  as 
commanded  these  passages,  a  few  perhaps  excepted,  in  which 
there  were  to  be  placed  devoted  governors.*  When  he  had 
thus  taught  all  the  provinces  to  appreciate  the  advantages  of 
the  union  with  Spain,  and  had,  if  possible,  found  devoted  per- 
sons in  each  district,  then,  but  not  before,  he  might  summon 
the  Estates  to  complete  the  whole.  It  looked  almost  as  if  it 
were  contemplated  to  renew  the  ancient  war  of  the  towns 
against  the  nobility,  and  to  carry  it  on  with  the  aid  of  the 
Burgundo-Spanish  power. 

These  were  the  views  by  which  men's  minds  were  occu- 
pied, for  every  one  readily  associated  his  own  wishes  with  a 
general  prospect.  It  only  remained  to  ascertain  the  light  in 
which  Philip  II.  would  view  the  matter. 

This  prince  had  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  France,  origin- 
ally, on  two  grounds  :  the  one  to  prevent  the  French  from 
lending  assistance  to  the  Netherlands;  the  other  lest  he  should 
be  disturbed  by  the  French  in  carrying  out  his  plan  for  secur- 
ing to  himself  a  universal  supremacy.  Events  had,  however, 
led  him  further ;  and  now  he  could  even  contemplate  unit- 
ing, in  some  manner,  the  French  crown  with  that  of  Spain, 
and  becoming  sovereign  and  master  of  the  Catholic  world. 
The  prospect  upon  which  he  gazed  was  immeasurable. 

"When  we  peruse  the  original  papers,  we  are  struck  with 
*  "  Personas  Je  valor  y  religion,  y  que  entienden  y  desteen  su  servicio." 


446  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

the  fact  that  Philip  II.  was  not  himself  the  first  promoter  of 
these  world-wide  plans  and  enterprises.  The  leading  thoughts 
were  those  of  his  statesmen,  envoys,  governors,  and  plenipo- 
tentiaries, rather  than  his  own.  For  every  power  is  moved 
by  the  impulse  of  those  ideas  on  which  it  is  founded,  and  in 
the  progress  of  which  the  zeal  of  their  adherents  sees  the  pro- 
motion of  their  fortune.  Philip  yielded  to  these  views  rather 
than  originated  them.  He  displayed  his  peculiar  satisfaction 
when  the  Catholic  religion  was  benefited  by  them.  For  the 
rest,  he  allowed  things  to  take  their  course,  and  for  a  long 
period  to  pass  along,  not  deeming  it  necessary  to  express  an 
opinion  either  in  general  or  as  regarded  particulars. 

Now,  however,  it  could  continue  so  no  longer.  In  France, 
matters  had  reached  that  point  that  he  could  no  longer  defer 
coming  to  a  positive  resolution  concerning  his  relations  with 
that  kingdom,  and  the  policy  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  adopt. 

He  had  been  frequently  spoken  to  concerning  the  rights  of 
his  daughter  Isabella,  the  grand-daughter  of  Henry  II.  and 
Catharine.  These  rights  were  of  a  twofold  nature.  Ber- 
nardino Mendoza  always  specially  insisted  upon  the  claims 
which  the  Infanta  might  make  as  heiress  of  her  grandfather 
to  the  Duchy  of  Brittany,  which  had  descended  to  her  from 
her  mother ;  and  also  as  heiress  of  her  grandmother,  to  the 
possessions  which  were  hers  in  her  own  right,  and  which 
were  by  no  means  inconsiderable.  The  French,  on  the  other 
hand,  both  the  great  nobles  and  the  towns,  put  forward,  in 
preference,  her  right  to  the  crown  itself.  The  question  was 
in  effect  whether  the  monarchy  should  be  diminished  or  per- 
haps disintegrated,  or  whether  it  should  be  preserved  in  its 
entirety.  The  Spaniards  were  in  favor  of  the  former  alterna- 
tive, especially  at  the  commencement  of  the  League ;  the 
latter  appeared  to  the  French  who  were  of  the  Spanish  paily 
to  be  preferable.  They  maintained  that  the  Salic  law  was 
not  unalterable  by  right ;  that  the  throne  belonged  to  the 
eldest  female  descendant  of  the  house  of  Valois,  and  on  that 
account  she  would  be  acknowledged  without  difficulty,  for 
she  was,  as  every  one  knew,  of  a  disposition  akin  to  that  of 
the  French,  and,  above  all,  she  was  yet  unmarried  :  all  the 
princes  of  Christendom  would  be  rivals  for  her  hand,  and  an 


SPAIN  AJ\TD  THE  LEAGUE.  447 

alliance  might  be  concluded  through  which  the  military  force 
could  be  doubled.  Bernardino's  intentions  had  always  been 
to  enforce,  at  the  same  time  with  the  provincial  claims  of  the 
Infanta,  the  right  of  the  Protectorate  for  the  advantage  of  the 
King  and  of  the  Crown ;  France  would  then  be  still  more 
disunited,  and  reduced  to  a  dependency  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy. While  the  French  desired  to  unite  the  supreme  power 
with  the  claims  of  the  Infanta,  they  exhibited  also  a  profound 
and  unshaken  attachment  to  the  dynastic  principle,  but  they 
postponed  it  in  favor  of  what  they  deemed  the  future  pros- 
perity of  France. 

After  long  hesitation,  Philip  at  last  resolved  to  concur  with 
the  scheme  proposed  for  his  adoption  on  the  part  of  the  French. 
He  made  to  his  adherents  in  France  the  double  proposition 
that  they  should  immediately  acknowledge  his  daughter  Isa- 
bella as  Glueen  of  France,  and,  further,  that  they  should  leave 
it  to  himself  to  select  a  husband  for  her,  who  should  be  ac- 
knowledged as  King  of  France.* 

He  did  not  consider  the  special  advantage  of  Spain  as  a 
state,  but  he  took  the  entire  disposition  of  the  crown  of  France 
into  his  own  hands.  His  designs  were  not  directed  so  much 
to  the  dominion  of  Spain  over  other  countries,  as  to  the  uni- 
versal sovereignty  of  his  house  by  means  of  the  power  of  Spain. 

He  had  reflected  upon  the  choice  of  a  husband  for  his 
daughter — a  prince  whom  he  should  at  the  same  time  give 
to  the  French  as  their  king — but  he  had  not  come  to  an  ir- 
revocable determination.  He  mentioned  several  names  to  his 
plenipotentiaries,  but  always  with  an  intimation  that  they 
were  not  to  insist  upon  any  of  them  in  opposition  to  the 
French ;  for  he  did  not  deceive  himself  in  supposing  that, 
with  all  the  inclination  of  the  French  nobles,  it  would  not 
yet  require  a  very  difficult  and  critical  negotiation  to  bring 
them  to  a  definitive  agreement. 

In  addition  to  all  this  Henry  IV.  was  by  no  means  yet  set 
aside  ;  the  issue  of  the  negotiations  was  still  dependent  upon 
the  future  results  of  a  trial  of  arms. 

*  As  it  is  stated  in  a  note  of  Tassis  :  1,  "  que  declaren  por  reyna  ä 
la  Sra  Infanta;"  2,  "que  remitan  la  election  de  rev  a  S.  Md.,  pues  se 
trata  de  que  le  tome  por  hyerno." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1591  AND  1592. ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  ESTATES 

OF  1593. 

When  men  like  Mendoza  regarded  the  operation  of  the 
Spanish  influence  upon  France  as  part  only  of  a  plan  for  the 
universal  re-establishment  of  Catholicism  in  Western  Europe, 
it  is  easy  to  conceive  that  the  prince  whom  they  sought  to 
expel  from  France  would  be  likely  to  find  assistance  among 
those  who  would  be  immediately  endangered  by  his  fall. 
Q,ueen  Elizabeth  of  England  at  once  formed  an  intimate  al- 
liance with  Henry  IV.  The  relations  which  existed  between 
them  sometimes  took  the  form  of  personal  courtesy.  The 
(dueen  had  the  King's  portrait  placed  in  her  cabinet ;  she 
spoke  of  him  in  remarkably  warm  terms,  and  sent  him  a  scarf 
wrought  by  a  skillful  hand.  The  King  said  he  was  determ- 
ined to  wear  it  in  battle  for  her  honor ;  that  all  he  was  and 
all  he  had  belonged  to  her  :  and  that,  sailing  under  the  au- 
spices of  her  favor,  he  hoped  yet  to  reach  the  port.*  They 
did  not,  however,  exchange  mere  empty  words.  The  Queen 
supported  the  King  in  reality  to  the  extent  of  her  power. 
She  sent  him  troops  armed  and  paid  by  herself,  powder  and 
ball,  and,  what  was  more  necessary  than  any  thing  else, 
money  ;  sometimes  she  even  anticipated  Henry's  requests  for 
aid,  and  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether,  without  her  assist- 
ance, he  would  have  been  able  to  maintain  his  position  in  the 
north  of  France. 

The  interests  involved  in  the  approaching  struggle  were 
not  quite  so  decisive  as  regarded  the  German  Protestants. 
The  Lutherans,  who  were  aristocratic,  with  Estates,  and  hos- 

*  Dispatch  of  La  Node,  January  20,  1590  :  "  Avec  telle  demonstra- 
tion qu'il  nous  cüida  sembler  qu'elle  en  aimeroit  mieux  le  vif." — In  the 
Egerton  Collection,  305. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1591  AND   1592.  449 

tile  to  Calvinism,  had  made  their  peace  with  the  Empire, 
which  had  either  inclined  to  milder  views,  or  was  fettered  by 
its  own  weakness ;  they  now  expected  to  enjoy  perpetual  se- 
curity under  the  forms  of  the  Empire.  There  were  individ- 
uals, however,  who  saw  in  the  rise  of  the  Romish-Spanish 
tendencies  a  common  danger,  and  who  felt  that  although  the 
Reformed  might  be  the  first  whom  they  would  affect,  yet 
when  the  one  had  fallen  they  might  reach  the  others.  Even 
in  Germany  we  now  hear  of  the  designation  of  Politicians. 
It  indicated  men  who  were  not  unconditionally  bound  by  the 
definitive  dogmata  of  the  Church,  but  who  comprehended  in 
their  view  the  general  relations  of  Europe,  and  regarded  the 
preservation  of  the  independence  of  the  French  Crown  as  a 
necessary  condition  of  the  religious  and  political  freedom  of  the 
German  States  and  Orders,  as  well  as  of  the  rest  of  Europe. 

The  Chancellor  of  Saxony,  Nicholas  Krell,  was  a  man  of 
this  disposition,  who  afterward  had  to  expiate  with  his  life  his 
departure  from  the  ordinary  paths — a  meteoric  phenomenon 
in  Albertinian  Saxony.  We  need  not  examine  how  far  the 
Calvinistic  inclinations  of  him  or  his  master,  the  Elector 
Christian,  extended,  and  have  only  to  observe,  that  under 
their  influence  Dresden  became  the  centre  of  French  negotia- 
tions, which  extended  over  the  whole  of  Northern  Germany, 
and  were  by  no  means,  in  general,  dependent  upon  the  doc- 
trinal opinions  of  the  parties  in  treaty.  At  a  congress  in 
Cassel  a  design  was  formed  in  accordance  with  which  even 
the  strictly  Lutheran  powers,  such  as  Würtemberg,  Hesse, 
Holstein-Denmark,  and  the  Dukes  of  Saxony,  bound  them- 
selves to  contribute  to  the  assistance  of  the  Bourbon  King. 
Krell  expressed  his  astonishment  at  the  conduct  of  the  war- 
like knights,  who  could  still  hesitate  to  take  arms:  "were  he 
free,"  he  said,  "  he  would  take  the  field  had  he  but  twenty 
horse,  for  the  salvation  of  Henry  IV.  was  the  salvation  of  both 
the  State  and  the  Church."* 


*  Compare  "  Aus  dem  wider  den  Verhafften  Dr.  Nicolaus  Crell  ver- 
führten Inquisitionsprocess,  verfasste  Deducirung  bei  Kessling;"  Con- 
tinuation of  the  "  Historia  Motuum."  The  report,  according  to  an  Ital- 
ian MS.,  was  that  these  troops  were  "pagati  per  la  maggior  parte  dal 
Duca  di  Sassonia." 


450  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

In  August,  1591,  a  splendid  army,  composed  of  High-Ger- 
man Landsknechte  and  North-German  cavalry,  under  the 
command  of  old  and  approved  officers,  commenced  its  march 
through  Lorraine  in  the  direction  of  France.  Fabian  Dohna 
was  there  also,  and  it  fell  to  his  lot  to  lead  the  van  and  pre- 
pare the  way  for  the  others.  The  chief  command  was  on  this 
occasion,  however,  intrusted  to  a  German  Prince  of  the  Em- 
pire, Christian  of  Anhalt,  whom  the  other  princes  and  nobles 
obeyed,  without  difficulty. 

Q,ueen  Elizabeth  had  this  time  also  sent  a  portion  of  the 
necessary  funds,  and  the  troops  were  mustered  in  the  presence 
of  her  embassador. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  declaration  made  by  Henry  IV. 
on  his  accession,  as  to  the  possibility  of  a  change  in  his  relig- 
ious views,  had  no  effect  whatever.  The  Protestant  sympa- 
thies for  him  were  in  no  degree  diminished  by  it ;  the  present 
expedition  bore  precisely  the  character  of  those  by  which  it 
had  been  preceded. 

Henry  IV.  had  just  reduced  Noyon,  when  there  came  to 
his  assistance,  on  the  one  side,  the  Earl  of  Essex  with  four 
thousand  English  troops,  whose  pompous  entry  into  Com- 
piegne  attracted  much  attention,  and,  on  the  other,  the  Ger- 
man army.  Michaelmas  day,  in  the  year  1591,  was  solemn- 
ized by  a  great  review  on  the  plains  of  Vaudy,  on  the  Aisne. 
The  Germans  posted  themselves  in  eight  divisions,  four  of 
cavalry,  and  four  of  infantry,  which  formed  a  semicircle ; 
their  cavalry  might  have  amounted  to  six  thousand,  and  their 
infantry  to  about  ten  thousand  men.  They  attracted  the 
special  admiration  of  the  French  by  the  skill  which  they  dis- 
played in  firing  the  great  and  small  guns  which  they  brought 
with  them.*  The  King  went  from  company  to  company  and 
from  troop  to  troop,  in  order  to  see  and  be  seen.  He  found  a 
great  number  of  old  acquaintances  among  the  officers,  and 
welcomed  them  cordially.  He  also  expressed  his  gratitude  to 
the  German  Princes  for  such  splendid  aid. 

And  indeed  he  had  good  reason  to  do  so,  for  just  at  this 
time  was  formed  in  his  vicinity  a  union  of  forces   against 

*  Report  of  Cayet,  worthy  of  notice  for  military  history  ;  "  Chrono- 
logie Novennaire,"  Michaud,  xii.  308. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1591   AND  1592.  451 

him  which  might  otherwise  have  been  highly  dangerous  to 
him. 

The  Chair  at  Rome  was  at  that  time  occupied  by  a  man. 
who,  without  any  of  those  views  which  occasionally  influenced 
the  earlier  Popes,  united  himself  unconditionally  with  the 
system  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  League.  This  was  Gregory 
XIV.,  who  was  a  member  of  a  distinguished  Milanese  family. 
It  appeared  to  him  to  be  the  greatest  misfortune  that  could 
befall  the  Church,  should  Vendome,  as  he  called  Henry  IV., 
come  to  the  actual  possession  of  the  throne,  since  in  that  case 
France  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  heretics.  He  sum- 
moned the  King  of  Spain  to  apply  the  wealth  brought  to  him 
by  the  last  Plate  fleet  to  that  purpose  for  which  God  had  un- 
doubtedly bestowed  those  riches,  namely,  to  the  defense  of 
Christendom  from  so  great  a  mischief.  He  himself  did  not 
hesitate  in  making  use,  for  this  object,  of  the  treasure  laid  up 
in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  by  Sixtus  V.,  for  never,  said  he, 
could  a  more  urgent  necessity  come  on  the  Church.  He  was 
of  opinion  that  the  Pope  and  the  King  would  be  strong  enough 
to  terminate  the  affair  by  themselves,  and  that  as  yet  it  was 
not  necessary  to  seek  for  assistance  from  the  other  Italian 
princes  ;  should  that  be  wanted,  however,  he  pledged  his 
word  that  they  would  not  fail  to  render  it,  when  it  was  de- 
manded. He  had  never  expected  much  from  previous  enter- 
prises of  the  kind,  but  he  was  convinced  that  this  would  be 
successful.* 

In  the  beginning  of  March  the  Pope  had  already  made 
known  his  intentions  to  the  French.  He  threatened  the 
clergy  in  sundry  monitories  with  excommunication,  and  the 
nobility  and  third  Estate  with  his  displeasure,  if  they  did  not 
instantly  separate  themselves  from  Henry  IV.,  whom  he  once 
more  pronounced  to  be  a  relapsed  heretic,  deposed  by  law 
from  all  his  royalties  and  dominions.  In  short,  Gregory  re- 
newed, in  the  interests  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  League, 
the  ancient  pontifical  pretensions  to  absolute  and  supreme 
authority. 

A  Papal  army  made  its  appearance  in  France  in  the  sum- 

*  "  De  quoi  il  assure  et  en  repond." — Extract  from  a  Letter  in  the 
Egerton  Collection,  323. 


452  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

mer  of  1591.  It  was  composed  of  Italians  and  Swiss,  and 
commanded  by  a  nephew  of  the  Pontiff's.  It  joined  at  Ver- 
dun the  forces  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  was  now  entirely 
on  the  side  of  his  French  relatives  and  the  League.  After  a 
junction  had  been  formed  with  Alexander  of  Parma,  the  in- 
tention was  to  make  a  new  and  more  effective  attempt  for 
the  establishment  of  a  Catholic  king  in  France,  to  which  end 
the  Pope  had  expressly  enlisted  his  Switzers.* 

Here  again  we  meet  with  the  complete  antagonism  between 
the  rigid  Church  idea  in  the  spirit  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
the  Catholic  as  well  as  the  Protestant  deviation  from  them. 
Gregory  XIV.,  like  Philip  II.,  was  resolved  with  all  his  power 
to  re-establish  the  old  system  in  France.  Henry  IV.,  besides 
his  Protestant  confederates,  had  also  in  his  favor  the  Catholic 
party,  which  had  always  resisted  these  arbitrary  demands, 
and  which  now,  instead  of  being  terrified,  was  roused  to 
indignation  by  their  revival. 

It  was  not,  properly  speaking,  as  yet  a  contest  between 
the  King  and  the  Pope.  Possessed  of  the  superiority,  by 
means  of  his  German  auxiliaries,  Henry  IV.  wished  to  bring 
the  Pope's  nephew  immediately  to  battle,  and  with  this  view 
advanced  to  within  half  a  league  of  his  head-quarters  ;  but 
the  only  result  was  a  slight  skirmish  which  took  place  on  the 
heights  near  the  camp,  and  which  was  beheld  by  the  Ger- 
mans present  with  an  almost  incontrollable  desire  to  join  the 
combatants.     The  Papal  army  had  a  different  destiny. 

It  must  be  regarded  as  an  event  of  great  importance  that 
Gregory  XIV.,  who  held  the  principle  of  Catholic  restoration 
in  its  entire  strictness  and  unaffected  by  any  political  consid- 
erations, died  at  this  particular  conjuncture,  in  which  that 
very  enterprise  was  about  to  commence,  which  he  regarded 
as  the  salvation  of  the  world.  His  death  rendered  the  mis- 
sion of  both  the  army  and  its  leader  doubtful.  The  remit- 
tances from  Rome  ceased ;  and  after  a  few  months  all  that 
remained  together  of  the  Papal  force  were  some  hundreds  of 
Italian  cavalry  and  fifteen  hundred  Swiss,  which  were  incor- 
porated with  the  army  of  the  Duke  of  Parma ;  for  it  was 

*  Sillery  :  "  La  pretexte  de  fa  demande  estoit  pour  servir  a  l'eslection 
ct  establissemcnt  d'un  roi  Catholique." 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1591  AND   1592.  453 

between  the  French  King  and  the  Spanish  general  that  the 
affair  was  to  be  decided.* 

Through  the  marriage  of  the  heiress  of  Sedan  to  Turenne, 
who  had  led  the  Germans  to  Henry  IV.,  he  succeeded  in 
gaining  possession  of  that  important  position  on  the  Meuse, 
and  soon  after,  with  the  assistance  of  the  German  troops,  in 
conquering  St.  Valery,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Somme.  He 
now  undertook  the  siege  of  Rouen,  the  possession  of  which 
would  have  involved  that  of  all  Normandy,  and  given  him 
the  complete  mastery  over  the  whole  of  northern  France  :  by 
December,  1591,  the  siege  was  considerably  advanced,  and 
the  King  hoped  in  a  short  time  to  be  master  of  the  strongest 
of  the  forts — that  of  St.  Catharine — he  expected  that  Villars, 
who  took  council  chiefly  with  women  and  a  priest,  would 
then  make  proposals  of  surrender. 

At  this  moment,  however,  Alexander  of  Parma  made  his 
appearance  once  more  in  France,  at  the  head  of  an  army, 
which,  though  not  numerous,  was  distinguished  for  its  expe- 
rience, and  which,  even  without  any  special  assistance  from 
Rome,  gave  great  strength  to  the  efforts  of  the  League,  and 
to  the  principles  of  his  King.  The  emulation  between  the 
French  and  Spanish  systems  of  warfare  was  here  renewed 
once  more,  but  the  latter  still  preserved  its  superiority. 

Henry  resolved  on  this  occasion  both  to  continue  his  siege 
and  to  meet  the  enemy. 

He  came  in  view  of  the  Spaniards  at  Aumale,  and  the 
opposite  qualities  of  the  two  generals  were  clearly  shown  in 
their  conduct  on  the  occasion.  Henry  was  bolder,  Farnese 
more  circumspect  than  ever.  The  former  was  wounded,  and 
very  nearly  taken  prisoner,  in  an  assault  made  with  little 
deliberation.  The  latter  neglected  out  of  circumspection  to 
follow  up  his  advantage;  it  was  enough  for  him  to  have 
thrown  relief  into  Rouen. 

The  armies  were  as  distinct  in  their  qualities  as  the  gen- 
erals. 

When  Henry,  in  the  progress  of  the  siege,  in  which  he  was 
assisted  by  English  pioneers  among  others,  had  brought  the 

*  Henry  to  Nevers,  December  13,  1591 :  Lettres  Missives,  iii.  547. 


454  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

town  once  more  to  a  state  of  the  greatest  distress,  Alexander 
Farnese  resolved  to  advance  from  the  Somme,  where  he  had 
taken  up  a  position,  a  second  time  toward  Rouen.  He  was 
now  more  successful ;  the  King  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege 
in  reality.  Farnese  appeared  to  the  multitude  to  be  the 
greatest  man  in  the  world  ;  as  he  had  once  relieved  Paris,  so 
now  did  he  Rouen,  and  was  received  there  with  the  most 
tumultuous  joy. 

If  the  reasons  of  his  success  be  investigated,  they  will  be 
found  to  consist  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  he  had  thoroughly 
calculated  all  circumstances,  and  did  not  put  his  troops  in 
motion  until,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time,  Henry  had 
dismissed  the  greater  part  of  his  nobility.  These,  however, 
now  assembled  round  him  again  without  delay  ;  within  five 
days  fifteen  hundred  gentlemen  from  Normandy  alone  entered 
his  camp  fully  armed,*  and  all  the  other  provinces  emulated 
this.  The  infantry  could  also  be  strengthened  from  the  neigh- 
boring garrisons,  and  in  a  short  time  Henry  found  himself 
strong  enough  to  take  the  field,  and  to  march  in  search  of  the 
enemy. 

Farnese  had  allowed  himself,  at  the  very  moment  of  victory 
to  be  led  aside  from  his  system,  and,  against  his  own  better 
judgment,  yielded  to  the  urgent  request  of  his  French  friends, 
and  marched  upon  Caudebec,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  the 
Seine  by  the  capture  of  that  town ;  he  was  wounded  while 
conducting  a  re-connaissance,  yet  with  his  bleeding  arm  he 
traced  the  orders  which  led  to  the  taking  of  the  place.  This 
did  not,  however,  prevent  the  danger  which  he  incurred  by  the 
approach  of  the  royal  army — which  was  much  superior  to  his 
own,  and  was  supported  by  several  Dutch  transports  from  the 
Lower  Seine — from  being  most  imminent ;  and  the  conqueror 
suddenly  found  himself  besieged  in  his  camp,  while  provisions 
were  already  beginning  to  run  short. 

The  French  expected  that  the  proud  Duke  would  endeavor 
to  force  his  way  by  an  open  attack  ;  but  he  was  not  in  a  posi- 
tion, at  such  a  distance  from  the  Spanish  provinces,  and  with- 

*  I  take  this  notice  from  an  ephemeral  brochure,  "  Utile  et  Salutaire 
Advis  au  Roi  pour  bien  regner,"  addressed  to  Louis  XIII.  about  the  year 
1617;  it  is  the  work  of  a  very  well-informed  person. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1591  AND   1592.  455 

out  any  certain  support  to  fall  back  upon,  to  run  the  risk  of 
a  pitched  battle. 

We  should  read  in  the  Italian  historians,  who  admire  in 
Farnese  the  reviver  of  the  ancient  Italian  military  renown — 
the  accounts  of  his  passage  of  the  Seine,*  for  this  was  the 
course  upon  which  he  determined  as  the  only  one  which  could 
save  him.  It  has  been  regarded  even  in  later  times  as  one 
of  ablest  military  movements  of  the  century.  In  the  face  of 
two  superior  and  watchful  enemies,  he  crossed  the  river  with 
his  army,  and  then,  by  rapid  forced  marches,  unretarded  and 
uninjured,  passed  through  the  Isle  of  France  and  Artois,  and 
reached  the  Spanish  provinces  in  safety. 

Thus  did  these  generals  carry  on  the  contest :  the  one  at 
the  head  of  a  body  of  feudal  troops  and  auxiliaries,  who  were 
perpetually  divided  from  each  other  by  a  certain  nationality, 
and  whom  he  yet  succeeded  in  keeping  together  by  his  own 
energy  ;  the  other,  the  leader  of  a  completely  organized  force, 
which  enabled  him  to  give  free  development  to  his  strategic 
principles. 

Henry  was  indebted  to  the  support  of  the  Protestant  powers, 
and  to  the  devotedness  of  the  French  nobility,  which,  though 
often  interrupted,  always  revived  again  with  fresh  fervor,  for 
his  not  being  defeated  by  the  hostile  force  ;  still,  however,  he 
had  not  been  able  to  make  himself  master  of  Normandy. 
Though  not  conquered  strategically,  he  was  out-generaled  ; 
and  his  attempts  to  break  up  the  League  had  not  been  suc- 
cessful. 

The  League,  on  the  contrary,  renewed,  even  under  altered 
circumstances,  the  attempt  to  set  him  aside,  and  to  settle  the 
kingdom  according  to  their  own  views. 

Mayenne,  who  still  occupied  the  most  important  position 
among  the  great  nobles  of  the  League,  had  never  yet  been 
able  to  come  to  a  full  understanding  with  Mendoza  ;  and  it 
appears,  from  the  correspondence  of  the  latter,  that  they  dis- 

*  From  a  letter  of  Don  Martin  da  Guzpide  to  Philip  II.,  May  25, 
1592,  it  appears  that  Farnese  was  not  universally  admired  by  his  con- 
temporaries. They  assert  that  the  enemy  "  nos  hizo  algunas  entradas 
y  nosotros  ninguna,  aunque  la  gente  de  V.  Md.  estava  con  grandissimas 
ganas ;"  and  that  all  had  fallen  again  into  the  old  condition. 


456  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

liked  each  other  personally.  Mendoza  is  unjust  toward  the 
Duke  when  he  charges  him  with  never  knowing  his  own 
mind,  and  listening  to  others  with  but  half  au  ear,  and  with 
a  species  of  distraction.  Mendoza  had  rested  his  success 
entirely  on  the  support  of  the  multitude.  Mayenne  made  no 
claims  on  popularity;  in  this  he  differed  totally  from  his 
brother ;  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  seek  the  favor  of  the 
people,  and,  had  he  done  so,  could  not  have  obtained  it.  He 
did  not  possess  any  of  those  remarkable  qualities  which  sway 
mankind,  nor  that  energy  by  which  they  are  carried  away. 
His  enterprises  were  neither  bold,  rapid,  nor  even  fortunate ; 
he  was  a  man  of  a  full  habit  of  body,  to  whom  repose  and 
enjoyment  seemed  necessary ;  in  his  domestic  affairs  he  was 
economical,  generally  reserved;  by  no  means  liberal ;  circum- 
spect, calculating,  and  yet  not  without  the  loftiest  and  most 
ambitious  notions.  The  wild  impulses  of  the  popular  leaders 
had  long  been  distasteful  to  him;  yet  he  bore  with  them, 
until  at  length  one  of  their  most  monstrous  excesses  occa- 
sioned a  general  cry  of  indignation.  The  learned  and  esti- 
mable Brisson  had  allowed  a  person  suspected  by  them  to 
go  at  liberty ;  for  this  they  could  not  forgive  him,  and, 
without  even  hearing  him  in  his  own  defense  or  making 
use  of  the  form  of  law,  they  condemned  and  executed  him. 
The  party  called  Politicians — that  is,  the  most  moderate  of 
the  inhabitants — began  to  fear  that  the  ruling  faction  would 
endeavor  to  get  rid  of  them  by  some  great  act  of  violence. 
A  red  paper  was  circulated  from  hand  to  hand,  containing 
the  names  of  all  those  who  were  destined  to  death,  or  ban- 
ishment.* Mayenne  seized  this  moment  to  come  from  the 
camp  to  the  city,  for  the  purpose  of  teaching  the  Sixteen  the 
limits  of  their  authority.  He  caused  the  principal  authors  of 
Brisson's  execution  to  be  arrested  and  punished  with  death, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  took  possession  of  the  Bastille.  The 
Spaniards  were  not  at  all  satisfied  with  these  proceedings  ; 
but  the  military  spirit  of  the  garrison  prevented  them  from 
making  any  opposition,  and  Mayenne  contrived  to  prevent  a 

*  L'Etoile,  November  25,  1591,  in  Champollion,  69  :  "  En  leurs  rolles 
ils  les  distinguoient  par  ces  trois  lettres,  P.  D.  C,  qui  etoit  ä  dire,  Pendu, 
Dague,  Chasse." 


CAMPAIGN  OF   1591   AND  1592.  457 

rising  of  the  populace.  He  paid  a  visit  to  the  Sorbonne,  in 
order  to  mollify  its  members,  and  allowed  the  preachers  to 
proceed  in  the  usual  style  of  declamation ;  he  was  satisfied 
with  having  shown  them  that  there  was  a  law  superior  to 
them,  and  a  power  to  administer  that  law. 

While  he  kept  aloof  from  Mendoza  and  the  popular  move- 
ments, however,  he  entered  into  earnest  consultation  concern- 
ing the  definitive  settlement  of  France,  with  Alexander  of 
Parma,  who,  as  a  soldier  by  profession,  had  no  great  liking 
for  them  either.  A  conference  upon  this  subject  had  been  held 
at  the  commencement  of  the  last  campaign  ;  the  parties  to  it 
were,  on  the  side  of  Parma,  his  chief  councilor  Richardot, 
and  the  Spanish  Embassador,  Don  Diego  Ibarra  ;  and,  on  the 
part  of  Mayenne,  a  statesman  named  Jeannin.  The  Spanish 
statesmen  were  in  favor  of  proceeding  in  a  legal  manner,  and 
demanded  an  Assembly  of  the  Estates,  that  they  might  pro- 
ceed to  the  election  of  a  King.  Jeannin  remarked,  on  tho 
other  hand,  that  such  a  step  could  only  be  of  service  to  give 
the  stamp  of  legality  to  what  the  great  nobles  might  agree 
upon ;  that  the  King  of  Spain  must  first  of  all  have  a  full 
understanding  with  them,  and  especially  with  the  house  of 
Guise ;  that  the  affair  was  surrounded  with  difficulties,  and 
the  only  means  by  which  they  could  be  overcome  was  money. 
The  offers  made  by  Don  Diego  were  very  considerable,  but 
they  were  not  deemed  sufficient. 

Whatever  difference  of  opinion  might  have  prevailed,  how- 
ever, Mayenne,  in  accordance  with  the  desire  of  Farnese,  at 
last  concluded  upon  calling  together,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1593,  the  Estates,  which  had  been  so  often  promised,  a 
few  of  the  deputies  having  been  elected  in  different  places. 
Some  of  the  instructions  given  to  the  delegates  are  still  extant, 
those,  for  example,  of  the  clergy  at  Auxerre,  and  of  the  third 
Estate  at  Troyes.  The  former  establish  it  as  an  essential 
principle  that  there  should  never  be  tolerated  more  than  one 
religion  in  France,  since  there  was  but  one  baptism  and  one 
God;  an  inviolable  fundamental  law  must  exclude  from  the 
French  throne  any  prince  who  may  be  a  heretic  or  a  favorer 
of  heretics  ;  the  new  King  must,  if  possible,  be  descended 
from  the  ancient  royal  blood,  but  his  elevation  must  depend 

U 


458  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

upon  election,  and  upon  the  approval  of  the  Pope  as  well  as 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  is  to  give  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage.* At  Troyes  Henry  of  Bourbon  was  excluded  by  name, 
even  should  he  profess  to  have  turned  to  the  Catholic  religion, 
for  he  was  a  relapsed  heretic,  excommunicated  by  the  Pope, 
declared  unworthy  of  all  royal  prerogatives,  and  rejected  by 
previous  assemblies  of  the  Estates.!  The  only  condition  here 
made  regarding  the  new  King  was  that  he  should  be  a  French- 
man, that  he  should  carry  on  the  government  through  a  council 
selected  from  the  great  nobles  of  the  kingdom  and  the  deputies 
of  the  provincial  Estates,  and  that  all  which  had  been  resolved 
upon  by  the  Estates  of  Blois  should  have  the  force  of  law  for 
the  future.^  In  fact  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise  than  that 
the  Catholic  views,  and  those  of  the  Estates,  which  had  oper- 
ated so  powerfully  throughout  the  whole  movement,  would 
preponderate  in  the  new  Assembly  also.  The  nature  of  May- 
enne's  views  at  this  time  can  not  be  ascertained  with  preci- 
sion ;  at  times  he  even  negotiated  with  Henry  IV.  ;  the  Span- 
iards showed  considerable  dissatisfaction  at  his  conduct  during 
the  elections,  for  he  kept  his  eye  upon  his  own  advantage  only, 
and  persecuted  those  who  held  opinions  favorable  to  Spain. 
They  thought  it  necessary  that  Philip  II.  should  send  a  new 
army  into  France,  in  order  to  give  courage  to  his  adherents, 
and  especially  to  the  towns,  which  would  then  declare  them- 
selves openly.  The  nuncio  of  the  Romish  court,  if  not  the  court 
itself,  expressed  similar  opinions.  He  summoned  the  King  of 
S^  i  to  unite  the  terrifying  power  of  iron  with  the  ataract- 
ic lower  of  gold — to  do  all  his  utmost  to  bring  the  French 
o\u"  to  his  views,  whether  they  were  willing  or  unwilling. 

Philip  II.  was  now  in  fact  determined  to  act  with  all  his 
power.  Alexander  of  Parma,  who  had  resided  at  Spa  during 
the  summer  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  his  health,  pre- 
pared to  return  to  France  at  the  head  of  a  new  army  in 

*  "  Articles  des  Remonstrances  du  Clerge  d'Auxerre  pour  les  Etats," 
in  Bernard,  "  Proces  Verbaux  des  Etats  Gen.  de  1593,"  p.  785. 

t  Memoirs  of  Troyes,  December  11,  1592.     Ibid.  780. 

t  M.  de  Guzpide,  October  20,  1592:  "Si  el  exercito  de  V.  Md.  .  .  . 
(es)  en  aquel  reyno  poderoso,  le  (for  Mayenne)  sera  fuerca  andar  a 
derechas,  pues  con  esto  podran  los  bien  intencionados  y  muchos  pueblos 
descubrirse." 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1591   AND   1592.  459 

the  autumn.  Bodies  of  German  Landsknechte,  under  Kurz 
and  Bernstein,  the  old  bands  of  Italy  and  Spain,  under  Capi- 
zucchi  and  Zuniga,  with  Walloon  regiments  from  the  Nether- 
lands, were  already  assembled  on  the  French  frontiers.  The 
remittances  from  Spain  being  delayed  or  having  failed,  Far- 
nese  raised  the  necessary  funds  upon  his  own  credit  in  Ant- 
werp. He  even  hired  a  mansion  for  himself  at  Paris,  and 
had  it  prepared  for  his  residence.  He  wished,  as  they  had 
requested  him,  to  secure  the  city  from  the  assaults  of  the 
King  of  Navarre  and  the  contrivances  of  the  Politicians,  but 
at  the  same  time  he  was  desirous  of  keeping  the  members  of 
the  League  to  their  duty,  and  of  giving  confidence  to  the 
great  Spanish  Catholic  party  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Estates. 

It  was  the  last  great  blow ;  every  thing  was  expected 
from  it.  The  Duke  of  Parma,  honored  by  all  for  his  merit, 
feared  by  all  for  his  power,  he  to  whom  the  capital  and  the 
party  generally  were  indebted  for  their  salvation,  would,  as 
he  had  done  the  most  eminent  service  in  the  field,  now  by  an 
armed  diplomacy  bring  the  great  cause  to  a  successful  issue. 
If  any  man  were  capable  of  effecting  this,  it  was  he. 

How  vain  are  human  calculations  !  Divine  Providence 
mocks  at  them  !  When  Alexander  Farnese  was  on  the  point 
of  setting  out  for  France  he  was  snatched  away  by  death. 

For  fourteen  days  he  had  been  seen  almost  constantly  on 
horseback  at  Arras,  for  the  purpose  of  mustering  the  troops 
that  were  to  accompany  him  into  France.  On  the  first  of 
December  he  was  taken  ill,  but  still  continued  to  sign  the 
military  orders,  though  with  a  trembling  hand.  His  attend- 
ants entreated  him  to  conserve  the  last  spark  of  life  by  taking 
some  repose.  He  answered  that  even  if  it  were  the  last 
spark,  he  would  devote  it,  as  he  had  done  his  whole  life,  to 
the  public  interests.  He  expired  on  the  3d  of  December. 
Alexander  of  Parma  had  just  made  every  preparation  for  the 
execution  of  plans  which  were  expected  to  determine  the 
future  destinies  of  the  world  ;  the  next  moment  his  dead 
body  was  gazed  upon  as  it  lay  in  the  church  of  St.  Vedast, 
enveloped  in  the  dress  of  a  Capuchin  friar,  and  surrounded 
with  three  hundred  torches.  His  death  was  an  event  of  no 
less  importance  than  that  of  Gregory  XIV. 


460  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1593  the  deputies  to  the 
States  General  entered  Paris  by  degrees.  They  were  by  no 
means  complete,  but  yet  in  such  numbers  as  to  allow  of  the 
opening  of  their  sittings  at  the  Louvre  on  the  26th  of  Janu- 
ary. They  were  received,  in  the  spirit  which  prevailed  at 
their  election,  with  sermons,  in  which  their  right  to  depart 
from  the  observance  of  the  Salic  law  was  proved  ;  and  with 
Papal  admonitions,  in  which,  on  the  principle  that  God  raises 
and  deposes  kings,  and  that  the  voice  of  the  people  is  the 
voice  of  God,  they  were  urged  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  a 
true  Catholic  king. 

The  great  combination  of  Philip  II.  was  not,  however,  ac- 
complished by  these  means.  The  old  conqueror  and  liberator 
being  dead,  the  Spanish  army,  which  was  personally  attached 
to  him,  did  not  proceed  into  France.  Instead  of  Farnese  ap- 
peared, as  if  to  carry  on  some  ordinary  negotiation,  Lorenzo 
Suarez  Figueroa,  Duke  of  Feria,  whom  nobody  knew,  in 
company  with  a  Spanish  lawyer,  Inigo  Mendoza,  appointed 
to  show  the  nullity  of  the  Salic  law  upon  juridical  grounds. 

Mayenne  thought  it  advisable  to  meet  this  embassy,  with 
which  Tassis  also  was  associated,  on  its  way  at  Soissons,  in 
order  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  it  beforehand.  The  two 
Spanish  statesmen  thought  it  would  be  a  decisive  advantage 
could  they  succeed  in  bringing  Mayenne  into  their  views, 
though  the  lawyer  did  not  share  in  that  opinion.  They  con- 
sidered that  should  the  Duke  enter  Paris  with  them  in  the 
desired  disposition,  he  would  win  over  all  the  others  to  him- 
self and  to  them.* 

The  first  topic  discussed  in  the  negotiations  was  the  claim 
of  the  Spanish  Infanta  to  the  French  crown.  Mayenne  had 
no  objection  to  it :  he  declared  frequently  that  her  right  was 
complete  and  unquestionable,  but  he  repeated  that  to  enforce 
that  right  would  be  infinitely  difficult,  and  made  the  most 
extravagant  demands  for  himself.     Many  warm  words  may 

*  Tassis  gave  his  view  very  directly  :  "  Viendo  quan  mezclado  anda 
lo  de  Dios  con  lo  del  mundo,  y  que  es  permitido  y  conveniente  ayudarse 
desto  postrero  para  salir  con  lo  primero,  seria  bueno,  entrar  en  estados 
teniendo  comprados  a  los  que  mas  al  caso  hizen,  y  en  particular  al  de 
Umena." 


ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  STATES  OF  1593.  461 

have  been  exchanged  during  the  conference,  but  it  resulted  in 
a  common  understanding.     To  the  Duke  were  promised  the 
government  of  Burgundy,  with  reservation  only  of  the  sover- 
eign prerogatives  of  the  King,  and  the  government  of  Nor- 
mandy, under  the  usual  conditions  attached  to  such  offices. 
He  was  further  to  receive  immediately  a  large  present,  and 
considerable  rents  in  perpetuity ;   his  debts  were  all  to  be 
paid  ;  until  the  arrival  of  the  Infanta  he  was  to  be  her  Lieu- 
tenant-General, and  to  receive  on  her  arrival  one  of  the  great- 
est offices  in  the  kingdom.     In  return  Mayenne  pledged  him- 
self to  make  use  of  all  his  influence  in  the  assembled  Estates, 
in  order  that  the  illustrious  Infanta  should  be  declared  Queen 
of  France,  since  he  knew  very  well  that  that  would  be  the 
most  effectual  way  to  destroy  heresy  and  to  maintain  religion 
in  the  kingdom.*     He  promised  verbally  to  give  his  vote  at 
once  for  the  Infanta.    Thus  the  most  important  point  appeared 
to  have  been  attained,  and  the  embassadors  were  of  opinion 
that  they  would  be  able  to  effect  all  the  rest,  either  by  pres- 
ent liberality  or  by  promises  for  the  future.     The  French  in 
general  were  visibly  in  a  state  of  great  misery,  and  few  of 
them  virtuous  enough  to  bear  it  with  firmness ;  they  were 
determined  to  better  their  condition  in  this  world,  and  neither 
to  perish  nor  to  suffer  for  their  salvation  in  the  world  to  come. 
The  embassadors  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  9th  of  March,  and 
found  the  general  disposition  sufficiently  favorable  to  their 
purpose.     A  speech  made  by  Feria  to  the  Estates,  in  support 
of  the  Infanta  Isabella's  claims,  was  well  received.     No  one 
ventured  to  declare  for  Henry  IV.,  and  although  the  other 
Pretenders  were  spoken  of  by  some,  the  Infanta  held  the 
highest  place  among  them  all.     Mayenne  returned  to  Paris 
on  the  6th  of  May,  and  then  the  official  negotiations  com- 
menced.    A  Junta  was  formed,  comprising  the  great  Catholic 
nobles  present,  and  the  delegates  of  those  who  were  absent, 
six  deputies  of  the  Estates,  two  from  each,  and  some  of  the 
members  of  Mayenne's  council.    The  Spaniards  again  minute- 

*  The  originals  of  this  agreement  are  printed  in  the  Commentaries 
of  Tassis,  viii.  p.  524.  Concerning  the  negotiations  there  is,  besides  his 
narrative,  the  report  of  fnigo  Mendoza,  in  the  papers  of  Simancas.  fnigo 
adds  the  verbal  promise  also. 


462  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ly  expounded  to  this  Junta  the  claims  of  the  Infanta,  express- 
ing themselves  intentionally  in  the  most  moderate  terms,  and 
stating  that  if  it  were  deemed  necessary  they  had  no  objection 
that  election  should  be  added  to  the  right  of  birth.  The 
French  hesitated  to  agree  to  the  pretension  of  a  right.  They 
required  above  all  things  that  the  support  they  were  to  receive 
should  be  named,  in  order  that  they  might  be  able  to  reckon 
upon  it.  Two  days  afterward  the  Spaniards  stated  what  was 
to  be  expected  from  their  King,  although  they  had  no  definite 
instructions  from  him  on  the  subject,  but  were  obliged  to  make 
use  of  older  papers.*  Every  thing  now  wore  an  appearance 
as  if  all  parties  were  about  to  come  to  a  full  and  thorough  ac- 
cordance. 

Whether  it  arose  from  neglect,  or  a  general  hesitation  to 
touch  the  last  great  difficulty,  there  had  been  nothing  settled 
as  yet  regarding  the  person  who  was  to  be  the  husband  of  the 
Infanta  should  she  become  Q,ueen.  It  may  have  been  owing 
to  the  vague  manner  in  which  this  point  was  passed  over, 
that  the  scheme  of  her  succession  to  the  throne  did  not  from 
the  first  arouse  a  greater  resistance  than  that  which  now  ap- 
peared. There  were  in  the  house  of  Bourbon,  as  well  as  in 
that  of  Lorraine,  a  whole  crowd  of  unmarried  princes,  who 
indulged  in  hopes  of  the  Infanta's  hand,  or  in  favor  of  whom 
such  hopes  were  cherished  by  their  nearest  relatives.  The 
silence  upon  this  subject  therefore,  however  long  preserved, 
must  at  length  be  broken. 

The  embassadors  then  announced  that  it  was  the  wish  of 
Philip  II.  to  marry  his  daughter  to  his  own  cousin,  the  Arch- 
duke Ernest,  and  place  them  both  upon  the  throne.  The  In- 
fanta Isabella  had  been  long  before  intended  for  the  Emperor 
Rudolf,  but  in  the  strange  state  of  mind  into  which  he  had 
fallen,  he  could  never  bring  himself  either  to  fetch  home  his 
bride  or  to  renounce  her.  Philip  II.  then  cast  his  eye  upon 
the  Emperor's  brother,  the  Archduke  Ernest,  to  whom  he 
transferred  the  government  of  the  Netherlands  after  the 
death  of  the  Prince  of  Parma  ;f  and  Ernest  entered  into  the 
King's  views  with  joy.     King  Philip  was  therefore  in  a  cer- 

*  "  Sin  precisa  y  clara  luz  de  V.  Md.,"  as  Tassis  says. 

t  Compare  Khevenhiller,  "  Annales  Ferdinande!  IV,"  1072 


ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  STATES  OF  1593.  463 

tain  degree  bound  to  propose  the  Archduke  to  the  French. 
Yet  he  had  often  received  assurances  out  of  France  that  the 
French  could  only  be  governed  by  the  authority  of  a  prince 
descended  from  the  royal  blood  of  France.  But  beside  this 
lay,  in  this  project,  the  further  development  of  the  idea  of  a 
Catholic  dynasty,  possessing  the  supremacy  over  Europe.  It 
was  looked  upon  as  a  future  possibility  that  the  Archduke 
Ernest  might  unite  with  the  Imperial  dignity  the  possession 
of  the  Netherlands  and  of  the  French  crown. 

Would  the  prudence  and  authority  of  the  Duke  of  Parma 
have  been  sufficient  to  have  made  this  proposal  agreeable  ? 
It  may  well  be  doubted.  Probably  if  he  had  not  noticed  it  at 
the  commencement,  as  was  afterward  asserted,  the  affair 
might  not  have  been  impossible,  but  the  Archduke  should 
not  have  been  named  in  the  first  instance.  The  moment 
the  proposal  was  made,  it  awakened  a  fierce  and  general 
opposition. 

Philip  had  foreseen  the  probability  of  this  result,  and  named 
three  others,  any  one  of  whom  would  have  been  acceptaV*  ä  to 
him — Charles  of  Guise,  who  was  son  of  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
assassinated  at  Blois ;  he  had  recently  escaped  from  p  n, 
almost  as  if  by  miracle,  and  possessed  the  confidence  oi  is 
party  universally ;  or  one  of  the  sons  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
under  the  condition,  however,  that  Lorraine  should  not  be 
united  to  the  French  Crown;  or,  finally,  the  son  of  the  Duke 
of  Mayenne.  The  name  of  the  Archduke  having  aroused 
general  opposition,  the  embassadors  were  under  the  necessity 
of  proposing  another,  and  Feria  decided,  not  altogether  with 
the  concurrence  of  Inigo  Mendoza,  in  favor  of  the  Guise  first 
named  above,  for  whom  he  felt  a  personal  predilection.  He 
met  a  friend  of  the  Guise  family  in  a  Franciscan  convent,  and 
with  the  most  profound  secrecy  confided  to  him  the  intelli- 
gence that  Philip  II.  would  be  satisfied  that  the  French  should 
elect  Guise  for  their  king,  and  that  his  daughter  would  ac- 
cept him  as  her  husband.  This  proposal  was  received  with 
loud  and  universal  joy  among  the  members  of  the  League,  as 
the  proposal  of  the  Archduke  had  awakened  their  dissatisfac- 
tion ;  and  though  the  communication  was  made  in  private,  it 
was  rapidly  imparted  from  one  to  another  in  confidence,  until 


464  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

it  was  known  to  all.  On  the  18th  of  July,  1592,  the  preach- 
ers announced  in  the  churches  that  God  had  at  last  pointed 
out  the  future  King,  a  young  prince  who  had  never  departed 
from  the  faith,  of  good  lineage,  a  new  David. 

The  only  question  now  was  one  raised  by  Inigo  Mendoza 
— whether  Mayenne,  who  guided  every  thing,  would  he  con- 
tent with  this  choice. 

From  the  obscurity  in  which  Mayenne  hid  himself,  there 
flashed  from  time  to  time  gleams  of  the  loftiest  ambition. 
He  had  formerly  given  the  Duke  of  Parma  to  understand, 
without  circumlocution,  that  he  himself  cherished  hopes  of 
being  King  of  France,  and  wrote  to  him  that  he  would  pre- 
fer the  King  of  Spain  to  all  others  as  Sovereign  of  France, 
but  that,  should  he  not  accept  the  crown,  Mayenne  consid- 
ered that  he  had  deserved  so  well  in  promoting  the  Catholic 
cause,  that  he  expected  no  one  else  would  be  chosen  in  pref- 
erence to  him.  He  gave  hopes  that  if  the  Spaniards  would 
assist  him  to  the  French  throne,  he  would  cede  Burgundy.* 
Philip  had  been  displeased  with  this,  and  did  not  agree  to  it, 
but  Mayenne  could  not  retract  the  words  he  had  once  uttered. 
It  is  possible  that  the  affair  might  have  been  accommodated 
had  Inigo  Mendoza's  advice  been  followed,  and  Mayenne's 
son  proposed  by  the  Spaniards.  Of  the  elevation  of  Guise  to 
the  throne  he  would  on  the  other  hand  hear  nothing :  he 
said  he  loved  his  nephew  as  much  as  he  did  himself,  but  not 
more ;  he  wished  him  as  great  fortune  as  his  own,  but  not 
greater,  and  superior  to  himself  he  did  not  wish  to  see  him. 
The  Papal  nuncio,  Sega,  remarked  to  Mayenne,  that  even 
the  sculptor  prostrates  himself  before  the  crucifix  which  he 
himself  had  made ;  and  reminded  him  of  the  example  of 
Lycurgus,  who,  when  he  had  re-established  the  throne  of 
Sparta,  left  it  to  his  nephew.  But  how  could  it  have  been 
expected  that  representations  of  this  kind  would  have  any 
influence  upon  a  man  who  had  adopted  the  Italian  notion  of 

*  "  Petere,  ne  sibi  in  conservanda  vctere  religione  laboribus  paternis, 
fraternis  et  suis,  reliqu'os  omnes  antegresso  prsripi  ä  quoquam  meri- 
torum  tantorum  pretium  pateretur ;  spondere  autem,  si  auxiliis  fultus 
in  solium  Gallicum  scanderet,  Burgundies  ducatum  Philippo  regi." — 
Dondinus,  De  Rebus  in  Galliä  gestis,  463. 


ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  STATES  OF  1593.  465 

the  supreme  power,  and  believed  that  in  order  to  attain  it  all 
means  were  lawful,  and  that  no  promise,  no  oath,  had  any 
force  to  bind  a  man  who  was  striving  for  its  possession  ?  * 
He  was  said  to  have  declared  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  at 
the  same  time  a  good  statesman  and  a  good  Christian.  It 
appeared  to  him  a  humiliation  to  accord  to  the  elder  branch 
of  his  family  prerogatives  of  superiority  over  his  own  descend- 
ants. He  declared  to  the  embassadors  that  it  was  not  a  king 
which  was  now  wanted,  but  troops  and  money,  and  that 
until  these  were  supplied  he  would  hear  nothing  of  an  election 
to  the  throne.  In  short,  he  postponed  or  evaded  every  propo- 
sition upon  the  subject. 

Montaigne  expresses  his  astonishment,  that  the  Guises 
should  have,  one  after  another,  ascended  the  steps  of  the 
throne,  and  yet  not  dared  to  take  possession  of  it.  The  rea- 
son is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  only  conjuncture  in 
which  it  could  be  done  or  was  possible,  that  in  which  the 
public  voice  was  in  its  favor,  was  marred  by  the  interference 
of  Guise's  own  uncle.  He  laid  himself  down  "  before  the 
garden  of  the  Hesperides,  in  order  to  prevent  his  nephew  from 
gathering  the  golden  fruit."  The  last  combination  which 
would  at  least  have  made  possible  the  attempt  to  establish 
an  exclusive  Catholic  monarchy,  founded  on  Estates,  did  not 
take  place. 

Mayenne,  had  he  now  undertaken  the  establishment  of  the 
legitimate  monarchy,  might  have  preceded  Monk  in  the  re- 
nown which  he  acquired  at  a  later  period.  But  for  this  he 
possessed  neither  sufficient  comprehension  of  the  world,  nor 
control  over  himself;  he  had  been  too  long  habituated  to  the 
actual  possession  of  supreme  authority,  to  renounce  it  at  once  ; 
while  he  rejected  his  nephew,  he  cherished  hopes  for  him- 
self, and  failed  to  observe  that,  under  his  very  eyes,  things 
were  assuming  an  aspect  completely  hostile  to  his  expectations. 

*  "  Que  en  materia  de  stado  no  ay  que  hazer  caso  de  juramentos  ; 
recordandose  lo  que  avia  prometido  dezia  que  variando  el  tiempo  si  va- 
riaban  las  obligaciones." — Parescer  de  Feria,  1594. 

u* 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

RELIGIOUS    CHANGE    OF    HENRY    IV. 

With  the  household  gods  of  a  monarchic  state,  that  is  to 
say  with  its  life,  which  is  unaffected  by  the  succession  of  gen- 
erations, those  of  the  ruling  family  are  united  from  the  very 
commencement  in  the  closest  manner.  Their  separation  has 
often  been  attempted,  and  sometimes  with  success,  but  never 
without  the  greatest  danger  and  the  most  violent  commotions  ; 
for  legitimacy  is  not  merely  an  hereditary  right,  but  in  an  un- 
revolutionized  state  it  is  the  first  of  its  laws,  the  key-stone  as 
it  were  of  the  rest.  It  can  not  be  departed  from  except  when 
the  reigning  family  resists  the  demands  of  the  country  for  in- 
dependence, and  an  irreconcilable  antagonism  arises  between 
the  principles  of  the  state  and  the  interests  of  the  reigning 
house. 

The  reverse  of  this  was  rather  the  case  now  in  France. 

At  the  first  glance  it  is  evident  that  if  the  schemes  of  the 
Spaniards  and  the  League  were  carried  out,  the  French  king- 
dom could  no  longer  exist  in  its  political  individuality.  Not 
merely  the  elevation  of  the  Archduke  to  the  throne,  but  even 
the  reign  of  so  weak  a  prince  as  young  Guise,  by  the  side  of 
a  woman  of  talent,  who  had  been  well  instructed  in  the  man- 
agement of  affairs  by  her  father,  and  who  lived  in  the  Span- 
ish Catholic  ideas  alone,  would  have  cost  the  French  their 
independence  ;  France  would  have  become  a  portion  of  the 
great  Catholic  empire  which  Philip  II.  and  his  statesmen  con- 
templated. 

Thoughts  like  these  might  have  passed  through  the  minds 
of  many,  and  awakened  a  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  Spanish 
design ;  but  they  were  first  clearly  expressed  by  the  great 
judicial  corporation,  the  Parliament  of  Paris. 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  467 

The  Parliament  set  itself  in  opposition  to  the  exclusive 
hierarchical  efforts,  as  well  as  to  those  of  a  democratic  ten- 
dency, even  while  it  stood  under  the  influence  of  the  League. 
It  contended  openly  against  the  instructions  of  a  Papal  Legate 
which  ran  counter  to  the  ancient  immunities  of  France,  and 
also  against  the  intention  of  the  Estates  to  introduce  the  Tri- 
dentine  decrees ;  nor  would  the  Parliament  allow  the  Salic 
law  to  he  transgressed,  any  more  than  the  other  fundamental 
laws  of  the  kingdom.  There  could  he  no  mistake  as  to  its 
views  :  it  at  once  limited  the  right  of  the  Estates  to  proceed 
to  the  election  of  a  new  king,  by  the  proviso  contained  in  its 
declaration  that  the  election  must  take  place  according  to  the 
laws  of  the  kingdom.  When  Inigo  Mendoza  wished  to  make 
his  statement  concerning  the  invalidity  of  the  Salic  law,  the 
Attorney-General  Mole  refused  to  attend,  though  his  presence 
was  particularly  desired,  for  without  it  the  Parliament  was 
excluded  from  the  consultations  of  the  Estates ;  but  it  was 
thought  better  that  he  should  be  absent.*  This  speech  how- 
ever, instead  of  bringing  conviction,  awakened  in  general  op- 
posite ideas  and  remembrances.  It  was  remarked  that  the 
maxim  of  natural  hereditary  succession,  which  Mendoza  sought 
to  recommend,  would  have  confirmed  the  claims  which  the 
English  kings  had  formerly  made  upon  the  French  crown, 
and  which  their  successors  might  very  well  renew  once  more. 
The  condition  of  the  state  for  centuries  past  would  be  thereby 
made  out  to  be  illegal.  It  was  impossible  that  the  Parlia- 
ment could  allow  such  views  to  prevail ;  while  the  Estates 
proceeded  with  their  consultations  respecting  the  elevation  of 
the  Infanta  to  the  French  throne,  a  resolution  was  formed, 
especially  among  the  younger  members  of  the  Chambrt  s 
Enquistes,  to  oppose  that  proposal  with  earnestness,  and  wil  b. 
a  certain  degree  of  solemnity.  The  merit  of  having  taken  the 
initiative  in  this  course  was  ascribed  to  a  man  who  afterward 
became  celebrated,  Michel  de  Marillac,f  nephew  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Vienne  already  mentioned.  The  First  President, 
Le  Maistre,  and  the  Grande  Chambre,  agreed  to  the  proceed- 

*  Registre  du  Clergc,  in  Bernard,  483. 

t  Le  Beau,  "Vie  de  Marillac,"  Maier,  xv.  615,  with  excellent  addi- 
tions by  Bernard,  736. 


468  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ing.  They  had  probahly  no  understanding  with  Mayenne, 
but  they  knew  that  he  did  not  concur  in  the  views  of  the 
Spaniards,  nor  in  those  of  the  majority  in  the  Estates.  It 
was  a  moment  in  which  they  could  venture  to  attempt  some- 
thing ;  their  opinions  were  announced  with  all  possible  re- 
serve, and  almost  with  an  expression  of  hesitancy,  but  they 
were  decisive. 

On  the  28th  of  June  the  Parliament  drew  up  a  solemn  ad- 
monition to  Mayenne,  to  prevent  the  crown  from  falling  into 
the  hands  of  a  foreigner  under  the  pretext  of  religion  ;  and  iu 
which  it  was  declared  that  all  which  had  been  done  or  could 
be  done  towrard  raising  a  foreign  prince  or  princess  to  the 
throne  was  and  would  remain  null  and  void ;  for  it  was  in 
opposition  to  the  Salic  law,  and  to  other  fundamental  laws 
of  the  kingdom  of  France.  In  the  afternoon  the  President, 
with  twenty  councilors  of  the  Palace  of  Justice,  were  seen 
proceeding  along  the  Q,uai  toward  the  residence  of  the  Lieu- 
tenant-General, in  order  to  present  this  resolution.  Le  Maistre, 
in  a  copious  speech,  explained  the  motives  which  had  actuated 
the  Parliament.  He  reminded  Mayenne  of  the  resistance 
made  to  the  interference  of  the  Papal  See  in  political  affairs 
by  the  ancient  kings — Philip  Augustus,  Philip  the  Fair,  and 
Louis  XII. — and  also  of  his  own  oath.*  Mayenne  showed  some 
displeasure  that  so  important  a  resolution  should  have  been 
agreed  to  without  previous  consultation  with  himself;  for  the 
moment,  however,  it  was  not  dissatisfactory  to  him  ;  f  but  in 
France  the  feeling  of  the  moment  usually  decides  the  result, 
and  Mayenne  yielded  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  President. 

If  we  strip  this  event  of  all  accidental  circumstances,  its 
sum  and  essence  is  this  :  the  supreme  tribunal  had,  from  an 
early  period,  renounced  the  severity  of  the  ecclesiastical  de- 
crees and  laws ;  since  then,  meanwhile,  it  had  again  partially 
consented  to  them ;  now,  however,  when  it  was  sought  to 
apply  them  to  the  Crown  itself,  and  apparently  with  earnest- 

*  Extract  from  the  Speech,  in  Thuanus,  cvi.  545. 

t  Tassis,  July  10 :  "  No  falta  quien  dice  que  la  (the  declaration  of 
the  Parliament)  procuraron  la  madre,  hermana,  y  muger  del  de  Umena ; 
mas  puede  dexarse  de  sospechar  que  aun  el  mismo  Duque  convino  en 
ello,  si  ben  dio  despues  alguna  reprehension." 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  469 

ness,  the  Parliament  stepped  forth  to  oppose  them  with  all 
its  might.  The  ecclesiastical  law,  and  previous  excommuni- 
cations, had  excluded  the  hereditary  king  and  all  his  posterity 
from  the  throne.  Instead  of  acknowledging  this,  and  consent- 
ing to  the  election  of  a  new  king,  as  it  was  proposed,  the  Par- 
liament insisted  upon  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  kingdom, 
in  accordance  with  which  the  Prince,  excluded  by  the  ec- 
clesiastical decrees,  must  have  been  called  to  the  throne.  The 
order  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  Catholic  system  generally, 
had  taken  a  position  of  antagonism  to  the  order  and  neces- 
sities of  the  State.  The  aspect  of  affairs  was  nearly  identical 
with  that  which  had  previously  taken  place  in  Germany, 
when  the  Ecclesiastical  Princes,  postponing  their  obligations 
to  the  Pope,  resolved  to  acknowledge  the  religious  peace,  with- 
out which  the  nation  could  not  exist.  An  ecclesiastical  doc- 
trinary  manifestation  came  at  the  same  time  in  aid  of  the 
political  movement. 

During  the  sittings  of  the  Diet,  a  conference  took  place, 
with  the  approval  of  Mayenne,  between  the  Royalist  bishops 
and  the  bishops  attached  to  the  League,  chiefly  at  Suresne ; 
but  as  yet  it  could  not  be  said  that  any  approximation  had 
taken  place  between  their  several  convictions.  As  it  gener- 
ally happens  in  discussions  of  the  kind,  the  principles  main- 
tained by  each  party  were  more  remarkable  than  what  either 
gained  from  the  other.  The  Royalists,  Avho  had  come  from 
the  camp  of  Henry  IV.,  placed  the  natural  right  of  the  hered- 
itary King  in  the  foreground.  The  Leaguers,  who  had  been 
delegated  by  the  city,  declared  that  to  acknowledge  these  rights 
in  a  non-Catholic  prince  was  incompatible  with  their  ecclesi- 
astical duty.  The  latter  in  support  of  their  position,  adduced 
examples  from  the  Old  Testament  and  from  the  hierarchical 
ages ;  the  former  appealed  to  the  simple  announcements  of 
the  Gospel,  which  assigned  limits  to  the  Protestants  also. 
The  Royalist  bishops  produced  a  profound  impression  how- 
ever by  asserting  one  day  that  their  King  would  come  over 
to  Catholicism.  It  may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  a  recession 
from  the  extreme  severity  of  the  opinions  and  resolutions  pre- 
viously formed,  that  the  chief  of  the  Leaguers,  Archbishop 
E  spinac,  declared  that  in  that  case  it  was  not  altogether  im- 


470  HISTORY  OF   FRANCE. 

possible  Henry  might  be  acknowledged  as  King,  always  pro- 
viding that  the  Papal  absolution  must  precede  such  recogni- 
tion ;  for  even  were  the  Crown  independent  in  temporal 
things,  it  was  not  so  in  matters  of  faith  and  religion.  The 
Royalist  theologians  were  very  far  from  agreeing  to  this 
statement ;  their  leader,  Renaud  de  Beaune,  Archbishop  of 
Bourges,  proposed  the  question,  what  was  to  be  done  in  case 
the  Pope  should  happen  to  refuse  absolution  to  the  King  ?  * 
Were  the  rights  of  the  Crown  to  be  made  dependent  upon 
foreigners  ?  He  maintained  that  it  would  be  perfectly  satis- 
factory if  the  French  hierarchy  absolved  the  King,  and  that 
the  consent  and  blessing  of  the  Pope  might  be  requested  after- 
ward. 

On  the  next  Sunday  the  preachers  of  the  city  assailed 
Henry  of  Beam  in  the  fiercest  and  most  stormy  maimer :  they 
called  him  an  excommunicate,  a  relapsed  heretic  ;  they  de- 
clared they  could  not  believe  that  the  Pope,  whom  they 
regarded  as  only  the  expression  of  the  strictest  ecclesiastical 
principles,  could  ever  absolve  him  ;  he  might  become  Catho- 
lic, their  king  he  never  should  be  ;  they  would  not  even  hear 
of  any  further  truce  with  him. 

The  preachers  in  this  instance,  however,  were  no  longer  so 
completely  encouraged  by  the  applause  of  the  multitude  ;  the 
people  wanted  not  merely  opinions,  but  palpable  effects. 

The  greatest  detriment  suffered  by  the  cause  of  the  League 
arose  from  the  weakness  and  distance  of  the  Spanish  military 
force.!  The  pretensions  of  the  embassadors  became  ridiculous 
the  moment  the  force  was  removed,  which  alone  could  have 
made  them  impressive.  On  the  other  hand,  the  brave  Bear- 
nais  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital  with  his  army  : 
his  enterprises  followed  one  another  rapidly :  men  began  to 
feel  that  they  were  not  quite  free  from  damage,  nay  that  they 
were  even  in  danger  in  the  city. 

It  has  often  been  remarked,  and  justly,  that  Henry's  gen- 

*  Detailed  report  of  the  sittings,  in  Caret's  Chronol.  Novenn.  .Mich, 
rii.  447. 

A  Inigo  Mendoza,  May  30, 1593 :  "  No  ay  quien  ne  nos  eche  en  rostro 
nostra  desmidezza  en  armas  y  dineros ;  otros  nos  predican  por  impo- 
tentes, v  disconfian  de  lo  que  promitimos." 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  471 

eralship  was  cast  into  the  shade  by  the  talent  of  Alexander 
Farnese,  who  knew  much  better  how  to  make  his  military 
movements  conduce  to  the  accomplishment  of  one  object. 
There  is,  however,  another  kind  of  strategy,  which  has  regard 
to  great  geographical  relations,  and  of  this  Henry  IV.  pos- 
sessed, I  will  by  no  means  say  the  philosophy,  but  a  practical 
feeling.  At  his  first  approach  to  Paris  his  principal  care  was 
to  obtain  possession  of  the  positions  which  commanded  the 
rivers ;  their  recovery  was  also  the  first  object  which  occu- 
pied him  after  the  retreat  of  Farnese.  In  the  same  manner 
he  conducted  all  his  operations  in  the  north  of  France,  the 
subjugation  of  which  was  his  problem,  and  on  this  occasion, 
the  north  was  coerced  by  the  south.  His  greatest  anxiety 
was  to  preserve  the  middle  and  lower  Loire  in  his  own  hands. 
As  he  could  not  take  either  Rouen  or  Havre,  it  was  of  the 
greater  importance  to  him  either  to  maintain  or  to  re- 
gain Quillebceuf  and  Caudebec,  and  nothing  caused  bitterer 
complaints  among  the  Leaguers  of  Normandy.  He  also 
kept  the  ports  on  the  northern  coast  for  the  most  part  in  obe- 
dience. 

Henry  has  been  ridiculed  for  having  suspended  important 
campaigns  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  the  marriage  of 
Turenne  with  the  heiress  of  Buillon  ;  but  the  fact,  that  by 
this  means  so  important  a  place  on  the  Meuse  as  Sedan  came 
into  the  possession  of  a  friend  who  could  be  relied  on  during 
the  war,  shows  that  this  marriage  was  not  without  conse- 
quence to  his  entire  scheme.  The  possession  of  St.  Valery 
on  the  Somme  by  the  Duke  of  Nevers,  as  already  mentioned, 
was  of  still  greater  importance.  Henry  said  that  if  Nevers 
had  not  succeeded,  he  would  himself  have  marched  upon  the 
town.*  The  mastery  of  the  havens,  and  the  command  of 
the  streams  and  passages  of  the  rivers,  gave  him  the  domin- 
ion of  the  district,  and  occasioned  a  powerful  reaction  upon 
the  great  communes,  which  had  been  his  most  formidable 
enemies.     The  power  of  Paris,  Rouen,  and  Orleans,  was  al- 

*  "Memoyre  pour  les  Affaires  de  la  France,"  1592,  MS.  de  Siman- 
cas :  "  Les  villes  Catholiques  sont  reduites  en  extreme  langueur  pour 
ne  jouir  de  revenu  quelconque.  pour  etre  privees  de  leur  trafic  ordinaire, 
et  pour  ne  pouvoir  vivre  de  leurs  metiers." 


472  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ready  exhausted,  and  in  a  state  of  manifest  decay.  The 
towns  of  Picardy  were  in  a  somewhat  better  condition,  but, 
as  they  had  shared  in  the  prosperity  of  the  others,  they  were 
also  affected  by  their  decline.  Henry's  capture  of  Dreux,  in 
July,  1593,  was  severely  felt  in  the  capital,  where  all  had 
by  degrees  become  weary  of  the  war.  During  the  conference 
at  Suresne,  and  the  truce  which  had  been  agreed  to,  and 
extended  from  time  to  time,  on  account  of  it,  the  Parisians 
enjoyed  a  foretaste  of  peace.  A  vast  number  had  taken  the 
opportunity  of  visiting  their  estates  once  more,  and  they  were 
terrified  at  the  idea  of  the  truce  being  terminated ;  the  Papal 
Legate,  who  was  looked  upon  as  an  enemy  to  it,  was  even 
threatened  with  violence. 

Considering  the  military  superiority  which  the  King  at  this 
conjuncture  undoubtedly  possessed,  and  the  necessity  felt  on 
the  other  side  for  peace,  it  may  appear,  that  had  he  held  his 
creed  firmly,  he  might  have  reckoned  upon  a  complete  tri- 
umph. It  was  represented  to  him  by  zealous  Huguenots  that 
he  migbt  allow  the  Catholics  to  elect  a  man  of  straw  to  be 
their  King ;  and  if  they  did  so,  all  the  venom  of  the  enemy 
would  be  collected  in  one  head,  that  he  would  then  know 
with  whom  he  had  to  contend  ;  it  might  be  the  more  diffi- 
cult way,  but  it  was  the  way  to  make  himself  an  absolute 
king.  He  was  reminded  of  the  personal  danger  he  would 
incur  by  venturing  into  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  where  it 
would  be  impossible  to  defend  him,  and  told  that  it  would  be 
better  for  him,  should  things  come  to  the  worst,  to  maintain 
himself  independently  in  a  corner  of  France,  and  surrounded 
with  such  persons  only  as  he  could  place  confidence  in. 

There  was  not  a  Protestant  heart  in  the  world  which  did 
not  beat  more  rapidly  at  the  thought  of  King  Henry's  suc- 
ceeding in  taking  full  possession  of  the  French  crown  without 
passing  over  to  another  creed. 

He  was  no  longer,  however,  in  a  condition  to  form  a  free 
determination  for  himself.  He  was  bound  by  the  promise  he 
had  made  immediately  after  the  death  of  Henry  III.  He 
might  have  postponed  the  fulfillment  of  it  as  long  as  he  was 
combating  for  his  existence  ;  he  might  have  rejected,  as  con- 
trary to  his  honor,  the  admonitions  coupled  with  threats  which 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  473 

he  had  received  from  a  party,  designated  emphatically  as  the 
third  party,  which  had  long  existed,  and  now  renewed  its 
eflbrts.  Could  he,  however,  redeem  his  word  without  blush- 
ing for  himself,  that  was  the  course  which  fully  accorded  with 
all  his  remaining  interests. 

Among  the  manifold  requisitions  to  this  effect  which  reach- 
ed him  even  from  the  part  of  his  friends,  I  find  one  which  is 
particularly  worthy  of  notice,  and  in  which  the  religious 
change  is  represented  as  a  duty  of  tb*  royal  office.  The 
kingdom  of  France,  it  states,  was  regarded  by  every  one  who 
mixed  in  public  affairs  as  a  species  of  prey  for  himself,  that 
robbery  and  murder  traversed  the  land  without  control,  and 
that  atheism  was  springing  up  amid  the  confusion  of  religious 
strife.  For  all  this  infamy  and  violence,  for  the  oppression 
of  the  weak,  the  profanation  of  all  that  was  holy,  and  every 
degree  of  insubordination,  the  sole  pretext  was  that  the  King 
was  not  a  Catholic.  If  he  were  Duke  of  Vendöme  only,  he 
would  be  at  liberty  to  act  according  to  his  own  pleasure,  but 
as  King  of  France  it  was  his  supremely  imperative  duty  to 
care  for  the  kingdom.  All  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
kingdom  were  Catholic,  the  exceptions  being  so  few  as  to 
make  no  essential  difference.  And  was  not  the  Catholic 
Church  after  all,  in  reference  to  doctrine,  order,  and  usage, 
the  same  ancient  Church  which  it  had  ever  been  ?  No  one 
could  deny  the  corruption  of  morals  and  the  abuses  of  disci- 
pline which  prevailed  among  the  clergy ;  these,  however,  it 
was  not  for  the  Huguenots  to  reform,  but  for  him,  the  King, 
the  temporal  head  of  the  Church.  Perhaps  God  had  raised 
him  up  to  re-establish  the  general  unity  once  more  ;  but 
before  he  could  interfere  with  the  Church,  he  must  again 
stand  forth  as  the  eldest  son  of  the  Church. 

To  these  general  reasons  were  added  the  special  circum- 
stances of  the  moment.  To  found  his  State  upon  the  attach- 
ment of  the  nobility  alone,  he  was  told,  would  be  impossible, 
for  no  one  could  tell  how  long  it  would  endure  ;  at  present 
he  had  the  opportunity  of  winning  over  to  his  side  the  towns, 
which  only  waited  for  the  occasion  to  exclude  him ;  would 
he  only  recant,  the  wonted  support  of  the  clergy  would  not 
fail  him  ;  he  wculd  be  master  of  the  three  Estates,  but  if  not, 


474  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

it  was  to  be  apprehended  that  another  king  might  be  set  up 
in  opposition  to  him.* 

In  fact,  the  adherents  of  young  Guise  and  the  Spaniards 
were  now  occupied  most  zealously  with  such  a  project,  and 
certainly  it  behoved  Henry  not  to  allow  matters  to  proceed 
to  that  point.  An  Anti-King,  once  named,  might  in  process 
of  time  become  the  nucleus  of  all  the  antagonistic  elements. 
There  was  a  spell  in  the  royal  title ;  and  how  easily  might 
the  reflux  of  the  Spanish  tide  bring  to  the  League  an  amount 
of  support  and  power  far  greater  than  what  it  now  possessed ! 
An  intestine  war  without  end  would  be  the  consequence. 

But  would  it  not  be  an  advantage  to  the  Protestants  them- 
selves, should  a  prince  ascend  the  throne  who  had  belonged 
to  them,  who  had  risen  by  their  aid,  and  was  united  to  them 
by  many  ties  ?  Their  cause  would  succeed  by  that  means  in 
a  manner  totally  different  from  what  would  have  been  other- 
wise possible  ;  thus  closely  connected  with  the  political  power 
it  could  never  again,  as  all  believed,  assume  a  persecuting 
character  toward  them.  With  Henry  IV.  the  principle  of 
toleration,  which  had  been  maintained  in  a  few  provinces, 
would  appear  to  take  possession  of  the  French  throne.  In 
his  person  would  lie  the  mediation  of  that  opposition  which 
could  not  otherwise  be  brought  to  an  arbitration.  This  would 
be,  however,  a  decision  affecting  not  France  alone,  but  all 
Europe. 

Although  antagonistic  doctrines  and  unfettered  energies 
ceaselessly  struggled  with  one  another  for  the  ascendency  in 
Europe,  yet  the  final  decision  of  the  contest  seldom  depended 
upon  them  alone.  At  critical  conjunctures  a  universal  con- 
viction was  felt  which  confined  the  struggle  within  certain 
limits,  and  exercised  over  it,  as  it  were,  a  superior  and  mod- 
erating power. 

Henry  IV.  had  always  hitherto  appeared  as  the  champion 
of  the  Protestant  interests,  and,  notwithstanding  his  declara- 
tion of  1589,  his  most  essential  support  had  been  constantly 
derived  from  the  Protestants  ;  it  had  been  looked  upon  there- 

*  Supplication  et  advis  au  Roi  de  se  faire  Catholique  :"  MSS.  in  the 
Library  of  the  Arsenal.  Paris,  No.  176. 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  475 

fore,  as  the  common  interest  of  the  Catholic  world  to  oppose 
him.  From  this,  however,  had  arisen  various  relations,  which 
by  degrees  had  become  intolerable  to  the  national  feeling  of 
the  several  states  on  the  Catholic  side.  The  King  of  Spain, 
the  champion  of  the  principle  contended  for,  being  in  close 
alliance  with  the  Papal  See,  obtained  by  means  of  the  strug- 
gle against  Henry,  a  predominant  power  which  was  oppress- 
ive to  all  the  other  Catholic  states.  It  became,  for  the  Italian 
states  in  particular,  an  absolute  condition  of  political  existence 
that  France  should  be  independent. 

The  Venetians  were  the  first  to  give  utterance  to  this  con- 
viction. They  were  of  opinion  that  the  head  of  the  Church, 
the  Pope,  might  have  political  enemies,  but  that  that  was 
not  the  affair  of  a  single  State.  The  hatred  which  had 
arisen  on  account  of  religious  differences,  and  which  had 
broken  up  every  other  relation,  must  have  a  period  at  some 
time.  The  younger  nobility,  among  whom  these  principles 
prevailed,  took  at  that  time  a  large  share  in  the  adminstra- 
tion  of  public  affairs,  and  the  proposition  to  send  an  embassy 
to  (olueen  Elizabeth  was  rejected  by  but  a  few  voices.  How 
much  more  completely  then  did  these  ideas  and  observations 
apply  to  a  prince  who  had  already  declared  that  he  was  will- 
ing to  return  to  Catholicism  !  The  Venetians  were  the  first 
among  the  Catholics  who  acknowledged  Henry  IV. ;  they 
granted  him  supplies  of  money,  and  wished  for  nothing  more 
ardently  than  for  his  triumph.* 

The  relative  position  of  the  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand  of 
Tuscany  was  still  more  peculiar,  who  was  aroused  not  only 
through  apprehension  of  Spain,  but  also  and  chiefly  by  jeal- 
ousy of  Savoy.  Had  Philip  II.  yielded  to  his  request,  and 
placed  him  in  possession  of  Marseilles,  Ferdinand  might  prob- 
ably have  united  himself  with  the  League ;  but  Philip  an- 
swered him  that  the  times  of  Charles  V.,  in  which  Tuscany 
was  favored,  were  gone  by.  From  that  moment  Ferdinand 
took  up  the  cause  of  Henry  IV.,  sustained  him  with  money 
for  the  enlistment  of  Swiss  and  the  payment  of  other  troops, 
mediated  a  better  understanding  between  him  and  his  own 
brother-in-law,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and,  what  was  more 
*  Relatione  di  Venetia,  1590  :  MS.  Bibl.  Barberini. 


476  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

than  all,  obtained  for  him,  through  the  Cardinal  of  Toledo, 
an  undefined  but  at  the  same  time  highly  promising  access 
even  to  Rome  itself.  In  return,  however,  as  men  had  begun 
on  account  of  these  proceedings  to  regard  Ferdinand  as  a 
schismatic,  he  earnestly  desired  Henry's  transition  to  Catholi- 
cism. He  not  only  advised  this  step,  but  urged  Henry  to  take 
it  within  an  appointed  time,  after  the  lapse  of  which  he  would 
otherwise  be  compelled  to  renounce  his  connection. 

It  thus  happened  that  the  political  relations  of  Europe  gen- 
erally concurred  to  render  the  change  of  religion  advisable  in 
Henry.  It  appears  that  it  was  attempted  to  induce  the  Prot- 
estant German  princes  to  give  their  consent  beforehand  ;  this, 
however,  as  we  may  easily  conceive,  was  not  to  be  effected. 
What  were  the  King's  own  views  meanwhile  ?  He  was  de- 
termined first  either  to  conquer  the  League  or  to  come  to  a 
reconciliation  with  it,  and  then  to  make  his  recantation  ;* 
but  considering  the  danger  of  the  period  in  France  and  also 
in  Italy,  he  could  not  place  much  expectation  upon  such  un- 
certain consequences.  The  recantation  must  be  at  the  same 
time  a  means  of  victory  and  of  reconciliation. 

The  declaration  of  Henry  IV.  that  he  sacrificed  his  convic- 
tions to  his  duty,  though  not  altogether  true,  contains  some 
truth.  He  regarded  the  pacification  of  France  and  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  balance  of  political  power  in  Europe  as 
his  duty.  As  regarded  the  doctrinal  questions  involved,  there 
was  not  much  to  be  said :  the  whole  difficulty  consisted  in 
making  the  retractation  morally  possible  to  the  prince. 

No  one  had  exercised  a  greater  influence  in  this  matter 
than  Jacques  Davy  du  Perron,  who  had  himself  seceded  from 
the  Protestant  faith,  in  which  he  had  been  educated  by  his 
zealous  parents.  He  was  a  man  of  universal  literary  accom- 
plishments ;  he  had  succeeded  well  even  in  poetical  attempts  ; 
his  philosophy  was  of  a  diversified  character,  and  his  convers- 
ation agreeable.     His  letters  exhibit  a  changeful  appearance 

*  "  Egli  avrebbe  voluto  prima  vincere  o  pacificarsi  con  i  Catholici,  e 
poi  abbracciar  la  loro  religione." — Galluzzi,  Storia  di  Toscana,  v.  156. 
An  authentic  account  of  the  communications  from  France  to  the  Grand 
Duke,  and  of  the  most  important  official  reports,  is  greatly  to  be  desired 
for  the  history  of  those  times.  Rommel  has  a  notice  of  the  mission  to 
Germany :  N   Hess.  Gesch  i 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  477 

of  flattery,  which  yet  has  nothing  obtrusive  in  it ;  it  was 
through  a  letter  in  which  there  was  a  happily-turned  phrase 
that  he  made  the  nearer  acquaintance  of  the  King.  Sully 
afterward  adopted  his  interests,  and  raised  him  from  one  de- 
gree of  favor  to  another. 

One  of  the  chief  arguments  with  which  the  King  was  soli- 
cited was  that  the  Romish  Church,  notwithstanding  all  its 
abuses,  still  remained  the  Church,  and  offered  the  means  of 
salvation.*  Even  Protestant  clergymen  who  had  come  from 
Geneva  confirmed  this  view  ;  others,  who  were  restricted  by 
the  political  state  of  affairs,  preferred  keeping  silence.  They 
were  acquainted  with  the  King's  inclination,  and  saw  the 
unavoidableness  of  the  step.  A  formal  disputation  they 
evaded,  for  even  though  they  should  be  victorious  they  would 
appear  as  if  conquered. 

Henry  IV.  was  terrified  when  the  denial  was  suggested  to 
him  of  a  whole  series  of  doctrines  which  he  had  hitherto  con- 
fessed, and  declined  to  subscribe  a  confession  of  faith  so  ex- 
tensive.! 

The  intention  appears  clearly  from  the  letter,  so  often  print- 
ed, which  he  wrote  on  the  23d  of  June  to  Gabriel  d'Estrees. 
He  had  arrived  at  St.  Denis  the  evening  before.  "  To  day," 
said  he,  "I  begin  to  converse  with  the  bishops ;  on  Sunday 
I  am  to  take  the  dangerous  leap." 

On  the  25th  of  June,  in  the  church  of  St.  Denis,  at  the  feet 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges,  Henry  declared  that  he  was 
willing  to  live  and  die  in  the  Roman  Apostolical  Catholic 
Church,  and  to  protect  and  defend  it.  Upon  this  the  Arch- 
bishop gave  him  absolution,  and  received  him  into  the  bosom 
of  the  Church. 

It  was  not  to  the  Church  persecuting  with  fire  and  sword 
that  Henry  went  over  ;  that  Church  would  have  rejected  him. 
It  was  the  doctrines  of  the  Royalist  clergy  to  which  he  ac- 

*  Aubigne,  Hist.  Univ.  iii.  291. 

t  "  II  dit  ä  Mr  du  Plessis,  que  luy  etant  presentee  a  signer  une  pro- 
fession de  foy,  en  laquelle  il  abjuroit  par  le  menu  tous  les  points  con- 
trovers  avec  les  Papistes  et  juroit  les  contraires,  il  en  eut  horreur  et  le 
refusa,  les  priant  de  se  contenter  qu'il  rentroit.  en  1'Eglise,  en  esperance 
de  la  balaier  un  jour  puisqu'il  seroit  dedans." — Vie  de  Duplessis-Mor- 
nay,  186. 


478  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

ceded,  and  it  was  that  party  which  accepted  him.  They 
consented  to  the  toleration  of  the  Huguenots,  which  was  the 
essence  of  the  event. 

Even  the  great  Catholic  nobles  who  surrounded  the  King 
promised  to  the  Huguenots  the  re-establishment  of  the  Edict  of 
Pacification,  which  had  been  suspended  by  the  League.  The 
King  summoned  the  deputies  of  the  Reformed  Churches,  and 
hinted  to  them  that  they  had  not  made  such  good  use  of  the 
favorable  moment  as  they  might  have  done.  "When  they  came 
together  in  September,  at  Nantes,  he  made  no  opposition  to 
their  renewing  the  oath  to  live  and  die  in  their  religion,  and 
at  the  same  time  a  commencement,  at  least,  was  made  toward 
reviving  the  Edict  of  Pacification. 

Had  Henry's  adoption  of  Catholicism  taken  place  earlier, 
it  would  have  been  productive  of  feebler  effect.  The  faction 
which  held  him  under  all  circumstances  to  be  disqualified, 
and  which  had  declared  him  incapable  of  ecclesiastical  abso- 
lution, had  been  much  too  strong  up  to  the  present  moment ; 
and  the  opinion  prevailed  even  among  the  so-called  third 
party,  that  the  King  must  be  a  person  who  had  never  belonged 
to  the  Huguenots.  The  general  bias  of  men's  minds  was  then 
in  favor  of  the  union  between  exclusive  Catholicism  and  civic 
liberty  under  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards,  whose  arms 
and  money  still  held  all  in  dependency  and  expectation.  The 
campaigns  against  Alexander  Farnese  would  not,  in  fact,  have 
had  a  more  successful  issue  had  Henry  been  a  Catholic. 

Now,  however,  that  great  general  was  no  more.  The  pecu- 
niary assistance  yielded  by  the  Spaniards  was  sparing  ;  their 
troops  were  removed  ;  their  previous  pretensions,  which  had 
been  encouraged  by  the  French  themselves,  were  now  felt  by 
them  to  be  intolerable.  They  began  to  regard  Henry  IV.  as 
the  champion  of  the  national  independency,  and  at  the  same 
time  as  their  rescuer  from  the  fearful  disorders  and  desolations 
of  war.  All  felt  once  more  the  necessity  for  a  strong  hereditary 
authority,  and  were  they  then  to  stumble  at  the  non-fulfillment 
of  all  that  was  required  by  the  strict  doctrine  ?  To  the  ma- 
jority of  men,  the  great  characteristics  of  doctrine  are  all  that 
is  perceptible,  and  the  essential  desideratum  consisted  in  the 
religious  change  considered  in  the  abstract. 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  479 

The  League  felt  from  the  first  moment  the  difficulty  of  the 
position  in  which  this  step  on  the  part  of  the  King  would 
place  it,  and  its  members  assembled  together  once  more. 
Under  the  guidance  of  the  Legate.  Mayenne,  Guise,  Aumale, 
Elboeuf,  La  Chastre,  Rosne,  St.  Paul,  the  Archbishop  Espinac, 
and  the  representatives  of  Mercosur,  bound  themselves  to  pre- 
serve their  union,  to  conclude  no  peace  with  "  Navarre,"  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  renew  the  war  against  him  as  soon  as 
the  Spanish  assistance  should  arrive,  and  they  should  have 
come  to  a  common  understanding  regarding  the  form  to  be 
given  to  the  monarchy.  But  this  was  now  no  longer  possible. 
Feria  and  the  Spaniards  remained  firm  in  the  intention  to 
call  Guise  to  the  throne.  Mayenne  could  not  be  induced  to 
approve  of  that  course.  Sometimes  he  made  objections  to  the 
person  of  his  nephew  ;  and  sometimes  he  advanced  claims  of 
his  own  which  never  could  be  fulfilled  ;  at  last  he  declared 
plainly  that  while  the  conflicting  claims  were  French  against 
French,  he  would  give  place  to  no  one. 

Feria  endeavored  to  raise  a  party  against  him,  between 
Guise  and  Aumale,  who  were  joined  by  Espinac  also,  but  this 
only  effected  the  entire  dissolution  of  the  confederacy. 

Nemours  endeavored  to  take  possession  of  Lyons  on  his  own 
account.  Mercosur  pursued  his  peculiar  policy  in  Brittany. 
Tassis  remarks  that  eveiy  governor  of  a  district  and  every 
commandant  of  a  castle  conducted  himself  as  if  he  were  king, 
and  appropriated  the  public  money,  and  that  the  same  was 
done  by  the  towns.  There  was  so  little  trace  of  consistency 
or  common  order  in  the  kingdom,  that  the  deputies  of  the 
States  in  Paris  had  no  other  means  of  support  but  the  pecu- 
niary supplies  of  the  Spaniards.* 

Under  these  circumstances,  Henry  IV.  refused  to  prolong 
the  truce.  If  we  call  to  mind  that  Mayenne  assigned  it  as 
his  motive  for  the  conclusion  of  the  truce,  the  fact  that  with- 
out it  the  union  could  no  longer  be  preserved,  we  may  esti- 
mate the  effect  which  this  step  must  have  had. 

The  war  broke  out  afresh.  Henry  was  by  far  the  more 
powerful  in  the  field.  The  League,  in  complete  ruin,  could 
make  no  defense  against  him.     What  further  remained  for 

*  "  Los  consejeros  han  de  comer  de  alii." — Papers  of  Simancas. 


480  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

those  endangered  by  his  progress,  or  to  the  ambitious  who 
wished  to  ascend  higher,  except  to  unite  themselves  with  the 
King,  against  whom  they  had  hitherto  contended  ? 

The  first  consequence  of  the  religious  change  was  that  it 
enabled  many  who  desired  to  go  over  to  Henry  to  do  so  now 
without  shame. 

Though  the  Protestantism  of  Henry  had  been  frequently 
but  a  mere  pretext  for  resistance,  yet  it  was  of  the  greatest 
advantage  to  him  that  that  pretext  was  now  removed.  Let 
us  not,  however,  contemplate  the  personal  aspects  of  the  ques- 
tion alone,  however  effective  they  may  have  been.  There 
were  many  who  regarded  submission  to  the  hereditary  and 
now  Catholic  King  as  the  only  means  of  putting  a  period  to 
the  confusion  of  the  country. 

The  first  distinguished  military  leader  who  resolved  to  go 
over  from  the  League  to  the  King,  was  a  man  who  had  left 
him  on  his  accession,  because,  as  he  said,  he  could  not  serve 
a  Huguenot.  He  now  declared  that  since  the  King  had  be- 
come a  Catholic,  there  was  no  longer  any  lawful  reason  to 
refuse  him  obedience,  and  that  to  make  war  against  him 
would  be  not  a  religious  movement,  but  an  act  of  ambition 
and  usurpation.*  This  was  Vitry,  the  governor  of  Meaux. 
The  town,  whose  keys  he  delivered  up,  followed  his  example 
voluntarily.  The  Spaniards  were  doubly  sensitive  to  the  loss 
of  this  place,  because  it  was  the  key  to  the  connection  be- 
tween Paris  and  the  Netherlands. 

The  next  to  follow  Vitry' s  example  was  one  of  the  most 
trusted  adherents  of  the  Guises,  La  Chastre,  who  delivered 
Orleans  and  Bourges  into  the  hands  of  Henry  IV.  He  as- 
signed it  as  his  reason  for  this  step,  that  the  inhabitants  were 
apprehensive  of  falling  under  foreign  dominion,  and  that  the 
maintenance  of  religion  was  now  secured.!  He  admonished 
Guise,  at  the  same  time,  no  longer  to  allow  himself  to  be  be- 
trayed by  foreigners. 

Feria  lays  the  blame  of  both  these  secessions  upon  May- 

*  Le  Manifeste  de  M.  de  Vitry,  Governeur  de  Meaux,  1594.  In  the 
preface  it  states  that  "  ce  scrupule  (de  religion)  cessant,  celuy  est  miser- 
able, vayne,  execrable,  qui  se  targue  de  ce  faux  pretexte. 

t  Compare  the  declaration  in  Bouille,  iv.  266. 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  481 

enne,  who  had  been  warned  in  vain,  and  who,  he  says,  might 
have  easily  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  Catholics  of  Orleans, 
had  he  wished,  but  instead  of  that  he  made  the  Bearnais 
King.* 

Lyons,  through  the  disunion  of  the  Leaguers,  soon  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Henry  IV.  The  Parliament  of  Aix  began  again 
to  deliver  legal  judgments  in  his  name.  The  Romish  court 
had  once  more  rejected  Henry's  declaration  of  obedience,  not 
without  official  harshness  :  this  did  not  prevent  the  French, 
however,  from  gathering  round  their  King.  His  coronation, 
which  took  place  at  Chartres  on  the  27th  of  February,  1594, 
was  performed  in  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  Rome  ;  for,  it  was 
said,  it  would  be  an  admission  which  would  render  the  rights 
of  the  Crown  doubtful,  were  this  ceremony  postponed  because 
the  absolution  of  the  Pope  had  not  been  granted.  Perhaps 
the  Pope  himself  was  not  altogether  so  displeased  with  this 
contempt  of  his  authority  as  he  appeared  ;  but  of  this  no  one 
in  the  country  had  any  suspicion,  and,  without  the  approval 
of  Rome,  the  provinces  made  known  their   consent   with 

Meanwhile  every  thing  was  prepared  in  the  capital  for  a 
great  alteration.  There  were  appointed  houses  in  the  differ- 
ent quarters,  where  the  adherents  of  the  King  assembled,  and 
concerted  the  measures  they  should  take,  and  even  the  man- 
ner in  which  they  should  express  themselves.  They  now 
found  a  hearing  even  among  the  people,  who  were  tired  of 
the  declamation  of  the  preachers,  and  could  not  live  longer 
without  peace.  But  that  peace,  it  was  said,  they  could  not 
have  without  acknowledging  the  King,  whose  power  prevailed 
all  over  the  land.  In  the  beginning  Henry  had  been  regarded 
almost  as  a  foreigner,  but  since  then  he  had  made  himself  the 

*  In  contradiction  to  what  has  been  narrated  by  others,  Feria  states 
that  the  secession  of  Vitry  was  but  little  felt  by  May  enne  :  "  Quedo  tan 
poco  disgustado  da  Vitri,  avendo  hecho  tan  grande  traicion,  que  despues 
della  embio  certas  joyas." 

t  Henry  describes  the  coronation  as  an  "  action  sainte,  ou  le  peuple 
constitue  beaucoup  d'efficace.  Toute  l'eglise  (a  ete)  pleine  de  peuple, 
qui  a  monstre,  par  trois  signes  d'allegresse,  toute  l'affection  qui  se  peut 
tesmoigner  envers  son  prince." — Lettre  ä  M.  de  Beauvoir,  1594,  dem. 
Fevr  :  Lettres  Missives,  iv.  101. 

X 


482  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

general  subject  of  conversation  by  his  gallant  actions  in  war. 
The  reputation  of  his  personal  qualities  was  widely  circulated. 
"  He  was  good  and  wise,  and  people  must  throw  themselves 
into  his  arms."  Fanatical  opinions,  whether  political  or 
religious,  resembled  mists,  which,  rising  suddenly,  conceal 
things  for  the  moment  from  the  eye,  hut  a  time  comes  when 
they  are  dissipated.  Mayenne  superseded  the  governor  of  the 
city,  who  had  associated  with  the  moderate  party,*  and  ap- 
pointed in  his  place  a  man  of  unsuspected  reputation  among 
the  Leaguers — the  same  Count  de  Brissac  who  had  taken  the 
lead  at  the  barricades ;  he  was,  however,  no  longer  so  com- 
pletely to  be  relied  upon  :  as  he  had  formerly  felt  himself 
neglected  by  Henry  III.,  so  did  he  now  by  the  Guises. f  In- 
stead of  resisting  the  general  movement,  he  yielded  to  it ;  and 
when  Henry  IV.  offered  to  create  him  a  marshal  of  France, 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  withdraw  from  that  party  to  the  forma- 
tion and  effectiveness  of  which,  he  asserted,  he  had  con- 
tributed most,  nor  to  unite  with  the  King.  The  civic  au- 
thorities had  an  understanding  with  him,  and  on  the  22d  of 
March,  1594,  Henry  was  able  to  enter  Paris  without  any 
opposition.  He  proceeded  through  the  streets  in  complete 
armor,  his  helmet  adorned  with  the  white  plumes  which  had 
become  so  renowned  in  his  battles,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous 
body  of  the  nobility,  and  surrounded  by  the  marksmen  of  his 
guard.  When  he  arrived  at  Notre  Dame,  the  populace 
crowded  round  him,  and  greeted  him  with  acclamations  a 
thousand  times  repeated.  It  sometimes  appeared  to  him  al- 
most like  a  dream,  that  this  long  wished-for  return  to  the 
capital,  which  he  had  so  often  sought  to  effect  hy  force  of 
arms,  should  at  length  be  accomplished  so  easily,  and  without 
effort ;  but  things  had  gradually  become  ripe  for  it.  He  made 
it  known  to  the  Spaniards  that  he  was  come  to  take  posses- 

*  Ibarra  adds,  that  Mayenne  had  been  requested  by  the  members  of 
the  States  who  were  still  present,  "  que  echasse  fuera  los  enemigos,  y 
meter  mas  gente  de  S.  Md."  (namely  Spaniards) ;  but  he  was  afraid  in 
that  case  that  he  would  cease  to  be  master. 

t  "  Pieno  di  occulto  dolore,"  Davila,  xiv.  909.  Commentarii :  "  In 
Poitou  la  maggior  parte  de'  gentilhuomini  si  misero  col  Duca  d'Elboeuf, 
havendo  lui  preso  con  consenso  di  cittadini  il  govcrno  di  Poitiers,  et 
exclusone  Brissac.'' 


RELIGIOUS  CHANGE  OF  HENRY  IV.  483 

sion  of  that  which  belonged  to  him,  that  the  people  had  re- 
called their  King.  Feria's  answer  was  not  without  dignity  : 
he  said  he  had  been  sent  to  protect  the  people,  but  since  the 
people  had  submitted,  he  would  leave  the  city  with  his  sol- 
diers, which  he  did  without  delay. 

One  of  Henry's  first  visits  was  to  the  Duchess  of  Montpen- 
sier,  who  was  looked  upon  as  his  bitterest  enemy.  She  was 
astonished  at  finding  so  much  favor  from  him,  but  Henry's 
principal  object  was  at  present  to  reconcile  the  Guises,  as 
well  as  the  house  of  Lorraine,  to  himself.  A  multitude  of  the 
fiercest  preachers,  Boucher  among  the  rest,  left  the  city  in 
company  with  the  Spaniards  ;  others  followed  them  volun- 
tarily, and  some  were  compelled  to  take  the  same  course.  In 
all  the  quarters  there  were  some  citizens  who  were  also 
obliged  to  abandon  the  capital,  but  to  all  the  rest  a  full 
amnesty  was  granted.  Instead  of  the  priestly  and  popular 
doctrines,  the  Royalist  opinions  were  now  expounded  and  en- 
forced once  more.  In  St.  Germain  l'Auxerrois  a  Royalist 
preacher,  named  Bellanger,  declared  the  former  teachers  to 
be  seducers  of  the  people  ;  he  spoke  especially  of  the  obedi- 
ence due  to  the  King,  and  designated  it  as  heresy  to  maintain 
the  contrary.  The  King  himself  was  present,  and  sat  directly 
opposite  to  the  preacher.* 

Villars,  at  Rouen,  now  no  longer  hesitated  to  make  his 
peace,  although  he  had  at  the  same  time  with  Brissac  been 
implicated  in  the  last  renewal  of  the  League  ;  he  also  received 
considerable  grants  of  money,  and  retained  the  dignity  of  an 
admiral,  which  had  been  transferred  to  him.  In  return  he 
exerted  himself  so  that  Rouen,  Havre,  and  a  number  of  towns 
besides,  acknowledged  the  King.  Henry  expressed  his  hopes 
that  the  pacification  of  the  whole  kingdom  would  result 
from  his  possession  of  the  beautiful,  extensive,  and  rich  pro- 
vince.t 

Paris,  Orleans,  and  Rouen  had  always  been  regarded  as 
the  three  chief  cities  of  the  League  ;  they  were  all  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  King.  The  cities  of  Picardy  soon  followed  them. 
It  happened  then  as  it  always  has  happened  in  France  :  a 

*  L'Estoile,  220. 

t  Henri  IV.  a  M.  de  Bourdeille,  31  Mars,  1594.    Lettr.  Miss.  iv.  130. 


484  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 

common  impulse  had  actuated  men  in  joining  the  League, 
another  now  led  them  back  to  obedience ;  no  one  could  ex- 
plain to  himself  the  reason  of  the  alteration  in  his  mind. 
This  universal  change  of  disposition  was  at  that  time  desig- 
nated by  the  word  Revolution. 


THE   END. 


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Life  of  Henry  IV., 

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Neander's  Life  of  Christ ; 

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Lives  of  Celebrated  British  Statesmen. 

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